18/12/2017

Adani Parts Ways With Mining Services Company Downer Over Proposed Carmichael Mine

ABC NewsJosh Robertson

Adani says the split has been mutually agreed to with Downer. (ABC News)
Embattled Indian miner Adani says it will build and run Australia's biggest coal venture in central Queensland's Galilee Basin on its own after parting ways with mining services giant Downer.
Adani released a statement today revealing both parties had cancelled a conditional $2.6 billion contract as part of Adani's cost-cutting drive spurred on by the Queensland Government's veto of its $1 billion Commonwealth loan bid.
The split comes after Downer was the target of a nationwide activist campaign pressuring them to quit the Carmichael project in central Queensland.
The move raises further questions about the fate of the massive project, with Downer one of only two mine contractors — along with Thiess — considered capable of handling an operation producing up to 60 million tonnes of coal a year.
It is the latest in a long series of project hiccups for the Carmichael mine, including the veto of Adani's application for a Northern Australia Infrastructure Facility (NAIF) loan last week, and its so far unsuccessful attempts to raise finance in China.

'Simply a change in management structure'
Adani said in a statement it remained committed to the project and the split with Downer was "simply a change in management structure".
Adani had already shifted its deadline for financial close on the project from the end of 2017 to the end of March 2018. (AAP)
"Following on from the NAIF veto last week, and in line with its vision to achieve the lowest quartile cost of production by ensuring flexibility and efficiencies in the supply chain, Adani has decided to develop and operate the mine on an owner operator basis," the statement said.
"Adani and Downer have mutually agreed to cancel all Letter of Awards and Downer will provide transitional assistance until March 31, 2018.
"Adani remains committed to develop the Carmichael project and will ensure the highest level of standards and governance.
"This will not affect our commitment or the number of local jobs across Queensland.
"This is simply a change in management structure and ensures that the mine will ultimately be run out of our Adani Australia offices in Townsville."
'Nail in the coffin for Carmichael mine'
The split, which Downer also announced via the Australian Stock Exchange, ends three years of negotiations between Adani and the mine contractor.


Drone vision of the proposed location for Adani's Carmichael mine (ABC News)

Downer has been operating mines for almost a century.
Adani had already shifted its deadline for financial close on the project from the end of 2017 to the end of March 2018.
The Galilee Blockade activist group had targeted Downer for a year, including by purchasing a large parcel of shares to confront management at its annual general meeting.
The group had also agitated among local councils in Victoria, New South Wales and Queensland to boycott Downer for road contracts over its role in the mine.
Galilee Blockade spokesman Ben Pennings hailed Downer's departure as "the biggest nail in the coffin for the Carmichael mine thus far".
He said it was a testament to "all the Australians who bought Downer shares, protested, blockaded and even got arrested to get Downer out of bed with Adani".
"Adani are unlikely to find another Australian company willing to risk building and operating such a controversial mine," Mr Pennings said.
"Adani have never operated a mine of this scale and have absolutely no experience operating mines in Australia — building Carmichael mine themselves would take years longer and significantly increase risks for investors."
Adani clinched most of its government approvals, including mining and environmental licences, as well as an Indigenous mine site access agreement that remains subject to a Federal Court challenge in March.
But with Adani having swept aside a series of legal challenges by conservation groups, financial close on the $22 billion project remained its main hurdle.
The company said it employed more than 800 people and had invested more than $3.3 billion in Queensland, saying it was "the biggest investment by an Indian company in Australia".
Just over $2 billion of that was to purchase the existing Abbot Point coal port at Bowen in north Queensland.
Infographic: A map showing the Adani Group's Carmichael coal mine and rail project as of March 2015. (Sourced: adanimining.com)

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Psychiatrist Studied Major 20th Century Atrocities, Now Turns To Climate Change

