05/09/2016

Watch the Arctic’s Oldest Sea Ice Disappear Over the Last 25 Years

The Climate Reality Project

The climate is changing. We know that. But in the Arctic, climate change is in overdrive —  it's warming twice as fast as the rest of the world, on average. 

One of the most obvious indicators of our warming world is melting Arctic sea ice. According to preliminary data, Arctic sea ice set a record low every day (every single day!) in May. And in June, we set an astonishing record. Arctic sea ice covered a full 100,000 square miles less ocean than the previous record low, and it was 525,000 square miles below the 1981-2010 long-term average. That's incredible.
Check out this video from the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA) that shows how — and why — Arctic sea ice has changed over the last 25 years.


Let's back up. What is Arctic sea ice exactly?

Simply put, sea ice is frozen water from the ocean. It forms there and melts there, unlike icebergs and glaciers (which emerge on land and can float in the ocean). Arctic sea ice plays an important role in the global climate system.
But how? Well, sea ice is bright and reflective: 80 percent of the sunlight that hits it is reflected back into space. But when sea ice melts, the dark ocean surface is exposed which, by contrast, absorbs 90 percent of the sunlight striking it. And when oceans become warmer, more sea ice melts, and suddenly you have a dangerous and powerful positive feedback loop — a runaway train.

So, what's going on?
Thirty or so years ago, the sea ice in the Arctic Ocean was mostly old, thick ice that survived year-round. It was surrounded by seasonal ice that was much younger, thinner, and more vulnerable to changing temperatures. But with climate change, more and more Arctic sea ice hasn't lasted long enough to withstand warming summers — and that puts the entire Arctic at risk to melting, causing sea levels to rise and ice to  retreat in a big, big way. That's not good for the Arctic, and it's not good for the planet.

But wait. Here's the real kicker.
We know that when we burn dirty fossils, harmful greenhouse gases like carbon dioxide are released into our atmosphere. Because of that, the climate is changing, sea and land ice is melting, and sea levels are rising.
But Big Oil may be able to profit off of melting sea ice — a disaster of their own making. 
Melting sea ice makes parts of the Arctic Ocean accessible that once were not, opening up new offshore drilling opportunities for at least 90 billion barrels of crude oil. But, climate impacts notwithstanding, drilling in the Arctic is a particularly risky endeavour. Huge, moving icebergs, strong winds and big waves, along with colder temperatures during the winter, make spills more likely as well as more difficult to clean up.

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Climate Change Authority Special Review: Minority Report

Climate Council

Last week, the Climate Change Authority (CCA) published its report on how Australia should deliver on its international climate commitments.
The Climate Council criticised the report for accepting Australia's current 2030 emissions reduction targets – rather than the action required to limit global warming to less than two degrees – as the basis for its recommendations.
Today, two Climate Change Authority members – climate scientist Prof. David Karoly and economist Prof. Clive Hamilton – have published a minority report in response to what they say are major flaws in the CCA report.

