29/08/2018

Climate Change Brought Down Another Prime Minister In Australia. Here’s What Happened.

Washington Post - Joshua Busby

This 2016 photo shows dead coral on Australia’s Great Barrier Reef. Researchers think global warming causes heat-induced bleaching. (Greg Torda/ARC Center of Excellence/AP)
In Australia, Scott Morrison was sworn in as prime minister (PM) on Friday night, after an internal party revolt that led to the downfall of Malcolm Turnbull, who had been PM since September 2015. Conservative backbenchers within Turnbull’s own right-leaning Liberal party rejected his proposal to address climate change through an emissions-reduction target, and challenged his leadership.
Why is climate such a politically explosive issue in Australia? Depending on whose count, this is the third or seventh time that an Australian prime minister has been brought down by climate issues.
Australia is quite vulnerable to climate change, but complicated domestic politics have prevented the country from addressing the problem. This illustrates just how difficult it is for individual countries to develop policies to mitigate climate change — the bottom-up approach favored under the Paris Agreement.

Australia suffers greatly from climate change
New South Wales, Australia’s most populous state, is in a major drought, with devastating effects on agriculture. The impact of the drought was captured vividly in photos of flocks of emus, large flightless birds, recently mobbing a town in search of water and food. And vast stretches of the Great Barrier Reef died in recent years as a result of coral bleaching brought on by record high water temperatures.
Australia is also one of the world’s largest coal producers — by one account responsible for 37 percent of global exports — and the coal lobby through the Minerals Council is especially politically influential. Industry lobby groups, like those in the United States, opposed action on climate change and cultivated partisan division on the issue.
Although a growing majority of Australians favor action on climate change, a strong, influential minority opposes taking action. A spring 2015 survey by the Pew Research Center found that just 16 percent of Liberal party supporters thought climate change was a serious problem, compared with 58 percent of Labor and 79 percent of Green party supporters.
There are also large generational differences between younger and older Australians. A 2018 Lowy Institute poll found that 70 percent of Australians ages 18 to 44 considered global warming a “serious and pressing problem” compared with only 49 percent of those older than 44.

The problem has claimed several PMs already 
Political instability in Australia’s rough-and-tumble parliamentary democracy has been pervasive, with climate issues often at the heart of recent turmoil. In the past decade, Australia has had five prime ministers — Kevin Rudd, Julia Gillard, Rudd again briefly, Tony Abbott and Turnbull. Nobody served a full term.
The most recent kerfuffle is the latest in a string of political fights. Most recently, Turnbull, facing resistance from his own party, backpedaled on legislation to curb carbon emissions under a plan called the National Energy Guarantee (NEG).
Sensing vulnerability, Turnbull opponents challenged his leadership. Turnbull toppled Abbott, a fellow Liberal, in a similar manner in September 2015. With elections looming in May 2019 that the opposition Labor Party looks likely to win, Turnbull’s internal opponents decided the time was ripe to oust him.
Abbott, though somewhat a climate skeptic, committed Australia in August 2015 to reduce its greenhouse gas emissions by at least 26 percent below 2005 levels by 2030. The NEG proposal was an attempt to legislate those targets and also address high electricity prices and periodic blackouts that have affected parts of the country. Australia’s emissions have been rising since 2012.
The inability to legislate Australia’s climate commitments through the NEG generated swift condemnation by the wider Australian business community, citing worries about policy uncertainty.

There’s a Trump effect, in part 
President Trump’s announcement last year that the United States intended to withdraw from the Paris Agreement emboldened Abbott to break with the more moderate Turnbull — and reject the target Abbott previously set as prime minister. In July, he called for Australia to leave the accord as well. He used the U.S. decision as justification: “Absent America, my government would not have signed up to the Paris treaty, certainly not with the current target.”
The crackup over climate commitments is not a new story in Australia, and controversy over emissions trading schemes has also pushed out other leaders. Arguably, disputes about climate change contributed to the downfall of Labor leaders Rudd and Gillard in the mid-2000s. There appears to be a center of cross-party support for climate action and even greater support for renewables. But Australians, like Americans, seem reluctant to pay for expensive climate policies.
Turnbull’s measure would have passed with Labor support, but Labor and the Greens wanted an even more ambitious climate commitment. They also saw a general election they are likely to win — and little reason to hand Turnbull a victory that might have restored his electoral fortunes.

