31/10/2018

There Are Three Options In Tackling Climate Change. Only One Will Work

The Guardian*

We’re now at a fork in the road: either we cut out fossil fuels completely, or we pass on a dying planet to our children
An iceberg melts in Kulusuk, Greenland. ‘The process of permafrost thawing in tundra regions is releasing dangerous greenhouse gases on an unimaginable scale.’ Photograph: John Mcconnico/AP
The world faces a near-impossible decision – one that is already determining the character and quality of the lives of the generations succeeding us.
It is clear from the latest IPCC climate report that the first and only effective course, albeit a deeply unpopular one, would be to stop using any fossil fuels. The second would be to voluntarily minimise their use as much as climate scientists have calculated would deliver some prospect of success. Finally, we can carry on as we are by aiming to meet the growth in demand for activities dependent on fossil fuels, allowing market forces to mitigate the problems that such a course of action generates – and leave it to the next generation to set in train realistic solutions (if that is possible), that the present one has been unable to find.
These are the choices. There are no others. Future generations will judge us on what we choose to do in full knowledge – accessories before the fact – of the devastating consequences of continuing with our energy-profligate lifestyles.
What a legacy we are bequeathing – regions of the world becoming uninhabitable at an accelerating rate, creating potentially millions of ecological refugees; a burgeoning world population, diminishing reserves of finite and other resources, shortages of water and food, calamitous loss of genetic variability, and wars of survival.
Remarkably, public expectations about the future indicate that only minor changes in the carbon-based aspects of our lifestyles are anticipated. It is as if people can continue to believe that they have an inalienable right to travel as far and as frequently as they can afford. Indeed, there is a widespread refusal by politicians to admit to the fact the process of melting ice caps contributing to sea level rises, and permafrost thawing in tundra regions cannot now be stopped, let alone reversed. The longer we procrastinate, the greater the certainty of environmental degradation, social upheaval and economic chaos.
National leaders are unable to reconcile the expectations of their electorates for higher living standards by burning fossil fuels, with the absolute need to live within the planet’s finite environmental capacity. Nor, in democracies, can they move too far ahead of public opinion.
In this key area of international policy, the undesirable outcomes can all too often be laid at the door of scientists who inform politicians of the options now open to them. They subscribe to many fallacious assumptions about carbon dioxide emissions that are close to tenets of faith.
Progress continues to be measured in terms of carbon dioxide reductions towards the goal of zero emissions. However, carbon dioxide emitted into the global atmosphere remains there for well over 100 years. Switching to low-carbon developments and renewable energy sources makes no contribution to reducing its concentration: it can only reduce the rate at which the concentration continues to rise. Fossil-fuel dependent economic growth is the prime cause. Most growth can only be partly decoupled from its use. Happiness, positive health, nature, life-long education, community, music and love have no price that can realistically be attached to them so are not counted for the purposes of measuring “growth” – although their enjoyment requires hardly any of these fuels.
The claims of future generations on reserves are not considered to be sufficiently relevant to policy to be included in any share-out. Likewise, no value is given to cover unquantifiable yet potentially huge adverse effects, such as the resettlement of ecological refugees. One may ask: whose brief within governments is it to speak out about the consequences of decisions affecting medium- and long-term futures?
Concern about the reliability of climate data stems from the changing role of carbon sinks of oceans, forests and soils only partially absorbing CO2 emissions. Until recently, just over half the emissions were taken up by the sinks, with the balance accumulating in the atmosphere. This is no longer the case. The present upward path of global emissions from fossil fuel burning shows clearly that “sink-efficiency” has been noticeably decreasing since 2010.
The IPCC report is also the first time that measuring and integrating carbon and feedback emissions has been acknowledged, and this is the most serious warning yet that global warming is accelerating out of control. Whereas budget emissions of carbon could theoretically be reduced by not burning fossil fuels, the release of the feedback emissions of methane from rising temperatures cannot be.
History shows that, when presented with unpalatable evidence of the undesirable effects of our decisions, we either bury our collective heads in the sand, or order the problems we face in terms of their tractability. Where they are judged to be intractable, as in this instance, they are relegated for later attention. We cannot continue to delude ourselves that the transition to near-zero fossil fuel use is possible without global mandation.
The overriding message located between the lines of the IPCC report is that we must lead our lives within the planet’s means. In all conscience, we are currently locked into a process that will inevitably result in passing on a dying planet to our children and their successors. Should this not be at the absolute top of the international debating agenda?

*Mayer Hillman is a senior fellow emeritus at the Policy Studies Institute and author of How We Can Save the Planet

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Redrawing The Map: How The World’s Climate Zones Are Shifting

Yale Environment 360

Rising global temperatures are altering climatic zones around the planet, with consequences for food and water security, local economies, and public health. Here’s a stark look at some of the distinct features that are already on the move.
A young boy herds his goats in the Ghat District of Libya, which has been converted largely to desert in the last 100 years. TAHA JAWASHI/AFP/Getty Images
As human-caused emissions change the planet’s atmosphere, and people reshape the landscape, things are changing fast. The receding line of Arctic ice has made headlines for years, as the white patch at the top of our planet shrinks dramatically. The ocean is rising, gobbling up coastlines. Plants, animals, and diseases are on the move as their patches of suitable climate move too.
Sometimes, the lines on the map can literally be redrawn: the line of where wheat will grow, or where tornadoes tend to form, where deserts end, where the frozen ground thaws, and even where the boundaries of the tropics lie.
Here we summarize some of the littler-known features that have shifted in the face of climate change and pulled the map out from under the people living on the edges. Everything about global warming is changing how people grow their food, access their drinking water, and live in places that are increasingly being flooded, dried out, or blasted with heat waves. Seeing these changes literally drawn on a map helps to hammer these impacts home.

