04/06/2017

India, Once A Coal Goliath, Is Fast Turning Green

New York Times - Geeta Anand

Solar panels on the roof of a shop in a settlement in Bangalore, India. Kuni Takahashi for The New York Times
MUMBAI, India — Just a few years ago, the world watched nervously as India went on a building spree of coal-fired power plants, more than doubling its capacity and claiming that more were needed. Coal output, officials said, would almost triple, to 1.5 billion tons, by 2020.
India’s plans were cited by American critics of the Paris climate accord as proof of the futility of advanced nations trying to limit their carbon output. But now, even as President Trump pulls the United States out of the pact, India has undergone an astonishing turnaround, driven in great part by a steep fall in the cost of solar power.
Experts now say that India not only has no need of any new coal-fired plants for at least a decade, given that existing plants are running below 60 percent of capacity, but that after that it could rely on renewable sources for all its additional power needs.
Rather than building coal-fired plants, it is now canceling many in the early planning stages. And last month, the government lowered its annual production target for coal to 600 million tons from 660 million.
The sharp reversal, welcome news to world leaders trying to avert the potentially deadly effects of global warming, is a reflection both of the changing economics of renewable energy and a growing environmental consciousness in a country with some of the worst air pollution in the world.
What India does matters, because it is the world’s third-largest emitter of greenhouse gases, behind China and the United States. And its energy needs are staggering — nearly one-quarter of its population has no electricity and many others get it only intermittently.
With India’s power needs expected to grow substantially as its economy continues to expand, its energy use will heavily influence the world’s chances of containing the greenhouse gases that scientists believe are driving global warming.
Much attention at the time of the signing of the Paris agreement was focused on the role President Barack Obama played in pushing India’s prime minister, Narendra Modi, to sign. In doing so, Mr. Modi committed India to achieving 40 percent of its electricity capacity from nonfossil-fuel sources by 2030.
Workers at a coal-fired power plant under construction in Kudgi, India, in 2015. Aijaz Rahi / Associated Press
Less understood was Mr. Modi’s longstanding personal commitment to taking India in a greener direction. That has been strengthened in recent years by growing evidence that a greener path makes political and economic sense as well, says Harsh Pant, a fellow at the Observer Research Foundation, a New Delhi-based research organization.
“Modi’s constituency is the middle class, and the middle class in Indian cities is choking on pollution,” Mr. Pant said. “Modi knows climate change is good politics. Climate change makes sense to Modi because he believes it as it is good economics and politics.”
Two major economic factors lie at the heart of India’s move away from coal. The first is that the country’s growth rate, while faster than that of most major economies, slipped to 6.1 percent for the most recent quarter, down from 7 percent in the previous quarter. And much of that growth has come in service industries rather than in power-hungry manufacturing.
Equally important is the startling drop in the price of renewable energy sources. Many energy experts say renewables are poised to become a less expensive alternative to coal within the next decade.
“The train has left the station. Mr. Trump has come too late” to slow the transition to renewable energy, said Ajay Mathur, director general of the Energy Resources Institute, a New Delhi policy center closely associated with the government. “By the time the coal-fired plants come up to full capacity because of increasing demand, the price of renewables will be lower than the price of coal.”
Based on December data from the Central Electric Authority, Mr. Mathur’s institute reported in March that India might be able to meet its additional power needs in the future with renewable energy.
It based that prediction on the remarkable drop in the cost of solar power. In approving proposals for new solar power plants, the Indian government seeks bids from prospective builders who compete to pledge the lowest price at which they anticipate selling power.
Five years ago, the lowest bid came in at 7 rupees, or 11 cents, per kilowatt-hour. In early May, the lowest bidder came in at less than half of that price, or 2.44 rupees per kilowatt-hour, a little under 4 cents, experts here say.
The latest bid makes solar power less expensive than coal, which sells for about 3 rupees per kilowatt-hour.
Smog enveloping buildings on the outskirts of New Delhi in November 2014. Roberto Schmidt / Agence France-Presse — Getty Images
Storage costs, a critical component of renewable energy systems, have also fallen. “The crucial question has been, ‘Yes, but what do you do when the wind doesn’t blow and the sun doesn’t shine?’” said Adair Turner, the chairman of the Energy Transitions Commission, which studies climate issues.
The cost of lithium ion batteries, the gold standard in solar power storage, has fallen significantly, Mr. Turner said, largely because of economies of scale. Where the price was about $1,000 per kilowatt-hour more than five years ago, it is now $273 and dropping, Mr. Mathur said.
The price needs to fall to $100 per kilowatt-hour for renewable energy to be comparable in price to coal, Mr. Mathur says. Mr. Turner thinks that will happen far sooner than the year 2030, which his group had been predicting.
“To be blunt, the success of this has been bigger than I certainly realized,” Mr. Turner said. “There were people who were optimists, and it’s the optimists who have won out.”
New Delhi had long argued that it was hypocritical of Western nations that have burned fossil fuels for centuries to ask Indians to sacrifice their growth to cope with the effects. But the Modi administration has set ambitious targets for a greener Indian future.
The government pledged in 2015, when the country’s electricity capacity from renewables was 36 gigawatts, to increase it to 175 gigawatts by 2022.
Piyush Goyal, India’s power minister, announced in a speech in late April that the country would take steps to assure that by 2030 only electric cars would be sold.
“That’s rather ambitious,” Rahul Tongia, a fellow at Brookings India, said. “The targets are there. The vision is there. The question is: ‘Is it going to happen? How?’”
The Indian government’s policy research arm, the National Institution for Transforming India, or NITI Aayog, recently released a report in collaboration with the Rocky Mountain Institute in Boulder, Colo., that calculated India could save $60 billion and reduce its projected carbon emissions by 37 percent by 2030 if it adopted widespread use of electric vehicles and more public transportation.
A street scene in the old Hyderabad city in India. Atul Loke for The New York Times
Mr. Mathur says that even if India falls short of those ambitious goals, just coming close will have a huge impact on the concentration of greenhouse gases in the world and pollution within the country.
“Even a year and a half ago, I didn’t expect we would go out on a limb and say electric vehicles are a public policy goal for us. It is truly exciting,” he said in an interview.
Besides reducing the choking pollution in India’s cities, moving to electric vehicles also makes sense because the country has excess generation capacity in the underused coal-fired plants and is too heavily reliant on petroleum imports, which present a geopolitical risk.
“There has for a very long time been a push to reduce the growth in imports,” Mr. Mathur said. “This is one of those perfect policy opportunities, with short-term and long-term benefits.”
Navroz Dubash, a fellow at the Center for Policy Research in New Delhi, cautions that even though India is likely to meet its additional energy needs in the future from renewable sources, that does not mean India is about to stop burning coal tomorrow.
“It is important not to draw from this that India’s tryst with coal is necessarily done,” Mr. Dubash said, “just that there are signs it will end sooner and at a lower level than expected.”
India canceled 13.7 gigawatts of proposed coal-fired power plants last month alone, the Institute for Energy Economics and Financial Analysis said. The government has admitted that an additional 8.6 gigawatts of coal-fired generation capacity built at a cost of $9 billion is potentially no longer financially viable because of competition from renewable sources, the institute said.
This is hopeful news for the world, said Mr. Tongia, because the only way for the world not to grow too warm is for “developing countries, especially India, to do more, to come in lower than budget, to do their unfair share.”
And, Mr. Tongia said, “the good news” is that India has decided that it is in its interest to do its “unfair share.”