Climate politics got even more difficult without U.S. leadership
Australia’s political challenges underscore the difficulties the Paris Agreement now faces. Although the United States is still formally part of the Paris Agreement until November 2020, its withdrawal of political support makes it harder for other countries to make costly commitments of their own — as Abbott’s declaration after Trump’s Paris withdrawal illustrates. Brazil may follow suit if Jair Bolsonaro is elected in October.
The Paris Agreement was based on the premise that the enforcement capacity of the international community is limited. Another top-down climate treaty with commitments negotiated by diplomats — such as the Kyoto Protocol — would not work.
Instead, Paris substituted “National Determined Contributions,” where each country determined for itself what it thought it could do. Although these commitments were inadequate, the idea was to get a virtuous circle, to ramp up collective ambition and efforts to avoid dangerous climate change.
That isn’t really happening now, and as we see with Australia, the problems are not limited to the United States. The international community is sending mixed signals about the importance of this issue, which has changed the domestic political calculus in a number of countries.
But, as I argued recently in Foreign Affairs, climate change is going to become more — not less — salient over time. Australia’s crisis shows that, paradoxically, demand for action on climate change is likely to grow, both to address pollution, the underlying cause of climate change, but also the consequences of inaction.

*Joshua Busby is an associate professor at the LBJ School of Public Affairs at the University of Texas at Austin. His piece with Nigel Purvis, “Climate Leadership in Uncertain Times,” is forthcoming from the Atlantic Council.

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The Global Rightward Shift On Climate Change

The Atlantic

President Trump may be leading the rich, English-speaking world to scale back environmental policies.
President Donald Trump speaks next to then-Australian prime minister Malcolm Turnbull at the White House in February. Jonathan Ernst / Reuters