The tropics are getting bigger at 30 miles per decade
The tropics are expanding by half a degree per decade.
Source: Staten et al., Nature Climate Change, 2018. Graphic by Katie Peek.
On an atlas, the boundary of the tropics is marked out by the Tropic of Cancer and the Tropic of Capricorn, at about 23 degrees north and south. These lines are determined by where the sun lies directly overhead on the December and June solstices. But from a climate perspective, most scientists draw the edges of the tropics instead at the nearby boundary of the Hadley cell — a large-scale circulation pattern where hot air rises at the equator, and falls back to earth, cooler and drier, somewhere around 30 degrees latitude north (the top of the Sahara desert and Mexico) and 30 degrees south (the bottom of the Kalahari Desert).
The word “tropical” often brings to mind rainforests, colorful birds, and lush, dripping foliage, but the vast majority of our planet’s middle region is actually quite dry. “The ratio is something like 100 to 1,” says Jian Lu, a climate scientist at the Pacific Northwest National Laboratory in Richland, Washington. About a decade ago, scientists first noticed that this dry belt seemed to be getting bigger. The dry edges of the tropics are expanding as the subtropics push both north and south, bringing ever-drier weather to places including the Mediterranean. Meanwhile, the smaller equatorial region with heavy rains is actually contracting, Lu says: “People call it the tropic squeeze.”
In a paper published in August, Lu and colleagues tracked how and why the Hadley cell is expanding. They found that since satellite records started in the late 1970s, the edges of the tropics have been moving at about 0.2-0.3 degrees of latitude per decade (in both the north and the south) .The change is already dramatic in some areas, Lu says — the average over 30 years is about a degree of latitude, or approximately 70 miles, but in some spots the dry expansion is larger. The result is that the boundary between where it’s getting wetter and where it’s getting drier is pushing farther north, making even countries as far north as Germany and Britain drier. Meanwhile, already dry Mediterranean countries are really feeling the change: In 2016, for example, the eastern Mediterranean region had its worst drought in 900 years. The last time the tropics expanded northward (from 1568 to 1634, due to natural climate fluctuations), droughts helped to trigger the collapse of the Ottoman Empire.
There are several reasons for the shift in the Hadley cell, Lu’s team reports, including the ozone hole in the Southern Hemisphere and warming black soot in air pollution from Asia, along with rising air temperatures from greenhouse gases. Changes in sea surface temperatures, Lu says, seems to be causing at least half of the shift. That means predicting future tropical expansion is difficult, says Lu. “We can’t put a number on it, but we have a rough idea it will keep increasing.”

The Sahara desert has gotten 10 percent bigger since 1920
Since 1902, the Sahara Desert has grown 10 percent, advancing as much as 
500 miles northward over the winter months in some spots.
Source: Thomas & Nigam, Journal of Climate, 2018. Graphic by Katie Peek.
The world’s largest warm-weather desert is getting bigger. The Sahara already covers a vast 3.6 million square miles — an area nearly as large as the United States. The desert’s edges are defined by rainfall; the line is usually drawn where the ground sees just 4 inches per year. When Natalie Thomas and Sumant Nigam, ocean and atmospheric scientists at the University of Maryland, looked at records stretching from 2013 back to 1920, they found that these boundaries for the Sahara had crept both northward and southward, making the entire region about 10 percent larger.
The change, which is expected to reduce some countries’ ability to grow food, hardly seems fair. “Morally, how do we deal with the fact that developing countries are paying the price?” says Thomas. One study in the 1990s showed that the limit of where plants could grow in the dry southern edge of the Sahara had moved nearly 81 miles south in the 10 years between 1980 and 1990.
Across most of the Sahara the change is on the order of tens of miles over the study period, but in other spots it’s far more dramatic: Libya has gone from being mostly not desert in 1920, to mostly desert in 2013, as the line there has advanced a shocking 500 miles or so in winter months. Lake Chad, which sits on the southern edge of the Sahara, shrank dramatically from 9,600 square miles in the 1970s to less than 770 square miles in the 1990s, in part due to reduced rainfall in the Sahel, the dry region just to the south of the Sahara.
Nigam and his colleague calculate that about two-thirds of the change might be accounted for by natural climate cycles, such as the Atlantic Multidecadal Oscillation and the Pacific Decadal Oscillation, which help to determine rainfall. But the remaining third, they reckon, is down to climate change — the northern edge of the desert, for example, seems to be moving because of the climate-driven poleward creep of the tropics.

The 100th Meridian has shifted 140 miles east
The arid Western plains of North America meet the wetter, eastern region near the 100th Meridian.
This climatic boundary has shifted about 140 miles east since 1980. 
Source: Seager et al., Earth Interactions, 2018. Graphic by Katie Peek.
Back in the 1870s, scientist and explorer John Wesley Powell noticed a stark transition between the arid Western plains of North America and the wetter, eastern region. As he wrote, “passing from east to west across this belt a wonderful transformation is observed”: a “luxuriant growth of grass” gives way to “naked” ground with the occasional cacti. The line between the two regions goes from Mexico to Manitoba, cutting right through the continent’s breadbasket. To the east, farmers grow mainly rain-loving corn; to the west, mainly drought-resistant wheat.
This climatic transition has long been called the 100th Meridian, after the longitudinal line that it roughly matches up with. But in March, climate scientist Richard Seager of the Lamont–Doherty Earth Observatory of Columbia University and colleagues published papers showing the transition is on the move.
The reasons for the existence of the line are many: the Rocky Mountains force the wet air blowing in from the Pacific to rain out before the winds reach the plains; Atlantic storms and winds from the Gulf of Mexico bring moisture to the east. Now things are changing. Rainfall hasn’t changed much in the northern plains, but rising temperatures are increasing evaporation from the soil and drying things out. Meanwhile, rainfall is diminishing further south due to shifts in wind patterns. In total, that seems to have moved the line about 140 miles eastward since 1980, Seager calculated. The shift seen so far might be due to natural variability, he says, but it’s in line with what we expect to keep happening because of climate change. And it will keep moving east as the planet keeps warming.
U.S. farmers don’t seem to report problems or changes yet, Seager says, but he predicts that the country’s agriculture will eventually have to adapt, by adding more irrigation, for example, using different seeds, or shifting their crop entirely from one plant to another.