Huffington PostAlexander C. Kaufman

Robert Jay Lifton studied Nazi doctors and the threat of nuclear annihilation. But global warming changed everything.
Robert Jay Lifton jots down notes in the office of his Upper West Side apartment on a sunny October morning. Alexander C Kaufman / HuffPost
NEW YORK ― Robert Jay Lifton has spent his life trying to understand some of the most unfathomable milestones of the 20th century.
The famed psychiatrist and author started his career in the mid-1950s studying Chinese government-sponsored brainwashing, or "thought reform." In the '60s, he began interviewing survivors of the atomic bombs dropped on Japan, becoming obsessed with how the human mind copes with the possibility of nuclear annihilation. By the late '70s, he turned his focus to the doctors responsible for the Nazi regime's human experiments, men who occupy a uniquely revolting niche in popular culture.
At 91 years old, he has arrived at his most daunting subject yet: climate change. In his latest book, The Climate Swerve, Lifton examines humanity's struggle to understand what's happening, how to deal with it, and why powerful people and institutions sabotage attempts to avoid destruction of the planet.
"The climate threat is the most all-encompassing threat that we human beings face," Lifton said in an interview last month. He walks hunched with a cane now, but sports a mop of long, wavy white hair. He peered through dark, thick-rimmed glasses out the window of a book-stacked office in his modest Upper West Side apartment, located just blocks from Trump Tower. "The nuclear threat is parallel to it in many ways ... but the climate threat includes everything."
In other parts of the world, little doubt exists over the similarities between nuclear weapons and climate change, which Lifton calls the "apocalyptic twins." The Marshall Islands served as a U.S. testing site for atomic weapons throughout the 20th century. The Pacific archipelago nation bears the scars of that experience today, with entire islands vaporized in hydrogen bomb blasts and high rates of cancer linked to radioactive contamination. Now the country struggles with rapidly rising sea levels, which swallow large habitable areas, make storms more destructive, and salinate freshwater supplies necessary to farm breadfruit, a staple crop.
The phrase "climate swerve" gives name to the increasingly ubiquitous sense of awareness that global warming is happening, and humans have something to do with it. The term comes from the Roman poet Lucretius, who wrote a poem identifying the "swerve" as the chaotic, unpredictable movement of atoms that powers the creation and destruction of all things in the universe. Renaissance scholar Stephen Greenblatt titled his Pulitzer Prize-winning 2011 book on the rediscovery of Lucretius' manuscript by a 15th-century papal emissary sparking the age of modern thought The Swerve.
Lifton provided testimony as a brainwashing expert at the 1970s trial of Patricia Hearst, who committed crimes after she had been kidnapped. Bettmann via Getty Images
"I consider the climate serve a movement toward the recognition of climate danger and what I call species awareness ― awareness of ourselves as a single species in deep trouble," Lifton said. "The swerve is toward that recognition, that consciousness."
Despite many Republican Party leaders rejecting climate science outright, few so-called skeptics today deny that change is afoot. Rather, after years of dismissing scientists' warnings, many ― including fossil fuel billionaire Charles Koch, a chief bankroller of the denial movement ― now acknowledge the climate is changing, but cast doubt over whether, or how big, a role humans play in the process.
Years-long droughts, sea-swallowed coastal communities, and a millennium's worth of violent storms and floods making landfall back to back have offered tangible evidence to bolster the popular consensus. In the United States, 71 percent of Americans agree that most scientists believe global warming is occurring, and 68 percent believe humans are the cause, according to a Gallup poll released in March. Forty-one percentsaid they now worried "a great deal" about global warming, a three-decade high.
HuffPost sat down with Lifton recently to talk about global warming, his new book, and the state of climate change denial in the era of President Donald Trump. The following interview was edited and condensed:

When did the "climate swerve" reach critical mass?
It's hard to give a definite date to when the climate swerve came into significant force but I would say in the last decade or so, there have been strong indications of the climate swerve. You can find them in studies that were done of people's awareness of climate change. Not only of awareness of storms and climate threat, but awareness that it's human-caused. This has increased in recent years, as has the coverage by the press and the general social knowledge. Before that, there were significant moments as when [former NASA scientist] James Hansen testified before a congressional committee in 1988. It was a significant moment in making known climate threat and its danger.

Over the past decade, there's been a shift in news coverage and how we talk about climate change, to less of a "he said-she said" between deniers and scientists and more rooted in actual fact and our actual understanding of climate change. How have climate change deniers reacted?
In general, I see a shift from what I call fragmentary to formed awareness. What I mean by that is for some time we've had fragmentary images of ice melting in the Arctic or hurricanes or floods. But there may be just an image that's brief and disappears. Increasingly over the last decade or more there have been formed ideas, a full narrative, the idea that there's something called "climate threat" and it has to do with carbon emissions and that certain steps are necessary to mitigate the threat. This a full narrative, it's formed, and people are now absorbing it in that formed awareness as opposed to the more fragmentary kind.
Of course, in the past, as you implied, there used to be a ridiculous kind of equal time, those who confront climate change say this, deniers say that, and we have to listen to both. There's been a greater recognition that deniers or rejecters are giving false information according to everything we know and all of the evidence leads to climate change danger. That increasing recognition is crucial to our possibilities for a wiser future.

