National Public Radio - Adam Frank*
For some time now, I've been writing about the need to broaden our thinking about climate.
That includes our role in changing it — and the profound challenges
those changes pose to our rightly cherished "project" of civilization.
Today, I want to sharpen the point.
But first, as always, let's be clear: We have not gotten
the science wrong. The Earth's climate is changing because of human
activity. That part has been well-established for awhile now, in spite
of the never ending — and always depressing — faux "climate debate" we get in politics.
But the part of climate change we've failed to culturally metabolize is the meaning of what's happening to us and the planet.
In
other words, what we don't get is the true planetary context of the
planetary transformation human civilization is driving. Getting this
context right is, I think, essential — and I'm dedicating most of the
year to writing a book on the subject. The book's focus is what I
believe should be a new scientific (and philosophical) enterprise: the
astrobiology of the Anthropocene.
I meet a lot of folks who've
heard of both astrobiology and the Anthropocene before. In general,
however, lots of people look at me a bit sideways when I use either
word, much less lump them together as the future of humanity.
Given that experience, let's start with a couple of definitions.
A trip to NASA's astrobiology homepage
will tell you the field is all about understanding life in its
planetary context. It might seem strange to have an entire scientific
domain dedicated to a subject for which we have just one example (i.e.
life on Earth). But take that perspective and you'd miss the spectacular
transformation astrobiology has brought to our understanding of life
and its possibilities in the universe.
All those planets we've
discovered orbiting other stars are part of astrobiological studies. The
robot rovers rolling around Mars proving that the planet was once warm
and wet — they are astrobiology, too. The same is true for work on
Earth's deep history. These studies show us that Earth has been many
planets in its past: a potential water world before major continents
grew; a totally glaciated snowball world; a hothouse jungle planet. In
understanding these transformations, we've gotten to see one example of
life and a planet co-evolving over billions of years.
If
you want an example, consider how cyanobacteria, or blue-green algae,
completely reworked the planet's atmosphere 2.5 billion years ago giving
us the oxygen-rich air we breathe today. Another example is the work
showing how after the retreat of Ice Age glaciers, Earth entered a warm,
wet and climatically stable period that geologists call the Holocene —
about 10,000 years ago.
The Holocene has been a good time for human civilization to emerge
and thrive. The seasons have been pretty regular, moving between
relatively mild boundaries of hot-ish and cold-ish. That transition was
the key change and allowed humans to get stable and productive
agriculture started.
But, thanks to civilization, the Holocene is now at an end. That's where the story gets really interesting and where the Anthropocene makes its entrance.
Scientists
now recognize that our impact on Earth has become so significant we've
pushed it out of the Holocene into the Anthropocene, an entirely new
geological epoch dominated by our own activity (see Andy Revkin's reporting on the subject). And it's not just about climate change. Human beings have now "colonized" more than 50 percent of the planet's surface. And we drive flows of key planetary substances, like potassium, far above the "natural" levels.
It
may seem impossible to some folks that a bunch of hairless "primates"
could change an entire planet. But that view misses the most important
part of our story, the part that speaks directly to our moment in
planetary evolution.
What I'm interested in, now, is putting
these two ideas together: the astrobiology of the Anthropocene. That
means looking at what's happening to us today from the broadest possible
perspective. A couple of years ago, my colleague Woody Sullivan and I
published a paper
titled "Sustainability and the Astrobiological Perspective: Framing
Human Futures in a Planetary Context." The idea was to show how much of
what's been learned in astrobiology could be brought to bear in
understanding what's happening to us now (a'la climate change, etc.).
Going further, we wanted to know how the astrobiological perspective
about life and planets might also help us understand what to do next.
(Here is a piece I wrote for The New York Times about it, since the paper is behind a pay wall.)
Our
robotic probes of Venus and Mars provide one good example of this
intersection. Both planets have taught us about climate extremes. Venus
is a runaway greenhouse world and Mars is freezing desert. Venus taught
us a huge amount about the greenhouse effect. Even better, we have ample
evidence that Mars was once a warm, wet and potentially habitable
world. That means Mars provides us a laboratory for how planetary
climate conditions can change.
So why does that matter so much?
Astrobiology
is fundamentally a study of planets and their "habitability" for life.