Tornado Alley has shifted 500 miles east in 30 years
Hotspots for tornado formation in the U.S. have shifted east 500 miles since the mid-1980s, 
along with shifts in temperatures.
Source: Agee et al, Journal of Applied Meteorology and Climatology, 2016. Graphic by Katie Peek.
The author of the Wizard of Oz likely chose Kansas for the book’s setting for a reason: it was smack dab in the middle of “Tornado Alley,” the stretch from South Dakota to Texas that’s infamous for destructive storms. But things are changing; research shows that tornados are now more likely to hit homes some 500 miles to the east in Southern states, including Tennessee and Alabama.
Earth scientist Ernest Agee of Purdue University in Indiana and colleagues looked at tornado activity going back to the 1950s when modern tornado records began, and compared the first 30 years of records to the next 30. This showed a clear shift in where tornadoes were hitting hardest, both in terms of the total number of tornadoes and the number of tornado days. In the first half of the study period, from 1954 to 1983, an area in Oklahoma was king, with a total of 477 tornadoes. But that area’s tornado count decreased dramatically, by 45 percent, in the second half of the study period, from 1984 to 2013. Meanwhile, an equivalently sized area in northern Alabama bumped up 48 percent to 477 large tornadoes. Tennessee’s number of days of violent tornadoes doubled, from 14 to 28 days, making the state arguably the new heart of tornado activity, the authors argue.
The researchers don’t know exactly why the shift happened. Part of the reason might be attributed to who is reporting tornados, notes co-author Sam Childs, an atmospheric scientist at Colorado State University. “The storm prediction center is based out of Oklahoma City. There were a lot of reports there at first, and that’s broadening out with time,” Childs says. “But there’s definitely a meteorological effect too.” The shift in tornadoes matches up with a change in the weather, he notes. The eastern half of the U.S. was about 1.2 degrees Fahrenheit warmer during the second half of the study, making it likely that climate had something to do with the move.
The general link between weather and tornadoes is fairly well established. Tornadoes need several things to form, including warm, wet, buoyant air and high wind shear. As the 100th Meridian moves eastward, it is pushing drier conditions further east (Oklahoma lies right on that line). But it’s hard to say why Tennessee is seeing more of them, and the future for tornado activity is hard to predict.

Plant Hardiness Zones are moving north in the U.S. at 13 miles per decade
Hardiness zones in the U.S., which track average low temperatures in winter, 
have all shifted northward by half a zone warmer since 1990. 
  Source: United States Department of Agriculture. Graphic by Katie Peek.
As any gardener knows, the easiest way to keep track of which plants will fare well where you live, or when to plant your tomatoes to avoid a spring frost, is by taking note of your “hardiness zone.” In the frozen depths of Alaska and Siberia’s zone 1, you might want to plant something like Yarrow to survive overwinter; in zone 5, which cuts through the Corn Belt in the U.S. Midwest, you can plant asparagus in March or April.
Hardiness maps are published around the world, but it’s easiest to see change where the idea was first developed, in the United States. The U.S. Department of Agriculture’s hardiness map, first published in 1960, is based on the average annual minimum temperature of any given spot — a metric that plays a big part in determining if perennial crops like orange trees will make it through the coldest months. Each zone marks out a 10 degrees F band, from -60 to -50 degrees F in zone 1 to 60 to 70 degrees F in zone 13. When that map was last updated, in 2012, nearly half the country was upgraded to half a zone warmer than it had been in 1990; in other words, all the lines shifted on average a little to the north. That was partly thanks to more detailed mapping techniques, the authors of the map reported, but also because temperatures were warmer in the more recent data set.
The researchers who produced the 2012 revision stopped short of saying the change was due to climate change, especially since the method of how they produced the map changed so much from one version to the next. But others have followed up on the same idea to show how climate change, specifically, is shifting U.S. hardiness zones.
Lauren Parker and John Abatzoglou of the University of Idaho tracked what would happen to hardiness zones from 2041 to 2070 under future global warming scenarios, and found the lines will continue to march northward at a “climate velocity” of 13.3 miles per decade. That means big changes in store for three major cash crops, they note. Almonds will see their suitable growing range expand from 73 percent of the continental U.S. from 1971-2000 to 93 percent from 2041–2070. Kiwifruit will bump up from 23 percent to 32 percent during the same period, and oranges from 5 percent to 8 percent.
So the shift in hardiness zones is good news for perennial cash crops in the U.S., but not necessarily good news overall for food security in North America, or globally. “On the plus side, if we can expand the range over which we grow crops, that’s a good thing,” says Parker. But, she adds, “On the flip side, you also allow for the expansion of weeds and pests.”

