14/07/2016

Insurers, Banks and Pensions Face Climate Change Risk: Institute

Bloomberg
  • Potential 'devastating risk' posed to investment portfolios
  • Banks should go green and pare ties to high carbon industries
The world's insurers, banks and pension funds are "inherently susceptible" to threats from climate change and must make adjustments, from shifting investment toward environmentally friendly industries to revamping strategies to reduce risk, said the Global Risk Institute.
"Climate change is a top priority that must be addressed systemically and without delay," concludes a report by the Toronto-based group that researches risks to the global financial services industry.
Climate change poses "a real and potentially devastating risk" to investment portfolios, including $35.4 trillion overseen by the world's pensions.
Global investment portfolios may lose up to 45 percent due to short-term shifts in climate sentiment, the institute said, citing a 2015 University of Cambridge study.
Half those losses could be avoided by reallocating portfolios, though half would be unhedgeable without system-wide action on climate change.
"To avoid financial liability and mitigate climate change-related risks, pension funds must diversify their portfolios across all sources of risk and increase allocations to low carbon technologies and green energy," the institute said.
Insurers, whose insurance losses from weather events swelled from an annual average of about $10 billion to around $50 billion in the past decade, face threats from physical events, risks tied to liability and "transition risk" from adjusting to a lower-carbon economy, the report said.
Climate change poses a direct risk to bank operations and lending, with real estate, infrastructure and agricultural businesses particularly threatened, the report said.
Banks should scale back exposure to "high carbon industries" and assets that may suffer in tackling climate change and pursue "new green opportunities" in commercial and investment banking, according to the report.

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93 Percent Of Public Companies Face Climate Risk; Only 12 Percent Have Disclosed It

ForbesJeff McMahon

Shutterstock

Almost all U.S. publicly traded companies face risk either from climate change itself or from the changes needed to fend it off, experts agreed Monday at the S&P Global offices in New York—but few companies have warned their investors.
Some executives seem to be in denial, while other executives may not have any idea how to assess climate risk, according to panelists convened by the international Task Force on Climate-related Financial Disclosures.
"If you look at the boards maybe they don't have the expertise to assess climate risk and opportunities," said Diane Larsen, Americas assurance markets leader for Ernst & Young. "So then this is about good governance. How do we get that expertise, how do we bring it on board?"
The Sustainability Accounting Standards Board (SASB) chaired by Michael Bloomberg reported in December that 93 percent of American public companies face some degree of climate risk, and only 12 percent have disclosed it.
The SASB report was overlooked by news organizations at the time, perhaps with so much news breaking from the Paris Climate Conference. Bloomberg himself was in Paris, announcing the formation of the Task Force on Climate-related Financial Disclosures, which he also chairs.
"Make no mistake, climate change means business," wrote SASB CEO Jean Rogers. "It affects 93 percent of the U.S. equity market, representing $33.8 trillion market capitalization. As we've said before, because climate risk is systemic and embedded across a portfolio, investors can't diversify away from it."
Those 93 percent of companies could face "transition risks" as the world shifts to a low-carbon economy, including declining revenues, stranded assets, asset write-downs, impairment charges, and changes in cash flow.
To prepare for those risks, investors need information on companies' future emissions profiles, capital-expenditure plans and risk-management plans, the panelists said. Investors need to know who is responsible for assessing risk at each company, how they're doing it, and how far they've gotten.
Mike Wilkens of S&P called on companies to prepare carbon stress tests, calculating revenues and cash flows under different emissions limits and carbon prices.
Among the companies that seem to be in denial, Wilkens singled out American oil majors. Unlike their European counterparts, some American oil companies continue to predict, at least publicly, that oil demand will continue to grow, he said.
"I'm not entirely sure what planet they're living on because clearly there is a second- or possibly third-generation renewables revolution happening at the moment," said Wilkins, the global head of environmental and climate risk research for S&P Global.
If the world is to limit global warming to 2ÂșC, then fossil fuel demand has to fall, added Mark Lewis, the head of European utilities equity research for Barclays.
"Over the next 25 years the global fossil fuel industry in our view would stand to lose $33 trillion of revenue compared with a business-as-usual scenario," Lewis said, citing a Barclay's analysis that also came out last December. Most of those lost revenues, he added, are oil revenues.
The use of fossil fuels for energy, transportation and industry accounts for about 70 percent of anthropogenic greenhouse gas emissions, Lewis said, so those sectors seem most vulnerable.
But climate risk is spread across the market, can come from unforseen directions, including storm damage and coastal flooding, and companies outside of the energy sector may be less prepared to assess it.
"I think the first step, in terms of baby steps, is to acknowledge the possibility that there is a risk or an opportunity out there—there could be opportunities," said Diane Larsen, "and then bake that into a process, you know, do an assessment, figure out what it means.
"There could be real significant financial impact to the organization, and the governance structure of that company needs to really understand that impact and when will that impact come home to roost."
If the companies don't do it, the panel suggested, it will get done another way.
"If you don't use a reasonable assumption for your climate policies and your climate risk, then the market will do it for you," Lewis said. "And then ultimately you're going to be at the mercy of the market, which most companies don't want to be."
The Dutch pension firm PGGM is shifting $20 billion in assets based on four "megatrends" that it believes will affect the value of companies going forward: climate change, water security, food security, and access to health care.
"We have started divesting from those companies with the highest carbon footprint," said Eloy Lindeijer, PGGM's chief of investment management, "and then reinvesting those funds on a country- and sector-neutral basis with those companies that have a better performance in that field."