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Australia Can’t Lose In The Global Race For Cheaper, Cleaner Energy

The Conversation

Australia is awash with options for low-emissions energy. AAP Image/Lukas Coch
Despite our sometimes heated national debate about our energy future, Australia is well positioned to benefit from innovative low emission technologies. No matter which avenue we take to cleaner energy, our energy-rich resources means there are opportunities for Australian businesses – and cheaper energy for Australian consumers.
That's the conclusion reached by CSIRO in our Low Emissions Technology Roadmap, which outlines potential pathways for the energy sector to contribute to Australia's emissions reduction target.
Our target under the Paris climate agreement calls for a 26-28% reduction of emissions by 2030 from 2005 levels. Our analysis also considers how the energy sector could meet the more ambitious aspiration of avoiding 1.5-2℃ global warming.

Looking past the political wrangling
Perhaps one of the reasons the energy debate in Australia is so vehement is that, with the exception of oil, we are rich in energy resources. While we cannot wait indefinitely, the lack of resource constraints means we can monitor and test what options emerge as the most cost effective. Technology neutrality is often called upon as a key policy design principle.
Another reason for caution is that technological change is inherently unpredictable. For example, at the start of this century, few would have expected solar photovoltaics to be one of the lowest cost sources of electricity. Current expectations of sourcing cost-effective bulk electricity storage would have seemed even less likely at the time.
However, there are two key choices that will determine how we reduce greenhouse gases, and the shape of our energy future.
First, we must decide how much weight we give to improving energy productivity, versus decarbonising our energy supply. This is essentially a policy decision: should we use our existing energy more intelligently and efficiently in our buildings, industries and transport, or aggressively pursue new technology?
Whatever strategy we pick, we also need to choose what technology we emphasise: dispatchable power, from flexible and responsive energy generation, or variable renewable energy (from sources like solar, wind and wave), supported with storage.
From these choices four pathways are derived: Energy productivity plus, Variable renewable energy, Dispatchable power and Unconstrained.
There are four broad pathways to cheaper, cleaner energy. (Click to view larger image.) CSIRO
 Our electricity market modelling found the different pathways lead to comparable household electricity bills. High energy productivity scenarios tend to delay generation investment and reduce energy use, leading to slightly lower bills in 2030 (including the cost of high efficiency equipment).