The permafrost line has moved 80 miles north in 50 years in parts of Canada
As global air temperatures rise, permafrost is retreating north, moving as far 
as 80 miles poleward over a half-century in parts of Canada. 
  Source: Berkeley Earth. Graphic by Katie Peek.
As the planet warms, the Arctic is feeling it the most: Temperatures in northern regions are rising at about twice the global average. That’s having a huge impact on the region’s permafrost, ground that typically stays frozen all year round. As the line delineating an average temperature of 0 degrees Celsius moves north, so too does the permafrost line. “They roughly track together,” says Kevin Schafer, a permafrost expert at the U.S. National Snow and Ice Data Center.
Permafrost isn’t particularly well documented: It’s underground, so out of sight of satellites, and the Arctic is only sparsely covered with meteorological stations. “There aren’t a lot of measurements that far north,” says Schafer. That means much of the evidence of permafrost thaw so far is either anecdotal or limited to specific well-monitored regions. One study in northern Canada found that the permafrost around James Bay had retreated 80 miles north over 50 years. Studies of ground temperatures in boreholes have also revealed frightening rates of change, says Schafer. “What we’re seeing is 20 meters down, it’s increasing as high as 1-2 degrees C per decade,” he says. “In the permafrost world that’s a really rapid change. Extremely rapid.”
The future looks similarly dire. One study predicts that by 2100, the area covered by permafrost might shrink from nearly 4 million square miles to less than 0.4 million; most of Alaska and the southern tip of Greenland would be permafrost-free.
The impacts are expected to be huge on both a local and global level. Right now, permafrost acts like cement, keeping the ground firm and impermeable to water. As it thaws, buildings and infrastructure collapse. In the northern Russian city of Norilsk, buildings are already tilting, cracking, and becoming condemned. In Bethel, Alaska, roads are buckling and homes collapsing. Many of the Arctic’s uncountable small lakes will also drain away. “That’s going to have a massive impact on the [region’s] ecology,” says Schafer. Meanwhile, the thaw will also release vast amounts of climate-warming methane into the atmosphere.

The Wheat Belt is pushing poleward at up to 160 miles per decade
Between 1990 and 2015, production dropped in much of Australia's Wheat Belt 
due to drier than average conditions. The areas that disappear from this map are 
those where output dropped 50 percent or more. 
Source: Hochman, Gobbett, & Horan, Global Change Biology, 2017. Graphic by Katie Peek.
Australia, renowned for its interior deserts and coastal beaches, is also one of the planet’s largest wheat exporters — just after Canada, Russia, and the U.S. But the arable land at the nation’s southern edge is shrinking, and its potential for growing wheat declining.
In the 1860s, surveyor George Goyder drew a line to show where the edge of Australia’s arable land ended. More than a century later, Goyder’s line is still considered an important feature in determining the country’s “cropping belt.” But climate change is making that land drier, effectively pushing the line further south.
Any given patch of land has a “theoretical potential” for the amount of wheat it can support, given its soil, the climate, and other factors. Reductions in rainfall and warmer temperatures have already reduced the theoretical potential of southern Australia by 27 percent since 1990. So far, farmers have managed to adapt to the changing conditions and squeeze the same amount of wheat out of their lands. By tweaking things such as their seeds and harvesting practices, they have gone from harvesting 38 percent of their theoretical maximum in 1990 to 55 percent in 2015. But that can only go on so long — farmers can typically only reach about 80 percent of any given parcel of land’s maximum potential. Once they hit that limit, Australian farmers probably won’t be able to counteract the effects of the changing climate any longer. Zvi Hochman, of Australia’s Commonwealth Scientific and Industrial Research Organization (CSIRO), says he expects to see actual yields start to drop around 2040. Places like the farming community of Orroroo, currently right on top of Goyder’s line, will be “significantly impacted,” writes Julia Piantadosi of the University of South Australia in Adelaide — they won’t be able to keep farming the way they are doing today.
North America is seeing the opposite phenomenon: Its arable land is romping northward, expanding the wheat belt into higher and higher latitudes. Scientists project it could go from about 55 degrees north today to as much as 65 degrees North — the latitude of Fairbanks, Alaska — by 2050. That’s about 160 miles per decade. That’s not all good news, as the southern edge gets drier, hotter, and less agriculturally productive. One study showed that U.S. farmers will likely have to change the strains of wheat they grow, while France and Turkey will have to invest heavily in irrigation systems. In Asia, half of the Indo-Gangetic Plains, which account for 15 percent of global wheat production, are predicted to become heat-stressed by 2050, significantly cutting yields.

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30/10/2018

Climate Change And Renewables Driving New Mining Boom, Mining Chief Says

FairfaxCole Latimer

The mining industry is addressing climate change head-on as it prepares for a new boom driven by renewable energy demand, a global mining council chief says.
The mining industry has been under fire following a recent UN report by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, which said Australia must limit and eventually phase out its thermal coal mining to help fight rising global temperatures.
ICMM chief Tom Butler says demand for energy will drive a new resources boom for copper and lithium. Credit: ICMM
The mining industry and Australian government pushed back, saying mining has a long role to play in the country.
Speaking ahead of the International Mining and Resources Conference on Tuesday, International Council on Mining and Metals chief executive Tom Butler told Fairfax Media mining and a carbon price are both needed to achieve the IPCC’s climate goals, supporting a renewable energy boom that will drive more mining.
“Our materials will be critical to enabling the decarbonisation of the planet,” Mr Butler said.
“The mining sector has a critical role to play in the sustainability effort. We can choose whether to be a leader or follow in that."
Mr Butler said the ICMM has also called for a carbon price. He said in order to achieve the two degree Celsius reduction in global temperatures the world will need more copper and lithium to support renewable technologies.
"If we're to achieve 2 degrees Celsius, we'll need around 20 million tonnes more copper and around ten times the amount of lithium - for batteries - that is currently mined to supply demand, and that isn't including electric vehicles," Mr Butler said.
Minerals Council of Australia chief executive Tania Constable refuted claims the mining industry was in denial over climate change but said Australian coal could play a role in addressing it.
"I don't think there are companies that are climate change deniers, and they understand the risk of it to industry," Ms Constable told Fairfax Media.
"While a value on carbon is important, you have to take multiple avenues, and one single way is not the best way to address it."
It comes as the mining industry highlights its alignment with the United Nations sustainable development goals, a series of global aspirations to improve society and environmental conservation to 2030.
Glencore has been singled out for its rehabilitation of its former coal mines.
In the report commissioned by the Minerals Council of Australia, it examined how Australia’s mining industry was promoting gender equality, education, economic growth, and water and environmental conservation.
The report focused on the work of Glencore’s coal business in rehabilitating more than 1000 hectares of former mining land at Mangoola, in the New South Wales Hunter Valley, and turning its Liddell coal mine into cattle grazing land.
It also covered BHP’s biodiversity conservation project and its $13.4 million land conservation operation in Tasmania.
“This report is the first step in our work to further understand, listen and import how Australia’s minerals sector work to support strong, resilient and inclusive communities across the country,” Ms Constable said.