But how has the tone or arguments of what the deniers or rejectors said changed, if at all? How has that movement changed in reaction to the climate swerve hitting critical mass?
There used to be full and absolute denial, and the insistence on the part of various people that the whole idea of climate change is a hoax and even a conspiracy on the part of scientists to get more research grants or for their own benefits in some way. You don't hear that so much anymore. What you begin to hear is, 'Oh we don't know. Some scientist say this, some scientists say that, I'm not a scientist.' Even that seems to be diminishing. These recent hurricanes that we had which are severe as any on record and unique in sequence of at least four major ones in rapid fire, they've created a kind of world-ending image close to what we get with nuclear weapons. It becomes more and more difficult to say there's no such thing as climate change. It's true that the scientists tell us that climate change doesn't necessarily cause these hurricanes, but it turns severe storms into catastrophic ones. This becomes known so that the whole idea that denying or leaving in limbo any ideas about climate change becomes more and more difficult and those who express resistance to climate change are more and more on the defensive.

Do you see the U.S. as unique in how mainstream the climate rejection has been? Do you see the Republican Party in particular as unique in how aggressive its stances have been on this issue?
Of course there's climate rejection and denial all over the world. The U.S. seems to be unique in that a major party which now holds power in most areas is committed to rejecting a fundamental truth that endangers human civilization. That's uniqueness, especially in terms of America's power in the world and the extent of American culpability in endangering the planet with carbon emissions over the years. The Republican Party finds itself in the position of controlling the country in most ways and yet endangering our future and the human future in this rejection of climate change. In that way, and in many others, one can say that Republican leaders and Trump in particular may be the most dangerous men in the world.

What about the climate rejection movement has allowed it to become so entrenched in those partisan politics and in the conservative movement overall?
It's hard to know exactly how resistance to climate truths has become so entrenched in American political life and especially on the part of the right and the Republicans. But it has to relate to a long-standing American distrust of government, of social policy involving government, the kind of which is very necessary in relation to climate change. [There is] a whole nativist and know-nothing tradition in American history which has stood for anti-government and anti-governance, and above all any kind of internationalism.

Who are the villains of this narrative, if it can be defined that way?
There are many villains. Before Trump, the Republican Party had had a pretty consistent climate rejection position. Trump embraced that position, carried it to greater extremity in his cabinet appointments, more than was expected, and then you have the philanthropists like the Koch brothers and others who finance it. It's particularly egregious to observe the hypocrisy of those who know quite a bit about the existence of climate change but fail to change their position for reasons of political convenience.
There are many such people among Republicans who will face a very stern judgment indeed from history and will have been responsible for the suffering and death of very large numbers of people. There are lots of villains.
I would add to that such climate villains are helped by a general tendency in human thought to resist the idea that nature can turn on us. There is strongly the idea that nature will protect us, nature represents growth. That sense, often a vague one, can contribute to elements of resistance to the idea that the climate can change in ways that are threatening to us.
President Donald Trump posing with a hard hat in coal country during the 2016 presidential campaign. Mark Lyons via Getty Images
At the root of all this, don't you see a certain indictment of capitalism in general?
There are many forces in capitalism that contribute to resistance to climate truths. We've seen in it in the major corporations. But it goes beyond capitalism per se, in my view. You get versions of socialism and capitalism in China, or different forms of government in Russia or in Europe, but all of them contribute to climate damage. So capitalism and the way it functions has to be looked at critically, especially high capitalism and extreme capitalism.
There are those, for instance like [former New York City] Mayor [Michael] Bloomberg, who'd do their best to save capitalism by rendering it more wise in relation to climate change. It's a problem that goes beyond capitalism, but versions of extreme capitalism which are focused on fiduciary principles, you protect your investors and therefore you must take the fossil fuels out of the ground, even though if we took them all out of the ground it would do us in and threaten the whole human future, that kind of extreme capitalism is deeply dangerous.
... If we were to carry on now simply as we are, in these mixtures of capitalist greed and failure to act and the enormous, exaggerated exploitation of fossil fuels, if we were to carry on and change nothing over a period of decades, within the century we would do ourselves in. We don't have to do anything to change, just do what we were doing. I call this the ultimate absurdity.
With nuclear weapons, you've got to build the weapons. You got to actually use them in a nuclear war, maybe create nuclear winter which could result in death of all people on planet, but you have to bring in these objects and set them off. You don't have to do anything like that with climate. Just do as we've been doing.