Weighing risk
The main attribute that separates the pathways is the mix of risks they face. We've grouped risks into three categories: technology, commercial and market risk, social licence risk and stakeholder coordination risk.
Risks identified with each pathway to cheaper renewable energy. (Click to view larger image.) CSIRO
Energy productivity plus combines mature existing low emissions technology with gas, so there's no significant market risk. However there is a social license risk, as many will protest a stronger reliance on expanding gas supplies.
Gas-fired generation is high in this scenario. If improved energy productivity reduces emissions elsewhere, the electricity sector will have less pressure to phase out highly polluting generators.
This scenario would also require a high degree of cooperation between government, companies and customers. We would need to coordinate, to make sure incentives and programs work together to bring down household and business energy use.
Variable renewable energy invites more technical and commercial risk, as our electricity grid will need to be transformed to accept a high level of energy from fluctuating sources like wind. There's also considerable community concern around the reliability of variable renewables.
While the evolution towards a secure system with very high variable renewable generation has been modelled in detail for the Roadmap, its final costs will remain uncertain until demonstrated at scale. Whether stakeholders will have the appetite to demonstrate such a system (with some risk to supply security and electricity prices) represents a coordination risk for this pathway.
Dispatchable power is perhaps the most risky option. Solar thermal, geothermal, carbon capture and storage and nuclear power are all relatively new to Australia (although other countries have explored them further). Developing them here will mean taking some technological and commercial gambles.
Carbon capture and storage and nuclear power are also deeply unpopular, and there's a risk of dividing community consensus even further.
While solar thermal – and potentially nuclear power – could be deployed as small modules, in general the technologies in this category require high up-front capital investment. These projects may need strong government guarantees to achieve financing.
Unconstrained would mean both improving energy productivity and investing in a wide range of generation options: solar, efficient fossil fuels and carbon capture and storage.
Unfortunately there is no objective way of weighing the risks of one pathway against another. However, we can narrow risks over time through research, development and demonstration.
Between now and 2030 we are likely to rely on a narrow set of mature technologies to reduce greenhouse gases: solar photovoltaics, wind, natural gas and storage.
As the world, and Australia's, greenhouse gas reduction targets ramp up after 2030, we'll be well positioned to adapt, with the capacity to incorporate a broader range of options.

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Does Donald Trump Still Think Climate Change Is A Hoax? No One Can Say