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Clean Energy Is Cheap, Surging – And Headed For A Fall

The Guardian

Solar and wind projects are transforming Australia’s power grid, but unclear policies will slow new investments
Stage 1 of the Bungala Solar Farm, outside Port Augusta in regional South Australia. Photograph: Che Chorley for the Guardian
The relentlessly corrosive nature of political debate about climate change can sometimes mask that this is a golden moment for the clean energy industry in Australia.
A near-constant stream of investment announcements suggests a barrier has been knocked down such that leading renewable technologies, so long dependent on public subsidies, have assumed market supremacy.
In the Pilbara, Macquarie Bank has joined a proposed $22bn project that plans to use solar and wind to run local mines, create “green” hydrogen energy for north Asia and possibly export electricity to Indonesia. In regional South Australia, the British billionaire industrialist, Sanjeev Gupta, has said he considered building a coal plant to run the Whyalla steelworks he bought last year, but decided it was cheaper to throw roughly $1.5bn at solar, pumped hydro storage, battery storage and co-generation (creating energy from waste gas) as he adopts his “green steel” model. Outside Townsville, zinc refiner Sun Metals recently opened Australia’s first large-scale solar farm built by a major energy user to service part of its own needs and feed the grid.
The Clean Energy Council lists 69 large-scale projects across the country that have recently reached “financial close” and are either under construction or presumably about to be. They should mean $15.6bn investment and add 10,978 megawatts of renewable energy capacity to the system. These projects – just those the council knows of – are in addition to the 30 new clean energy plants that started operating in the first nine months of the year. Contracts are being signed at historically cheap prices – a reported $52 per megawatt-hour for the giant Stockyard Hill wind farm in central Victoria, for example.
Meanwhile, rooftop solar panels are being installed at an astonishing rate. In May, the head of the Australian Energy Market Operator, Audrey Zibelman, said six panels were going up across the continent every minute, adding the capacity of a large coal power station each year. The consumer watchdog recently recommended incentive schemes for small-scale systems be wound back. Some in the energy industry have suggested there will soon be more solar power coming into the grid than Australia can use but a new study by consultants Green Energy Markets, which examined the amount of solar power expected every 30 minutes out to 2021, rejects this idea. The energy minister, Angus Taylor, says the federal incentive scheme will stay.
The investment avalanche is driving an unprecedented transformation of the electricity grid. At the time of writing, clean energy had met 21.8% of national electricity market demand over the past week, suggesting the country is on the cusp of meeting the 2020 renewable energy target of about 23% ahead of schedule. The Clean Energy Council’s chief executive, Kane Thornton, says the momentum is massive; Green Energy Markets suggest it could mean renewable generation hits 33.3% by 2020. Analyst and advocate Simon Holmes à Court says it is likely as much clean energy capacity will be built over the next two years as over the previous 40.
In July, the market operator found a business-as-usual path, without policies ramping up, was likely to lead to about 46% clean energy by 2030. It underlined the hollowness of the government’s now-dumped pledge to introduce a national energy guarantee to reduce greenhouse gas emissions from electricity by 26% below 2005 levels over that timeframe, and implied Labor’s 50% renewable energy target would take little effort. (Both targets are less than the change in coal use the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change suggests is necessary for Australia to play its part in limiting global warming.)
But while the direction is clear, the picture is murkier than this moment suggests. There are signs investment may soon slow markedly.
Most of the investment is being driven by the renewable energy target, which peaks in 2020 and stays at that level for the following decade. The spending to meet the target has come in a rush lately, mainly because then-prime minister Tony Abbott commissioned a review by businessman and climate sceptic Dick Warbuton, who wanted to end it. The uncertainty triggered an investment strike that lasted the better part of two years before the target was ultimately reduced.
But the target has done its job. With no policy to replace it, the incentive to build clean energy plants is expected to fall off significantly. This is already being seen in wholesale energy futures markets, where it is playing a role in prices trending upwards again. There is consistent evidence, from the market operator down, that it is cheaper to build variable clean energy with “firming” support than alternatives. New performance standards requiring investors in areas flooded with renewable energy to install expensive grid-stabilising technology needed to smooth the transition are not expected to change this. But demand for electricity is barely growing. Without a policy that gives the industry a map for when new clean generation will be needed, new plants are unlikely to come online until coal plant owners announce more closures.
There are exceptions. Tristan Edis, a Green Energy Markets analyst, points to companies signing contracts with state governments: Victoria recently announced six wind and solar farms had won contracts under its first renewable energy tender after a similar round for battery storage, and Queensland has promised to soon follow with the result of its auction. Also, some large energy users with deep pockets may build or fund their own generation needs to hedge against market costs, as Sun Metals did in Queensland. But these are investment spikes, not maps.
“Beyond that there is no appetite for the major energy retailers to do deals, so I expect we’re not going to see the large-scale investments,” Edis says. “Instead of seeing thousands of megawatts of new capacity a year we may see a few hundred.”
Other energy system experts agree. Holmes à Court, from the Energy Transition Hub at the University of Melbourne, says it is little understood that consumers are no longer subsidising new developments under the renewable energy target through their bills. Long-term pricing contracts being signed between wind and solar farm owners and energy retailers are now setting such low prices that large-scale generation certificates – documents that retailers must buy and hand in to the government as proof they are meeting their renewable obligation – are effectively being thrown in for free. The target’s role recently has been to provide investment confidence to ensure that long-term contracts are signed. Holmes à Court says without it or a new policy to replace it uncertainty associated with selling electricity on the spot market could increase the risk margin on finance or make a project “unbankable” until the next coal plant closes and pushes up the wholesale electricity price.
AGL has announced it will shut and replace its Liddell black coal plant in NSW in 2022 (and copped no shortage of opprobrium from the Coalition for doing so). Yallourn, a brown coal station in Victoria, could be squeezed out by the large-scale solar rush already announced in that state. But in terms of closures that will spark new investment the timeframe is unclear, especially given the government hopes to extend the life of existing coal plants and possibly underwrite new ones.
This is why interested parties from across the spectrum – the energy industry, business, consumer and welfare groups and climate activists – have been united in calling for a bipartisan policy. While Taylor has dismissed claims the government should try to eliminate uncertainty as naïve, and the gap between the major parties has widened to a gulf since Scott Morrison replaced Malcolm Turnbull, those invested in the debate want the best chance for the transition to happen as smoothly and cheaply as possible for everyone.
“Basically, as Audrey Zibelman says, we can have a managed transition or a chaotic disruption,” Holmes à Court says. “In a chaotic disruption people get hurt, whether they are consumers, employers or prime ministers.”