Media Release
Climate Change Authority members publish minority report
TWO members of the Australia's independent Climate Change Authority have criticised a report published by the Authority on Wednesday, warning that the actions recommended in the report are manifestly inadequate to meet Australia's international obligations.
Climate scientist Professor David Karoly and economist Professor Clive Hamilton have taken the unprecedented step of publishing a minority report in response to what they say are major flaws within the CCA report.
The report accepted as the basis for its recommendations Australia's current 2030 emissions reduction target rather than recommending action consistent with the goal of limiting global warming to well below 2°C. Professor Karoly said the recommendations of the majority report were a recipe for further delay in responding to the urgent need to reduce Australia's greenhouse gas emissions.
"Even if Australia reduces its emissions by 28 per cent by 2030 as our current targets dictate, more than 90% of Australia's current carbon budget will be used up by then," he said.
"To meet the budget constraint, Australia's emissions would have to decline steeply from the current 2030 target and reach net zero by 2035. This is clearly impossible and means that the majority report, by accepting the government's targets, lacks credibility.
"Put simply, the actions recommended in the report will not put Australia on a path to playing its role in limiting global temperature rise to less than 2°C." "The majority report gives the impression that Australia has plenty of time to implement measures to bring Australia's emissions sharply down," Professor Clive Hamilton said.
"This is untrue and dangerous. Given this, we felt we had no choice but to write our own report."
The minority report:
● Argues for the adoption of a carbon budget as the basis of all of Australia's climate policies, as recommended by the Climate Change Authority itself in 2015. (A carbon budget specifies the upper limit of Australia's total emissions between now and 2050.)
● Calls for a cap-and-trade emissions trading scheme for electricity and other sectors with the option for an emissions-intensity baseline in the electricity sector.
● Urges consideration of the closure of selected brown-coal power plants through a bidding process, with closure payments funded by a mandatory charge on other generators.
● Calls for an increase in the Renewable Energy Target so that renewables account for 65% of electricity generation in 2030.
● Recommends abolition of the Emissions Reduction Fund, while supporting the Carbon Farming Initiative.
Professor Karoly said that the majority report fails to meet the Review's terms of reference.
"It makes recommendations that are not soundly based on climate science," he said.
Professor Hamilton said it was disappointing that the majority report had chosen to frame its recommendations around what is seen to be politically possible rather than what needs to be done to protect the nation.
"The evidence suggests that most Australians want stronger action on climate change, and we hope that policy makers are not spooked by the fear campaigns of the recent past. Climate change is too big and too important," he said.

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Ancient Carbon Seeping From Permafrost Could Set Off Climate-Change Bomb

Toronto Star -  
A study published in Nature Geoscience confirms gases locked away in the permafrost are being released, but the amounts are still small. 
This NASA image released July 19, 2016 shows sea ice across the Arctic Ocean, shrinking to below-average levels this summer.  (HANDOUT / AFP/Getty Images)
Researchers have confirmed the widespread release of ancient carbon from melting Arctic permafrost in what could be the lit fuse on a climate-change bomb.
A paper published this week in Nature Geoscience has released the first measurements of greenhouse gases from permafrost under Arctic lakes. But while the study confirms those gases locked away in ice for thousands of years are seeping free, it concludes the amounts are not yet large.
“It’s a lit fuse, but the length of that fuse is very long,” said lead author Katey Walter Anthony of the University of Alaska.
“According to the model projections, we’re getting ready for the part where it starts to explode. But it hasn’t happened yet.”
Scientists have long known that permafrost contains vast quantities of carbon in dead plants and other organic material, about twice as much as the entire atmosphere. Now, that permafrost is melting more quickly as the Arctic warms up faster than anywhere else on Earth.
The melt often takes place in Arctic lakes where liquid water thaws long-frozen soil. The material released is digested by tiny bugs and turned into carbon dioxide and methane.
“I’ve been walking on these lakes when they were frozen for a very long time,” said Walter Anthony.
“I would go out after the ice formed, look at the lake ice surface and see bubbles. I observed that bubbles are most dense and largest along the edge, where the margins were expanding, where the permafrost was thawing.”
Her observation led to three questions: Were the bubbles generated by melting permafrost? If so, was the permafrost releasing ancient, long-dormant carbon? And, if so, how much?
Researchers looked at lakes in Alaska and Siberia, as well as data from Canada. They used aerial photographs and other information to measure how the area had changed over the last 60 years.
They found that, across the Arctic, the amount of gas being released from a lake was directly related to its expansion. The more permafrost was melted around the water’s edge, the bigger the lake became, and the more greenhouse gases were released.
The team captured some of those gases and subjected them to radiocarbon dating. They found the gases had been generated from carbon stored for anywhere between 10,000 and 30,000 years.
It was the answer to the final question that most surprised Walter Anthony.
Climate scientists have long predicted a spike in the release of such long-dormant carbon. But if that’s true, it isn’t happening yet.
“Today, the permafrost-carbon feedback is pretty small,” she said.
Models suggest that over the next 90 years, greenhouse gas releases from permafrost will be 100 times higher than the levels Walter Anthony measured.
“I believe it will (happen), but when are we going to start seeing that?” she asked.
The increasingly warmer Arctic may eventually reach a permafrost-carbon tipping point, Walter Anthony suggested.
The stakes are high. Scientists estimate there are more than 1,400 petagrams of old carbon stored in permafrost. Each petagram is a billion tonnes.
“There’s a lot of interest in what the fate of that permafrost carbon is.”