New York Times

Scott Pruitt, the administrator the E.P.A., spoke to members of the news media at the White House on Friday. Credit Al Drago/The New York Times
WASHINGTON — As a businessman, President Trump was a frequent and scornful critic of the concept of climate change. In the years before running for president, he called it “nonexistent,” “mythical” and a “a total con job.” Whenever snow fell in New York, it seemed, he would mock the idea of global warming.
“Global warming has been proven to be a canard repeatedly over and over again,” he wrote on Twitter in 2012. In another post later that year, he said, “The concept of global warming was created by and for the Chinese in order to make U.S. manufacturing non-competitive.” A year later, he wrote that “global warming is a total, and very expensive, hoax!”
But on Friday, a day after Mr. Trump withdrew the United States from the Paris climate change accord, the White House refused to say whether the president still considers climate change a hoax. As other leaders around the world vowed to confront climate change without the United States, Mr. Trump’s advisers fanned out to defend his decision and, when pressed, said they did not know his view of the science underlying the debate.
“I have not had an opportunity to have that discussion,” said Sean Spicer, the White House press secretary.
“I do not speak for the president,” said Ryan Zinke, the interior secretary.
“You should ask him that,” said Kellyanne Conway, the White House counselor.
Mr. Trump offered no opportunity for anyone to ask him that on Friday. But his current views, whatever they may be, presumably shaped his thinking as he evaluated whether to remain in the Paris accord. Given that he promised on Thursday to seek to re-enter the pact on better terms or negotiate an entirely new deal that he said would be fairer to the United States, his acceptance or denial of climate science seems likely to determine his approach.
In his speech announcing his decision, he did not address the science of climate change or repeat any of the skepticism he has expressed for years. Instead, he cast it largely in economic terms, arguing that President Barack Obama agreed to a bad deal for Americans that would handcuff the economy and put the United States at a disadvantage against its international competitors. He did not say the goal itself was pointless, only that it would be too much of a burden.
But administration officials clearly saw no benefit in clarifying. If they affirmed that he still believed climate change to be fake, they would expose him to even more criticism at home and abroad and complicate the lives of those advisers who accept the broad scientific consensus. If they asserted that he had changed his mind and now agreed that climate change is real, then they would have to explain a flip-flop while risking criticism from his own base.
Moreover, recent weeks have reminded White House aides about the dangers of making declarative statements about the president’s beliefs or actions only to have him contradict them within days or even hours. When Mr. Trump fired James B. Comey, the F.B.I. director, he sent out his vice president and top aides to give an explanation of his decision that quickly unraveled after he gave an interview with a conflicting version of events.
Climate science deniers, cheered by his decision to pull out of the Paris agreement, seemed willing to live without a clearer statement taking on what they call the bogus claims of environmental advocates.
“I think his withdrawing us from Paris was the greatest action by a president in my lifetime,” said Steve Milloy, who runs a website, JunkScience.com, which aims to debunk climate change and who served on Mr. Trump’s environmental transition team. “And he explained his action brilliantly. Most substantive explanation I’ve ever heard from a president — including Reagan.”
“What he believes,” Mr. Milloy added, “you need to get from him.”
Supporters of the Paris accord said the White House refusal to outline Mr. Trump’s beliefs on climate change indicated that he had not bothered to inform himself on the issue before making a decision with enormous consequences. “By not admitting what his views on this, the White House is just hiding the fact that Trump is too incurious to actually look seriously at the issue,” said Andrew Light, a former Obama State Department official who helped negotiate the Paris pact.
Carol Browner, a former Environmental Protection Agency administrator under Bill Clinton and adviser to Mr. Obama, said Mr. Trump’s action seemed founded on misinformation. “Seems he accepts junk science in his decision making which makes you wonder if next he will repeal bans on indoor smoking and put lead back in paint,” she said.
Scott Pruitt, the administrator of the E.P.A. and a longtime critic of what he calls “climate exaggerators,” said the question of what Mr. Trump believed about the science never came up during the administration’s deliberations over the Paris agreement.
“What’s interesting about all the discussions that we had through the last several weeks have been focused on one singular issue: Is Paris good or not for this country?” he told reporters at the White House. “That’s the discussions I’ve had with the president.”
Mr. Pruitt and other administration officials defended Mr. Trump’s decision as a courageous action to protect the United States. “We have nothing to be apologetic about as a country,” he said, noting that the country has reduced its carbon emissions in recent years, attributing that to innovation and technology rather than government regulation.
“So, when we look at issues like this, we are leading with action and not words,” he said. “I also want to say that exiting Paris does not mean disengagement.”
Describing his own views, Mr. Pruitt derided those “climate exaggerators,” who he said make assertions with great certainty. Mr. Pruitt said he has concluded that “global warming is occurring, that human activity contributes to it in some manner” but “measuring with precision, from my perspective, the degree of human contribution is very challenging.”
Mr. Trump has not been so shy in the past about his opinions on the subject. At one point in 2009, he and three of his adult children signed an open letter to Mr. Obama published as an ad in newspapers supporting “meaningful and effective measures to control climate change.”
But he soon found climate change to be a favorite subject on Twitter, mentioning the topic scores of times over the years, particularly during cold weather spells. “Any and all weather events are used by the GLOBAL WARMING HOAXSTERS to justify higher taxes to save our planet!” he wrote in 2014. “They don’t believe it $$$$!”
As he opened his presidential campaign, he told Hugh Hewitt, the conservative radio host, that the weather changed naturally over time and that there was not a major problem. “I’m not a believer in global warming,” he said. “I’m not a believer in man-made global warming.”
After he won the election last November, he tempered his views in an interview with The New York Times, saying that he believed “there is some connectivity” between human activity and climate change and promising to look at the issue with fresh eyes.
“I have a very open mind,” he said. “And I’m going to study a lot of the things that happened on it and we’re going to look at it very carefully. But I have an open mind.”
By this week, however, Mr. Trump was no longer speaking his mind on the question of the science, and neither were his aides.
Mr. Spicer said twice this week that he had not had the chance to ask the president. Asked if he would find time to take the question to Mr. Trump, he said, “If I can, I will.”

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