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Best Way To Fight Climate Change? Put An Honest Price On Carbon

New York Times - Editorial Board

Washington State voters will decide next week whether to impose a fee on carbon emissions. We hope they do.
Lily Padula
Will voters in Washington State breathe new life into the idea of taxing carbon emissions? Plenty of people worried about the earth’s future certainly hope so.
Climate scientists and economists have long argued that the single best way to slow global warming is to put a price on greenhouse gas emissions from fossil fuels and raise that price over time, thus creating a sensible market incentive to reduce emissions and invest in cleaner energy sources. Carbon pricing was also high on the list of urgent recommendations of the United Nations Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, which warned in a major report two weeks ago that without swift action to control emissions the world will begin suffering global warming’s worst consequences — including, but not limited to, the displacement of millions of people by drought and sea-level rise — as early as 2040, much sooner than previously forecast.
It is thus encouraging that in this time of torpor and climate denial at the highest levels of the federal government, voters in the state of Washington will soon be given the chance to adopt, by initiative, a carbon pricing plan that would charge polluters like refineries a fee for emitting greenhouse gases. This would be what economists call a Pigovian tax, after the British economist Arthur Pigou. In this case, the fee would factor in the now unaccounted for costs of more frequent and intense hurricanes, wildfires, droughts and other natural disasters linked to climate change. In the words of George Frampton, a senior environmental adviser to Bill Clinton and co-founder of a group that favors carbon taxes, Partnership for Responsible Growth, it’s an overdue stab at “honestly pricing carbon,” which industry has until now been able to hurl into the atmosphere pretty much for free.
Polling so far suggests a close vote. Opponents of the measure, including such big oil companies as BP and Chevron, have raised more than $25 million to get people to vote no; in addition, Washington voters soundly defeated a carbon tax the last time it appeared on the ballot, in 2016. But other powerful forces, including Bill Gates and Michael Bloomberg, the former New York mayor, have ponied up in support this time.
If the proposal, Initiative 1631, wins — as we hope it does — the result could ripple beyond Washington’s boundaries. No state can match California’s impressively broad suite of clean-energy programs, but the initiative, if successful, could catapult Jay Inslee, Washington’s governor, into the climate leadership role long occupied by the outgoing California governor, Jerry Brown. More important, it could provide a template, or at least valuable lessons, for other states to follow; and (let’s dream for a moment) it might even encourage Congress to take action on a national program.
Initiative 1631 is substantially different from the measure that failed spectacularly two years ago, and which Mr. Inslee voted against. That measure was advertised as revenue-neutral (meaning no net gain to the government). The money raised through carbon taxes would have been mostly returned to state residents through a reduction in the sales tax. This was intended to appeal to conservatives who didn’t want the tax to underwrite new government programs, but it turned out that many conservatives, like a lot of others, wanted real programs for their money, not just a tax shift.
Initiative 1631 aims to do that. On the revenue side, it would impose a $15 per metric ton fee on carbon emissions starting in 2020, increasing by $2 per year until the state’s 2035 carbon reduction goals are met. The state estimates that the levy would generate $2.2 billion in its first five years. The initiative’s supporters say that gasoline prices would rise about 13 cents a gallon in 2020, and would, overall, cost most citizens about $10 a month.
As for spending the money, about 70 percent of the proceeds would be invested in projects to accelerate the state’s transition from fossil fuels — public transportation, energy efficiency, wind and solar plants, and so on — and the rest on protecting forests and streams and shielding low-income ratepayers from higher electricity bills. There are exemptions — for the state’s only operating coal-fired power plant, which is scheduled to close in 2025, and for the state’s largest employer, Boeing, which competes in foreign markets. All in all, the initiative covers about 80 percent of Washington’s climate-warming emissions.
Groups that opposed the 2016 initiative, like the Sierra Club, have flocked to this one. As David Roberts has noted in Vox, “Tying the revenue from a dirty-energy tax to clean-energy investments is intuitively appealing.” He has also noted, however, that carbon pricing is no cure-all.
The dream among many carbon-pricing enthusiasts is that a smoothly functioning carbon tax will eliminate the need for messy government regulations like those imposed by the Obama administration after Congress failed to pass a cap-and-trade program. Carbon pricing would help, and could do wonders to drive private investment toward cleaner energy. But it won’t eliminate the need for government involvement; as the I.P.C.C. report made clear, rapidly decarbonizing a global economy is a gigantic undertaking, and will require government involvement and an array of responses.
And in the meantime, of course, and indeed into the foreseeable future, all present strategies to reduce emissions must continue, including the kinds of things Mr. Trump refuses to do — build out the electric vehicle fleet, reduce emissions from power plants, clamp down on methane pollution from oil and gas wells.
As of now, about 40 governments around the world, including the European Union and California, have put a price on carbon, some through cap-and-trade programs, with an average price per ton of $8, nowhere near the level the I.P.C.C. thinks necessary (at least $135 a ton by 2030, if not much higher) to cause meaningful reductions. But lately the idea of carbon taxes is showing signs of life in many parts of the world. Portugal launched a carbon tax in 2015, and Chile followed in 2017, and just last week Justin Trudeau, the Canadian prime minister, announced a sweeping plan to tax industrial emitters.
A yes vote in Washington State would add further momentum — and possibly focus a few minds in the other Washington.