A 'Fourth Way' In Cutting Carbon Emissions

Fairfax - Ross Gittins

Power plants in Victoria's Latrobe Valley: Brown and black coal generators will have to buy offset credits from combined-cycle gas, wind and solar generators. Photo: Paul Jones
Just as they say, there's more than one way to skin a cat, so there are a lot of ways to reduce greenhouse gas emissions and "decarbonise" the economy. We've tried three ways so far, and now we may try a fourth.
The Rudd government tried to introduce an emissions trading scheme in 2009, but it was blocked in the Senate when the Greens joined the Tony Abbott-led opposition in voting it down.
When the Greens came to their senses, the Gillard government introduced a carbon tax in 2012, which it preferred to refer to euphemistically as "a price on carbon".
When Abbott came to power in 2013, he abolished the carbon tax and replaced it with "direct action" - using an emissions reduction fund to pay farmers and others to cut their greenhouse gas emissions.
But this week the government's Climate Change Authority recommended that the fund be supplemented by imposing an "emissions intensity scheme" on the nation's generators of electricity, so we could be sure of achieving the commitments the Abbott government made at the Paris climate conference last year.
Confused? Let me explain how an emissions intensity scheme would work and how it differs from its three predecessors. I think, given all the circumstances, it would be an improvement.
All four approaches are "economic instruments" which seek to use prices - rather than simple government laws about what we may and may not do - to encourage people to change their behaviour in ways the government desires.
Direct action just involves paying people to do things, whereas the other three are more sophisticated schemes, designed years ago by economists, to change market prices in ways that discourage some activities and encourage others.
Historically, economists have debated the relative merits of carbon taxes and emissions trading schemes, even though they are close relations.
If you look closely, however, you find that Julia Gillard's "price on carbon" was actually a hybrid of the two. It started out as a carbon tax because the government fixed the initial price at $23 a tonne.
Illustration: Glen LeLievre
But the plan was that after a couple of years, the price would be set free to be determined by the market, thus turning it into a trading scheme.
An emissions trading scheme - also called a "cap and trade" scheme - involves the government setting a limit on the total quantity of carbon emissions it's prepared to let producers emit, then requiring individual producers to acquire a permit for each tonne of carbon they let loose.
Producers who discover they're holding more permits than they need are allowed to sell them to (trade them with) producers who discover they're not holding enough.
The government would slowly reduce the number of permits it issued each year. This reduction in the supply of permits relative to the demand for them would force up their price.
The higher cost would be reflected in the retail prices of emissions-intensive goods and services, but particularly the prices of electricity and natural gas.
This, in turn, would encourage businesses and households to use energy less wastefully, as well as encouraging producers to find ways of reducing emissions during the production process.
The third scheme economists have invented, the emissions intensity scheme (a class of "baseline and credit" schemes), has similarities with emissions trading schemes.
The government takes the total emissions of an industry - in this case, the electricity industry - during a year and divides it by the industry's total production of electricity during the year, measured in megawatt hours, to give the industry's average "emissions intensity" - C0₂ per MWh.
Those producers within the industry whose emissions intensity exceeds this "baseline" must buy "credits" to offset their excess emissions, from those producers whose intensity is below the baseline, or face government penalties.
In practice, this would mean brown and black coal generators having to buy offset credits from combined-cycle gas, wind and solar generators, benefiting the latter at the expense of the former.
The Climate Change Authority recommends that the intensity baseline be reduced each year by a fixed percentage until it reaches zero "well before" 2050.
If the scheme began in 2018 and was to reach zero by, say, 2040, the baseline would have to be reduced by 4.5 per cent a year (100 divided by 22).
So the absolute size of the reduction in emissions required would be high in the early years, but get smaller over time.
A great political attraction is, whereas the other schemes raise the price of every unit of electricity, the intensity scheme just shifts costs between different parts of the industry, meaning the average price increase should be small.
There would be some price rise, however, because the production costs of renewable generators are higher than those for fossil-fuel generators, and the scheme would increase the proportion of renewable energy in total production.
Just how high the price had to go would depend to a big extent on the effects of further economies of scale and further advances in technology in reducing the average cost of producing renewable energy.
An economic advantage of the intensity scheme is that it wouldn't be open to trading permits with other countries' emissions trading schemes (especially the European Union's, where the carbon price has collapsed) nor to dodgy emissions credits from developing countries.
The main economic drawback of an intensity scheme is that, by not doing a lot to raise the price of electricity, it wouldn't do much to encourage businesses and households to reduce their demand for electricity.
To counter this, the authority proposes that generators needing to buy offset credits be allowed to meet their requirements by purchasing "white certificates" from existing state government schemes which offer incentives to firms that do things to reduce their power use.
Let's hope the new approach brings some action.