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Australia’s Energy Sector Is In Critical Need Of Reform

The Conversation - 

Australia’s power policies still aren’t heading in quite the right direction. AAP Image/Mick Tsikas
Over the next few decades Australia, like many countries, faces the prospect of an energy transformation that will challenge every aspect of stationary and transport energy: from production, transmission and distribution to consumption and exports.
The ultimate imperative is to move our economy to a low-carbon footing, while ensuring that consumers don’t pay unnecessarily high costs. The COAG Energy Council, the decision-making body of federal and state energy and resources ministers, formally recognised the critical connection between energy and climate policy last July. Later that year the world’s governments brokered the Paris climate agreement, with Australia promising to cut emissions to 26-28% below 2005 levels by 2030.
Yet this need for wholesale transformation has emerged at a time when Australia’s policy structures are already struggling to maintain the delivery of affordable and reliable electricity, after the reforms of the 1990s lost momentum in the 2000s.
It also comes at the end of a three-year period in which the Coalition government’s actions to address these challenges made modest progress at best. Tony Abbott’s administration repealed the carbon price, wound back the Renewable Energy Target and established the Emissions Reduction Fund (ERF), which has contracted for more than 100 million tonnes of CO₂ emission reductions at less than A$14 per tonne. But it largely sidestepped the reforms needed to address emerging energy trends such as low demand growth, the rise of distributed wind power generation, the boom in domestic solar power and the dramatic growth of coal seam gas.
The upshot was that 2013-16 has left the energy industry with huge uncertainty about what is in store, at a time when it craves reassurance more than ever.
This leaves the new government with three key priorities. As elsewhere, its capacity to deliver will be constrained by the reality of the new parliament.
The first priority will be to build on its current climate change policy to create a stable, long-term approach that will lead the transition to a low-emissions economy. The government will be able to do this through a combination of administrative action and bipartisan support.
The second priority is to revive energy market reform through the COAG Energy Council. The third is to maximise the value of Australia’s gas resources and ensure continuity of supply.
These are not politically partisan issues but they do require galvanising cooperation across state and territory governments.
In addition, the government should develop a renewed reform agenda for the COAG Energy Council – one that addresses all these issues with a focus on outcomes, rather than being mired in process as it has been so far.

Climate policy
For most of this century Australia has lacked a credible, long-term climate policy. Instead we have had toxic debate, policy bonfires and a mishmash of unstable and unpredictable federal and state policies that have threatened industry investment, not to mention the environment itself.
Existing government policy (the ERF and its new safeguard mechanism, plus the reduced Renewable Energy Target) is likely to be enough to meet Australia’s 2020 emissions target – a 5% reduction on 2000 levels by 2020 – but far from enough to meet the stronger 2030 target, or indeed to get us to zero net emissions thereafter.

An economy-wide carbon market is the best way to cut emissions and meet Australia’s targets without excessive cost to the economy. But in the absence of the political will to implement this, we must work with what we have.
The government should therefore strengthen the safeguard mechanism, which puts pollution limits on 140 of Australia’s biggest-emitting businesses, so that it becomes an effective market mechanism. This approach has the potential to gain the bipartisan support that energy companies seek as they consider investments in long-lived assets.
Technologies that might produce plentiful low-emission electricity will still be expensive and risky in the short term. To overcome these market barriers, the government will need to expand its existing clean energy research funding to reduce the costs of moving to a low-emissions economy.

Electricity reform
Energy market reform began in the early 1990s but stalled in the 2000s. Privatisation became politicised and governments baulked at introducing electricity prices that more closely reflect the costs of producing power. Meanwhile, prices climbed by 60% in real terms for all customers.
The government should work through the COAG Energy Council to push for network privatisation and tariff reform, with the goal of delivering fairer and cheaper electricity bills.
In reforming power networks, two issues come first.
The process for defining the costs that networks can recover from customers takes too long and encourages networks to overspend. It must be overhauled.
Second, governments must decide who will pay for surplus network infrastructure that was built to meet overly cautious reliability standards and exaggerated demand forecasts. This “gold-plating” is one of the main causes of power price rises over the past decade.