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29/10/2018

Will Climate Change Split The Liberal Party?

AFRAndrew Clark

Divided for a decade over climat change ... Protestors dressed in costumes of Tony Abbott and Malcolm Turnbull at Bondi Surf Bathers SLSC polling booth for the Wentworth byelection. James Brickwood
Cross-dressing is not a top-of-mind Liberal Party metaphor but, politically speaking, that's what it's doing. Robert Menzies' party of government, where a former Liberal prime minister, John Howard, once warned that "disunity is death", is threatening to fragment over climate change.
It is even taking on some of the historic characteristics of the Labor Party, which spent decades in the political wilderness as a result of dividing over issues like communism. "For many years when we talked splits and factions it was Labor, and the Liberals were much less subject to that," says John Warhurst, Emeritus Professor of Politics at the ANU. "Now the boot is on the other foot."
Divisions over climate change have twice contributed to Malcolm Turnbull's loss of the Liberal Party leadership and the prime ministership. Five weeks after he jetted off to New York, the issue continued to fester and played a significant role in the Liberal Party losing Turnbull's formerly blue-ribbon seat of Wentworth.
To be fair, climate change as an issue has dogged both sides of Australian politics for more than a decade. A global failure to come up with firm emissions targets at the 2009 Copenhagen Summit flummoxed the Kevin Rudd-led Labor government, which had framed climate change as the "great moral challenge" of the modern era.
Roman Catholic Archbishop of Melbourne, Frank Little with Bob Santamaria with painting of former Archbishop of Melbourne Daniel Mannix in the background. Santamaria's formation of the DLP led to a Labor party split that kept the power out of government for years.
Further, an about face on introducing a carbon tax by Rudd's successor and victor in an internal party leadership coup, Julia Gillard, made her an easy target for then opposition leader, Tony Abbott, over what he called a "great big new tax".
But over the past couple of months climate change has morphed into something much bigger and politically destabilising. A centrist like Turnbull, with a past record of supporting an emissions trading scheme (ETS), being forced out of the PM's job by, among others, climate change sceptics like Abbott and Craig Kelly, lent an ideological tinge to a week of brutal blood-letting.
Turnbull and Abbott were bitter rivals with a near decade-old history of supplanting each other as party leader. But the contentious policy issue was Turnbull's carrot-and-stick National Energy Guarantee program. The abandonment of Turnbull's NEG, the role climate change played in the victory of an independent, Dr Kerryn Phelps, in the subsequent Wentworth byelection; and the demonstration effect the Wentworth result, including its climate change element, is having on other, similar, safe Liberal seats, has been stunning.
The metaphor may not be appropriate for climate change, but it's as if an accelerant has been poured on a long-burning fire in Coalition ranks.
This accelerant effect was obvious two weeks before the Wentworth byelection vote at a forum in the iconic Bondi Beach Pavilion. There 14 of the 16 candidates discussed issues ranging from tax policy to the position of refugees on Nauru, population growth and immigration. But the debate kept reverting back to climate change, with many candidates citing the explosive contents of the new IPCC report, released the day before in Incheon, South Korea.
Tony Abbott made Julia Gillard a target over what he called a "great big new tax". David Rowe
'There's always exceptions to the rule'
According to this latest IPCC document, the impacts and costs of a 1.5-degree forecast increase in global warming will be far greater than earlier expected. This follows a decade of record-breaking storms, forest fires, droughts, coral bleaching, heat waves and floods around the world as average mean temperatures increase. The IPCC report, which was based on more than 6000 studies, said the 1.5-degree increase in average temperatures could be reached in as little as 11 years – and almost certainly within 20 years – without major cuts in carbon dioxide (CO2) emissions.
It is these sorts of warnings, combined with what the great American jazz singer Billie Holliday referred to as "stormy weather", that have sharpened differences between Liberal Party moderates like Turnbull, and conservatives like Abbott, over the climate change issue.
It has not split the Liberal Party – so far. But there are reports that independent candidates – many are female, and some, possibly, may even emanate from the Liberal Party – will promote a climate change-related suite of policies, alongside a conservative approach to economic management, in the coming federal election in what had been regarded as safe Liberal seats.
Interestingly, this policy mix does contain elements of earlier peelings away from the Liberal fold. These include the 1966 formation of the Australian Reform Movement – led by the head of the IPEC transport group, Gordon Barton. It sharply differed from the Liberal Party over Australia's military involvement in the Vietnam War while espousing mainstream conservative economic policies. Eleven years later in 1977 former Liberal minister Don Chipp formed the Australian Democrats, a party with centrist characteristics that was later dismissed by then Labor finance minister Peter Walsh as "fairies at the bottom of the garden".
Indeed, "there's little aspects of the story that don't fit", Professor Warhurst acknowledges. "There's always exceptions to the rule. We are yet to see this issue play out and keep the Liberals out of office. But this highly charged situation in the Liberals does remind me of what Labor was like. "
There are echoes going back to the of the great Labor split. The record 23 years Labor spent in opposition from 1949 to 1972 were partly due to the long post-war boom, Liberal Prime Minister Robert Menzies' political dominance, Dr. H.V. Evatt's erratic leadership of the ALP, and Labor clinging to its nationalisation platform. But the principal factor was the communist bogey.
Soon after Menzies won the December 1949, election, "Doc" Evatt proposed banning the communist party. Not long after the first proxy conflict of the Cold War began in the form of the Korean War, inflaming domestic Australian tensions over the communist issue.