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Climate Change Authority Divided Over Emissions Reduction

FairfaxMark Ludlow

The battle to cut carbon emissions is heating up. Pat Scala
A split has emerged inside the government's main climate advisor between two members advocating a doubling of the target for cuts in carbon emission and the rest who last week accepted the existing target of a 26 to 28 per cent cut by 2030.
The dissenting report of the Climate Change Authority, to be released on Monday, also calls for dirty brown coal power stations to be closed down through a bidding process funded by a mandatory charge on other generators.
Energy Minister Josh Frydenberg – who last week poured cold water on the CCA majority report which said an emissions trading scheme would be needed to achieve the existing 2030 target – is unlikely to back the more radical plan.
But pressure from the Greens for bigger cuts could encourage the energy sector and business community to lock in a political compromise that will be accepted by both the Coalition and the ALP.
The two dissidents, economists Clive Hamilton and climate scientist David Karoly, said the CCA's report had failed to meet the terms of reference set by the federal government.
"Overall we view the majority report as a recipe for further delay in responding to the urgent need to reduce Australia's greenhouse gas emissions," the minority report said.
"We regret that a consensus report has not been possible but feel that in good conscience we cannot lend our names to the majority report. After consideration, we have therefore decided to write a minority report."
Professor Karoly said the majority report – which was backed by the eight other board members including chair Wendy Craik and industry boss Kate Carnell – "lacked credibility".
"Even if Australia reduces its emissions by 28 per cent by 2030 as our current targets dictate, more than 90 per cent of Australia's current carbon budget will be used up by then," he said.
"Put simply, the actions recommended in the report will not put Australia on a path to playing its role in limiting global temperature rise to less than 2 degrees celsius".
They said the CCA should have stuck to its previous recommendation of a 40 to 60 per cent reduction in carbon emissions by 2030.
Instead of an emissions intensity trading scheme, the dissent report has backed a cap and trade scheme and the abolition of the $2.5 billion Emissions Reduction Fund, saying it was a waste of money.
The CCA board was overhauled late last year and the majority report – which recommended an emissions intensity trading scheme for the electricity sector within the existing Direct Action framework – has been seen as providing a pathway forward for the Turnbull government.
But Professor Hamilton said it was disappointing the majority report had chosen to frame its recommendations around what was politically possible rather than what needs to be done to protect the nation.
 "The evidence suggests that most Australians want stronger action on climate change and we hope that policy makers are not spooked by the fear campaigns of the recent past. Climate change is too big and too important," he said.
CCA chair Dr Craik last week defended the majority report saying she believed it met the terms of reference set by the federal government.
"We believe we have. The authors stand by the report," she said.
The Business Council of Australia last week backed a move towards an ETS which industry is hoping will be adopted as part of the federal government's review of climate policies next year.
Minerals Council of Australia chief executive Brendan Pearson said the CCA majority report was a good starting point, but he stopped short of formally backing the market-based emissions intensity scheme.
He described the dissenting report as a "childish dummy spit" saying its recommendations would undermine wider support for climate change policies.
"There are good reasons why the Climate Change Authority rejected these proposals – they would drive the economy into the ground, destroy jobs across the country and as a result actually reduce public support for action to address climate change," he told The Australian Financial Review.
"The CCA [majority] report is a good primer for a national policy discussion. The bottom line must be that we must keep energy affordable and reliable as we reduce our emissions footprint. The best way to do that is to adopt a technology neutral approach. No energy source should be ruled out, including new super-efficient coal plants and nuclear power."

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