Network infrastructure has been built to meet the peak demand that occurs only once every summer in most states, yet customers are charged on their year-round use. Pricing to reflect the cost of meeting this peak would make electricity prices fairer and cheaper for all consumers in the long term.
Federal and state governments have agreed to introduce new network tariffs from the start of 2017. But progress is slow, as the losers from policy changes have loud voices that have deterred risk-averse state ministers.
This lack of tariff reform is one of the factors (alongside the large subsidies on offer) that have prompted so many Australian households to install solar panels. By our analysis, the benefits have fallen far short of the costs so far.
Yet as solar panels and battery storage continue to get cheaper, cost-reflective network tariffs will encourage consumers to combine them fairly and effectively.
Since its creation in 1998, the National Electricity Market has helped to provide affordable, reliable and secure electricity supplies. But now it faces new challenges that were not envisaged when it was established.
Thanks to the surge in household solar and other factors, more and more electricity is now generated at zero or even negative marginal cost. A similar situation in European markets has led to serious financial losses for major energy companies in Germany. This is forcing governments in Britain, Germany and elsewhere to introduce supplementary markets for generation capacity even if it is not used.
Although Australia is not yet in this situation, the government should initiate a review of the National Electricity Market to avoid such threats arising.

Gas markets
Opening the east coast domestic gas market to international buyers has pushed up prices. These pressures are exacerbated by the lack of progress toward a transparent and liquid wholesale market and by patchwork regulation of unconventional extraction such as fracking.
The government should lead the implementation of recommendations from the recent Australian Competition and Consumer Commission’s East Coast Gas Inquiry to create a more effective and efficient market. Reverting to protectionism by reserving a proportion of gas for domestic use is not the answer; in the long run this would reduce the availability of domestic gas and drive up prices, while also reducing export revenue.

Fixing the COAG Energy Council
A recent review of how Australia’s energy markets are governed identified problems with the COAG Energy Council and the operation of the government agencies that implement its decisions.
In a way this serves as a neat illustration of the problems facing the government if it is going to get energy policy right. Governance, rules, regulations and policy settings are desperately dry issues. But if Australia gets them right, the problems people really care about – like expensive energy bills and climate change – will be much easier to solve.

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Post Poll: Climate & Energy Leadership Needed To Repair Trust & Seize Opportunities

Climate Institute



It is time for federal politicians to show leadership on climate change, not just because it is urgent and the vast majority of Australians, as well as mainstream business, see it as necessary, but because its politicisation is one of the main issues that have eroded public trust in our political process, The Climate Institute said today.
“It is critical that both major parties now act on community and business calls for maturity and leadership on climate and energy policy,” said Climate Institute CEO, John Connor. “Allowing climate and clean energy reforms to succumb to extreme views in the Senate, or to be relegated to the too hard basket, would be gross recklessness for Australia and is entirely avoidable.”
“The overwhelming majority of Australians, including Coalition and regional citizens, grasp the economic, social and environmental opportunities of tackling climate change and reforming the energy sector,” he said. “Politicians, business and the public can and must work better together to achieve solid, constructive progress that will be for the betterment and safety of our country.”
National polling in early June showed two thirds of Australians want our country to be a world leader in finding solutions to climate change, the highest since 2008. An overwhelming majority also think tackling climate change will create opportunities for jobs and investment. Concern about climate change among Coalition voters surged 50 per cent since the 2013 election from 41 to 62 per cent. Concern among regional Australians jumped from 48 per cent to 73 per cent. Tellingly, a mere 17 and 20 per cent of Australians think The Coalition and Labor, respectively, have effective plans to tackle climate change. Only 26 and 27 per cent of voters trust that Malcolm Turnbull and Bill Shorten, respectively, are concerned about addressing climate change.
“Mainstream business has joined welfare, environment and union groups in urging the integration of climate and energy policies, recognising the need for net zero emissions while citing legitimate concerns about international competitiveness and highlighting the costs of piecemeal action,” Connor said. “While this election has delivered a challenging Parliament, it hasn’t delivered an excuse for inaction – it has delivered a stark choice between a perhaps surprising political centre, including mainstream business, and extreme views on climate action.”
The Institute’s research during the 2016 election found that four out of the five lower house crossbenchers support credible climate action, with Bob Katter at least supportive of renewable energy projects. Like the Nick Xenophon Team, Derryn Hinch supports 2030 emission reduction targets recommended by the Climate Change Authority and a target of 50 per cent renewable energy by 2030. Hinch also supports a plan for the phase-out of coal-burning power before 2035, making sure affected workers and communities are supported in the transition.
“It is a matter of fact that The Coalition, Labor, The Greens and Nick Xenophon Team now all support emissions trading and renewable energy, albeit to varying degrees,” Connor said. “Labor and the Greens have stronger policies, but both Labor and the Coalition share support for the Paris climate agreement’s goals of net zero emissions and keeping global warming well below 2 degrees, as well as the pursuit of the optimal 1.5°C goal.”
“As we recommended in our election assessment, The Coalition and Labor can move to close the gap between their policy positions and the expectations of the community and business with three steps: 1) Pre 2050 net zero emission objectives, with credible emission reduction pathways and regular independent processes of review; 2) Economic and community strategies to manage the transition to decarbonisation, and; 3) Integration of climate risks and opportunity assessments into core decision making.”
“Australia has a 2017 federal climate policy review that provides the opportunity for an inclusive, evidence-based, solutions-driven process. Meanwhile, investors, leading businesses and the states and territories should not allow themselves to be left behind in the accelerating global shift to clean energy and innovative, net zero and below economies,” Connor said. “Australians wants real, credible action on climate change - delay by our politicians will further erode Australia’s prosperity and safety, as well as public trust.”

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