But sustainability is really just a concern over the habitability of one
planet (Earth) for a certain kind of species (homo sapiens) with a
certain kind of organization (modern civilization). That means our
urgent questions about sustainability are a subset of questions about habitability.
The key point, here, is the planets in our own solar system, like Mars,
show us that habitability is not forever. It will likely be a moving
target over time. The same idea is likely true for sustainability — and
we are going to need a plan for that.
Woody and I are not the only ones thinking about astrobiology and the Anthropocene. David Grinspoon,
a highly-respected planetary scientist has also been pursuing his own
line of inquiry on the issue. As the Library of Congress's chair of
astrobiology, Grinspoon began exploring his questions with experts in
fields as diverse as history and ecology. His new book The Earth In Our Hands gives
a beautiful and detailed overview of the ways we must change our
thinking if we want to truly understand the transformation in our midst.
Thinking about the astrobiology of the Anthropocene in terms of just our
species is, I think, a rich line of inquiry. But I think we can go even
further. In the last part of my book I'm following a line of research
that is also the focus on my sabbatical year.
As a theoretical
physicist, I'm used to watching colleagues take the science we
understand now and extend it to new possible domains of behavior. This
is what happens when particle physicists think about new, but as yet
unobserved, kinds of particles. Such theoretical investigations can
prove enormously beneficial in widening our vision of the world's
behavior.
There is no reason we can't take the same approach
with the astrobiology of the Anthropocene. Earlier this year, Woody and I
used the amazing exo-planet data (and some very simple reasoning) to
set an empirical limit
on the probability that we are the only time in cosmic history that an
advanced civilization evolved. It turns out the probability is pretty
low — one in 10 billion trillion. In other words, one can argue
that the odds are very good that we're not the first time this —
meaning an energy intensive civilization — has occurred. With that idea
in hand, you can take a theoretical jump and ask a simple question: How
likely is it that other young civilizations like our own have run into
the kind of sustainability crisis we face today?
We know enough
about planets and climate to begin investigating that question. In our
2014 paper, Woody and I presented an outline for this kind approach. One
can ignore science fiction issues about alien sociology and just ask
physics — i.e. thermodynamic — kinds of questions.
If young
civilizations use some particular energy modality (combustion, wind,
solar, etc.) what will the feedback on their planet look like? (By the
way, as we've discussed before, there is always a planetary feedback
when using lots of energy for large-scale civilization building. No free
lunches folks. Sorry).
Woody and I sketched out the kind of
behaviors you might expect from this kind of modeling. Considering just
population, energy use and planetary feedback, one can imagine models
showing trajectories of history that lead to collapse or to
sustainability.
Which path a civilization finds itself on will
depend on the parameters for their planet and the energy modalities
(sources) they're using (or switching between). Of course, the models I
am building are not reality. But they can prove to be a huge help in
understanding the interplay of forces that shape the fate of
planetary-scale civilizations like ours. In the end, this kind of
understanding can help us at least understand what we're up against. Are
we doomed, or is there a lot wiggle room in the choices we have to
make?
The key point, for me, is that consideration of the
astrobiology of the Anthropocene changes the frame of our debate and
lets us see something we have been missing. We're not a plague on the
planet. Instead, we are simply another thing the Earth has done in its
long history. We're an "expression of the planet," as Kim Stanley Robinson
puts it. It's also quite possible that we are not the first
civilization is cosmic history to go through something like this. From
that perspective, climate change and the sustainability crises may best
be seen as our "final exam" (as Raymond PierreHumbert calls it). Better yet, it's our coming of age as a true planetary species.
We will either make it across to the other side with the maturity to "think like a planet"
or the planet will just move on without us. That, I believe, is the
real meaning of what's happening to us now. It's a perspective we can't
afford to miss.
*Adam Frank is a co-founder of the 13.7 blog, an astrophysics
professor at the University of Rochester, a book author and a
self-described "evangelist of science."
Links
02/10/2016
The Lights Go Out In SA And Turnbull Flicks The Switch To Peak Stupid
The Guardian - Lenore Taylor
The PM ridiculed state renewable targets after the South Australian blackout, the very targets he has to achieve to meet his own emissions promises
Now Malcolm Turnbull has encouraged the campaign to use the South Australian blackout to slow the shift to clean energy, saying state renewable energy targets are "extremely unrealistic".