Labor divided
From the start, the ALP was sharply divided. "Doc" Evatt campaigned successfully against a later Menzies-sponsored referendum to ban the Australian Communist Party (CPA), warning against the rise of a police state. However, other labor figures were in favour of the ban.
The referendum was lost but the issue was never far from the headlines. There were persistent claims that Labor was "soft on communism", that left-wing members of the ALP such as Jim Cairns were "lover boys of the communist press", that Labor was suspect on issues such as the US Alliance, opposition to the claimed "downward thrust" of Communist China etc.
The issue was central to Labor's great split in 1954, when a largely Catholic, right-wing, virulently anti-communist faction directed by Bob Santamaria, head of the secretive Catholic Social Studies Movement, peeled away from the ALP to form the Democratic Labour Party, or DLP.
With Labor split, and the DLP distributing its preferences to the Coalition, the ALP remained out of office for another 18 years. The incessant, virulent guilt-by-association rhetoric of Santamaria helped to frame Labor during this long period as untrustworthy. It was a political fault line that lasted until the DLP was extinguished as an effective force by the results of the May 1974, double dissolution election.
Now the Liberal Party is threatening to fragment over climate change. Of course, the parallels are inexact and the Liberals have been in office for five years. But as Professor Warhurst points out, "the same apocalyptic language" is being used now on the climate change issue on the Liberal side "as the language which characterised the debate in the 50s and 60s on the Labor side".
Events in coming months will tell us if the parallels will come closer.

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Climate Change Policy: An Unwieldy Wrecking Ball Claiming PM’s Careers

NEWS.com.au - Malcolm Farr

IT HAS already destroyed four prime ministers. And now the very same wrecking ball is about to smash Scott Morrison as well.
Scott Morrison has “big stick” energy policy.
Picture Kym Smith Source: News Corp Australia
IT’S the uncontrollable wrecking ball of Australian politics which so far has smashed the careers of four prime ministers.
And now it could be swinging Scott Morrison’s way, just as it had towards Kevin Rudd and Julia Gillard from Labor, and his Liberal colleagues Tony Abbott and Malcolm Turnbull.
This demolition beast is climate change policy and the inability of politicians to present coherent schemes of their own or to resist misrepresenting those of rivals.
To dodge the ball of policy destruction Prime Minister Morrison is attempting to please everyone.
He wants a system which will lower emissions, encourage coal-fired power stations, force private power companies to divest assets, promote new generating technologies, and cut household electricity bills.
It’s a political strategy more than a global warming response, constructed to appease the array of cemented positions on energy policy within the Liberal Party rather than the wishes of consumers, including business.
It has a touch of former prime minister Tony Abbott’s unsuccessful Direct Action scheme and a taste of former prime minister Malcolm Turnbull’s National Energy Guarantee.
And one of its objectives is to blame the power industry, not government, for everything from electricity reliability, price, and technologies.
Scott Morrison is pushing around power companies, threatening them with his “big stick”, in a way he shrank from doing with banks when he was treasurer.
It’s a way of saying, “It’s not our fault you don’t like your electricity bills.”
Which is the gist of Mr Morrison’s comments on the Seven Network on Friday: “That is why we have to put more pressure on the big energy companies so they are doing the right thing by their customers and we are going to back that up with the laws which will give effect to that.
“As I said, we will take the big stick to the energy companies.”
Victims of the wrecking ball? Former PM Malcolm Turnbull and former Foreign Minister Julie Bishop. 
Picture: Saeed Khan Source: AFP
And the timing is right for this blame shifting as the use of cheaper renewables is starting to lower prices.
The Morrison government will be delighted to take the credit. But it underlines the complexity of the power game here.
Australia alone of developed nations has this preoccupation with climate change as a political battleground.
In Australia we can’t even settle on what is at stake.
Is it what Kevin Rudd called the great moral challenge — which portrayed it as something which can’t be measured by a temperature gauge alone — or is it about using more coal?
The climate change debate here can take many identities as political leaders shuffle around priorities to suit their already-existing positions.
So at one moment it’s not about addressing a changing climate, it’s about the unreliability of renewable energy, or about lowering electricity prices, or about supporting coal resources, or about not being told what to do by the United Nations.
There have been times of confusion as to what was being addressed.
Energy policy was a battleground for former Prime Minister Kevin Rudd.
Picture: Mick Tsikas Source: AAP
What has been clear is that the task is hugely difficult for two reasons Kevin Rudd recently underlined.
One is the daunting task of convincing a current generation to make sacrifices for a future one.
And because of the technical complexity of the climate change responses, which understandably baffle most people. That’s one reason why the Prime Minister uses the clunky term “fair dinkum power” instead of “dispatchable power”.
Desperation has driven some political leaders to absurd proposals.
Remember Julia Gillard’s 2010 “citizens’ assembly”? It was in effect a surrender to the issue and a flick pass to populist opinion.
Stubborn refusal to accept there was a problem at all has clogged policy development. Tony Abbott once declared the science of climate change was “crap” and has only toughened his opinion since then.
Desperation has driven other PM’s to surrender on issues of national importance.
Picture: Kym Smith Source: News Corp Australia
And disgraceful political game playing has made it harder for voters to sift the facts from blatant dishonesty.
Barnaby Joyce set the pace by claiming Labor policies would send the price of the Sunday roast to $100. It was of course rubbish.
It’s that political legacy Scott Morrison is attempting to defy, and the real test is whether he can do so and still produce a viable policy.

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