This gets a bit into the concept of "malignant normality," as you laid out in the book. I was wondering if you could elaborate on that.
I came upon the idea of malignant normality in studying Nazi doctors. If a Nazi doctor was assigned to Auschwitz, it was normal, it was expected of him that he would do the selections of Jews for the gas chamber. Take a leading role in the killing process in a reversal of healing.
With climate change and nuclear weapons, there is also a malignant normality. With nuclear weapons, it's that the weapons should be stockpiled, maybe even used if necessary because that's the way you carry through deterrence. Deterrence always carries a willingness to use them in certain conditions. So therefore we should be ready with our duck-and-cover drills to carry out a nuclear war, survive it, win it and carry on with life. These are absurdities that became part of nuclear normality.
With climate, climate normality was in the everyday practice. We were born into climate normality. This is the world which we entered and in which we live now and which continues. If we allow it to continue as it is now, it will result in the end of human civilization within the present century. I came to the idea of malignant normality that has to be exposed for its malignancy. Intellectuals and professionals have a particular role, what I call witnessing professionals, bear witness to the malignancy, the danger, of what's being put forward to us as normal and as the only way to behave. That's happening more but we need a lot of additional expression of resistance on the part of intellectuals in protest and activism.
Bearing active witness against malignant normality in climate, nuclear threat or anything else, requires protest and activism. I believe in the combination of scholarship and activism and have tried to live by that in my own work.

Where do you see the climate swerve at the end of this administration?
I'm hopeful enough to believe that the climate swerve will far outlive this administration. The climate swerve is something that takes on a much longer life. It's only taking shape now and beginning. It's a larger wave of feeling and belief and consciousness and awareness that will last for generations. Each generation will need to estimate, examine climate danger and the embrace of a version of the climate swerve that does the maximum amount to combat that danger.
I see the climate swerve as lasting for a very long time with ebbs and flows and problems, but not being ended in any sense within the foreseeable future. In that sense, that's not a form of wild optimism but that is an expression of some hope in relation to the human future and our struggle with climate.

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Controversial Abbott-Era Climate Fund Will Survive Climate Review: Josh Frydenberg

Fairfax

A controversial Abbott-era fund that uses public money to pay companies to reduce their pollution will survive the federal government's review of Australia's climate policies.
In an interview with Fairfax Media, Environment and Energy Minister Josh Frydenberg also expressed confidence that future generations would avoid disastrous predicted impacts of climate change, saying technology would drive the transition to decarbonised economies and "get us where we need to be".

The Turnbull government is reviewing its climate policies to ensure Australia remains on track to cut emissions in line with the Paris climate accord. The results are due for release this year.
Among the measures being evaluated is the $2.55 billion emissions reduction fund, which provides financial incentives, in the form of carbon credits, to polluting companies that cut their emissions.
Environment and Energy Minister Josh Frydenberg at Parliament House. Photo: Alex Ellinghausen
The Abbott government established the fund - the centrepiece of its emissions reduction policies - after axing Labor's carbon price.
The government purchases the credits in reverse auctions using taxpayer funds. Pollution can be cut through measures such as improving energy efficiency, capturing methane from landfill, tree planting and storing carbon in forests and soils.
Critics argue that taxpayers should not be paying polluting companies and that many of the projects would have been carried out anyway, as part of normal business.
Others say the fund has systemic problems and that up to half the claimed abatement does not exist.
All but $265 million of the fund has been spent over six auctions, and the government did not top up the fund in this year's federal budget, prompting speculation over its future.
Mr Frydenberg said the fund had contracted more than 180 million tonnes of abatement at under $12 a tonne which was "pretty cost effective".
"It certainly has a role into the future and [especially in regards to] the concept of emissions reduction out of the land sector," he said.
"It's been effective, it's important and it does inform us in terms of the future options we have."
His office later confirmed the fund "will be continued". However Mr Frydenberg did not say how much would be allocated to it in the next federal budget.
He also declined to say if the fund's safeguard mechanism, which requires heavy polluters to keep emissions below baseline levels, would be tightened to force behaviour change.
Experts say big industry has not warmed to the fund, and it mostly supports projects such as carbon farming - where farmers are effectively paid to plant trees - vegetation management, savannah burning, landfill projects or energy efficiency.
A Climate Change Authority report released this week warned that 139 million tonnes of carbon to be stored in vegetation and soil projects was "a significant risk", partly due to its vulnerability to fire.
However it found the fund was "generally performing well" and would help Australia meet its international commitments.
Charles Sturt University public ethics professor Clive Hamilton, who resigned from the agency in February, dismissed the report and said the fund was a discredited "bastard child whose existence no one wants to acknowledge".
Government opponents say Australia needs a higher proportion of renewables in its energy mix to meet the Paris targets – which are themselves too low, according to some.
Asked if he was personally concerned about the potential effects of climate change on future generations, Mr Frydenberg told Fairfax Media that he felt "confident" the worst impacts could be mitigated.
"There is a huge amount of work to be done, but I have enormous faith in technology to support that evolution to low-cost emissions reduction across the economy ... to get us where we need to be," he said.

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