Except all the evidence says the state targets are exactly what Australia needs to meet the promises the prime minister made in Paris last year about reducing greenhouse gases.
Of course it would be preferable to have a consistent national policy to reach those goals, but it's not exactly the states' fault that we haven't got one.
That vacuum was Tony Abbott's proud achievement, with the abolition of the carbon price and the winding back of the federal renewable energy target, after a lengthy debate about whether it should be abolished altogether, which of course dried up almost all investment in renewable energy.
And consistent, credible national policy hasn't been any more evident in the year since Turnbull took over either.
His own officials admitted in a Senate inquiry this week they had undertaken no modelling at all about how to meet the target Turnbull pledged in Paris for reducing Australia's emissions out to 2030. That's the target he is about to ratify, the target that will be Australia's legal obligation.
But plenty of others have done modelling and analysis for him, and they all conclude that he won't meet it, not with the Coalition's current policies.
They all say he will have to introduce significant new policies, including to shift electricity generation away from coal and towards renewables more quickly.
In fact they all conclude that the state targets he so ridicules (Victoria's 40% renewables by 2025, South Australia's 50% by 2025, Queensland's 50% by 2030) are more or less what he is going to have to try to achieve.
There was his own Climate Change Authority report, which concluded electricity generation needed to produce zero emissions "well before 2050". If that's the goal and we haven't got to 40% renewables by 2025, we're in big trouble.
There was the Climate Institute modelling, which found he needed to phase out high-carbon generation over the next 15 to 20 years or else face a crunch so severe after 2030 that it would cause severe economic disruption.
And there was the recent Reputex report, which also concluded the Coalition's current policies cannot reach its own targets, even factoring in the state-based renewable energy schemes Turnbull so criticises. It says he desperately needs a credible and consistent national policy, including measures to reduce emissions from power generation much faster. Who knew?
Of course the government has to find ways to shift generation from fossil fuels to renewables while ensuring we keep the lights on, and while trying to minimise the increase in power costs.
It could, for example, start the switch with an intensity-based emissions trading scheme for the electricity sector, which is Labor party policy and would therefore win bipartisan support, is very similar to the policy Turnbull proposed as opposition leader in 2009, and which the energy market regulator – the Australian Energy Market Commission – recommended he adopt last year and said could operate "without a significant effect on absolute price levels faced by consumers". (It is also something the government's "Direct Action" could be converted into, and most in the business community are assuming it will be.)
It could extend the current watered-down federal renewable energy target, which ends in 2020.
And Turnbull and his energy minister, Josh Frydenberg, absolutely should urgently consider how to make sure the electricity grid is better able to cope with increasingly frequent bouts of extreme weather.
But whatever Turnbull does has to involve convincing the climate sceptics in his own party that change – and some impact on power prices – is inevitable.
Backing in their belief that renewable energy can't keep the lights on is a bad way to start. When Malcolm Roberts, the One Nation senator and former project leader of the climate-sceptic Galileo movement, tweets how great it is that Turnbull is "coming around to One Nation's position" that's not a good thing, not if the prime minister meant anything he said on this subject in the past or has any intention of keeping the promises he made in Paris.
And whichever way he does it, he will still have to shift electricity generation to renewables, at least as quickly as the state targets are suggesting.
The longer the delays, mired in the grand delusion that his current policy is fit for purpose, and the more he entertains the view of his conservative wing that renewable energy is just some kind of leftwing plot to take the country back to the dark ages, the bigger the economic shock and disruption when Australia finally gets around to doing what it has to.
In his attack on the states this week, Turnbull said "You've got to take ideology out of it. You've got to work out what you want to achieve and then make sure that your measures will deliver that for you."
Exactly right. But what his government has done so far is the definition of putting ideology before sensible policy planning. That's irresponsible, not the states' attempts to fill a policy vacuum of the Coalition's making.
Links
The PM ridiculed state renewable targets after the South Australian blackout, the very targets he has to achieve to meet his own emissions promises
Now Malcolm Turnbull has encouraged the campaign to use the South Australian blackout to slow the shift to clean energy, saying state renewable energy targets are "extremely unrealistic".
Except all the evidence says the state targets are exactly what Australia needs to meet the promises the prime minister made in Paris last year about reducing greenhouse gases.
Of course it would be preferable to have a consistent national policy to reach those goals, but it's not exactly the states' fault that we haven't got one.
That vacuum was Tony Abbott's proud achievement, with the abolition of the carbon price and the winding back of the federal renewable energy target, after a lengthy debate about whether it should be abolished altogether, which of course dried up almost all investment in renewable energy.
And consistent, credible national policy hasn't been any more evident in the year since Turnbull took over either.
His own officials admitted in a Senate inquiry this week they had undertaken no modelling at all about how to meet the target Turnbull pledged in Paris for reducing Australia's emissions out to 2030. That's the target he is about to ratify, the target that will be Australia's legal obligation.
But plenty of others have done modelling and analysis for him, and they all conclude that he won't meet it, not with the Coalition's current policies.
They all say he will have to introduce significant new policies, including to shift electricity generation away from coal and towards renewables more quickly.
In fact they all conclude that the state targets he so ridicules (Victoria's 40% renewables by 2025, South Australia's 50% by 2025, Queensland's 50% by 2030) are more or less what he is going to have to try to achieve.
There was his own Climate Change Authority report, which concluded electricity generation needed to produce zero emissions "well before 2050". If that's the goal and we haven't got to 40% renewables by 2025, we're in big trouble.
There was the Climate Institute modelling, which found he needed to phase out high-carbon generation over the next 15 to 20 years or else face a crunch so severe after 2030 that it would cause severe economic disruption.
And there was the recent Reputex report, which also concluded the Coalition's current policies cannot reach its own targets, even factoring in the state-based renewable energy schemes Turnbull so criticises. It says he desperately needs a credible and consistent national policy, including measures to reduce emissions from power generation much faster. Who knew?
Of course the government has to find ways to shift generation from fossil fuels to renewables while ensuring we keep the lights on, and while trying to minimise the increase in power costs.
It could, for example, start the switch with an intensity-based emissions trading scheme for the electricity sector, which is Labor party policy and would therefore win bipartisan support, is very similar to the policy Turnbull proposed as opposition leader in 2009, and which the energy market regulator – the Australian Energy Market Commission – recommended he adopt last year and said could operate "without a significant effect on absolute price levels faced by consumers". (It is also something the government's "Direct Action" could be converted into, and most in the business community are assuming it will be.)
It could extend the current watered-down federal renewable energy target, which ends in 2020.
And Turnbull and his energy minister, Josh Frydenberg, absolutely should urgently consider how to make sure the electricity grid is better able to cope with increasingly frequent bouts of extreme weather.
But whatever Turnbull does has to involve convincing the climate sceptics in his own party that change – and some impact on power prices – is inevitable.
Backing in their belief that renewable energy can't keep the lights on is a bad way to start. When Malcolm Roberts, the One Nation senator and former project leader of the climate-sceptic Galileo movement, tweets how great it is that Turnbull is "coming around to One Nation's position" that's not a good thing, not if the prime minister meant anything he said on this subject in the past or has any intention of keeping the promises he made in Paris.
And whichever way he does it, he will still have to shift electricity generation to renewables, at least as quickly as the state targets are suggesting.
The longer the delays, mired in the grand delusion that his current policy is fit for purpose, and the more he entertains the view of his conservative wing that renewable energy is just some kind of leftwing plot to take the country back to the dark ages, the bigger the economic shock and disruption when Australia finally gets around to doing what it has to.
In his attack on the states this week, Turnbull said "You've got to take ideology out of it. You've got to work out what you want to achieve and then make sure that your measures will deliver that for you."
Exactly right. But what his government has done so far is the definition of putting ideology before sensible policy planning. That's irresponsible, not the states' attempts to fill a policy vacuum of the Coalition's making.
Links
- Analysis South Australia's blackout explained (and no, renewables aren't to blame)
- There are two issues the South Australian blackout should make us think about
- Malcolm Turnbull says South Australia blackout a wake-up call on renewables
- The electricity price hike blame game: a sad product of a dismal climate change debate
- Turnbull warns Labor's emissions trading schemes will destroy jobs
- Live Q&A: So now we've agreed to stop climate change, how will we pay for it?
- Rapid switch to renewable energy can put Paris climate goals within reach
- The Guardian view on UK energy policy after Paris: Amber Rudd must flick the trip switch
- Malcolm Turnbull lifts Abbott ban on government finance for wind power
- Malcolm Turnbull asks Commonwealth leaders to send climate change signal