Last Thursday, Malcolm Turnbull was the prime minister of Australia. By the end of this week, he’ll be just another guy in Sydney.
Turnbull was felled by climate-change policy. His attempt at a moderate, even milquetoast energy bill—which included some mild cuts in greenhouse-gas emissions—proved too aggressive for his co-partisans. On Friday, members of Australia’s center-right Liberal Party voted him out of office.
Pity for Turnbull, though at least he can he can trudge home to his mansion on Sydney Harbor. And pity for Australia, which lately has had some trouble keeping its prime ministers in office. (It’s churned through six of them since 2007.) Yet even setting that context aside, Turnbull’s tumble remains a disquieting sign for anyone hoping for an aggressive global climate policy. In Australia—where global warming has contributed to the die-off of half the coral in the Great Barrier Reef since 2016—even a mild climate bill could not pass under a conservative government.
It points to an emerging pattern: Moderate national leaders—on both the center-left and center-right—in some of the world’s richest and most advanced countries are finding it far easier to talk about climate change than to actually fight it.
At a basic level, this pattern holds up, well, everywhere. Every country except the United States supports the Paris Agreement on climate change. But no major developed country is on track to meet its Paris climate goals, according to the Climate Action Tracker, an independent analysis produced by three European research organizations. Even Germany, Japan, and the United Kingdom—where right-wing governments have made combatting climate change a national priority—seem likely to miss their goals.
Simply put: This kind of failure, writ large, would devastate Earth in the century to come. The world would blow its stated goal of limiting atmospheric temperature rise. Heatwaves might regularly last for six punishing weeks, sea levels could soar by feet in a few short decades, and certain fragile ecosystems—like the delicate Arctic permafrost or the kaleidoscopic plenty of coral reefs—would disappear from the planet entirely.
Australia’s recent instability further complicates this unease. The global climate action of 2016 may be producing something like a worldwide climate backlash—especially in countries with powerful fossil-fuel interests, like Australia and Canada. Or—far more worryingly for climate advocates—these changes in policy may be trickling down from the biggest historical emitter of greenhouse gases of them all: the United States.
Take Canada. In 2015, Justin Trudeau campaigned for prime minister by citing his support for a national carbon price. (A carbon price is a type of climate policy that charges polluters for every ton of heat-trapping gas they dump into the atmosphere.) After winning the election, Trudeau took a compromise strategy on fossil fuels, proposing an economy-wide carbon price while endorsing the construction of several massive new oil-export pipelines.
Two years later, Trudeau’s carbon-pricing scheme is in trouble. The government has already slashed the ambition of its initial proposal. The Conservative Party, which opposes Trudeau, has dubbed the carbon price a “tax on everything” and its leader says a future government would repeal any carbon price. The new premier of Ontario, Canada’s most populous province, says he will fight the carbon price when it takes effect in January of next year.
It seems likely that the 2019 elections in Canada—in which Trudeau faces reelection—will hinge in part on what voters think of the carbon price. While that vote is still more than a year away, Trudeau’s Liberal Party has lost its early lead in polling and is now essentially tied with the Conservative Party.
But political opposition is not the only reason Trudeau has watered down his plan. His party seems to have real concerns about the economic consequences of the policy. In order to avoid putting any one country at a competitive disadvantage, global governments vowed to fight climate change together in 2015. But President Donald Trump abrogated this informal arrangement. Since taking office, he ravaged American climate policy, repealing his predecessor’s pollution-reduction rules on cars, trucks, and power plants. Coupled with Trump’s new tariffs and trade policy, a carbon tax could ding Canadian competitiveness.
This month, Trudeau’s government announced that it will tax only 20 percent of carbon emissions, not the planned 30 percent. Some Trump-threatened industries, including cement and steelmaking, will only see 10 percent of their emissions taxed, according to The Globe and Mail.
If the countries with whom we are competing—and especially that big one to the south of us—do not have that kind of a [carbon tax] system in place, then you are having your hands tied behind your back,” Dennis Darby, the president of a Canadian manufacturing organization, told that paper.
Yet even as he fights for his political life, Trudeau has found it easy to keep supporting new fossil-fuel infrastructure. In May, his government purchased the Trans Mountain pipeline project, which will likely assure its construction. The pipeline, which is opposed by environmental groups and several indigenous nations, will let Canada easily export hundreds of thousands of barrels of oil a day to Asia.
If Trudeau loses next year, and conservatives repeal his carbon tax, then his government’s climate legacy will be a pipeline, not a reduction in emissions. And if Canada abandons its climate policy, then it will follow the path set by another Anglophone petit petrostate: Australia.
Oz is the only country in the world to adopt an ambitious price on carbon pollution and then promptly repeal it. Its aggressive climate policy—adopted by the left-leaning Labor Party in 2012—was repealed by Prime Minister Tony Abbott’s rightwing government two years later.
Which is to say that Australian climate policy is already weird and mangled—and, indeed, that Australian energy policy as a whole is weird and mangled. Australia should have cheap electricity: It is very sunny, and very windy, and its miners haul roughly $50 billion in U.S. dollars of coal out of the ground every year. Yet recently Aussies have been paying some of the highest power prices in the world. Since 2015, household power bills have doubled in cost in some states. Electricity in Sydney is now more than twice as expensive as it is in New York.
Turnbull’s downfall has to be understood in light of that policy disaster. The former prime minister spent months trying to put together a “National Energy Guarantee” that would address its electricity crisis, mostly by making Obamacare-style improvements to the power market. The same bill also legislated some modest emissions cuts that were promised under the Paris Agreement.
Rightwing lawmakers, many of whom are allied with Australia’s booming fossil-fuel industry, seized on the climate aspects of the legislation. So last week, Turnbull abandoned it. The embarrassment ultimately led to his ouster: By Friday, his party’s right wing had voted to replace him.
So Australia’s energy policy is now again adrift. Its new prime minister, Scott Morrison, is perceived in the country as being on the center-right, and he’s said he won’t abandon the Paris Agreement. But Australian carbon emissions have been rising for six years and it’s totally unclear whether it will meet its greenhouse-gas targets. The new prime minister has also already appointed a far-right opponent of renewable energy to lead Australia’s ministry of energy and environment.
What else drove this coup? Look to a July speech made by Tony Abbott, a former Australian prime minister and by far its most conservative leader this decade. He exhorted Australia to follow President Trump’s lead and leave the Paris Agreement—which is notable, since Abbott himself signed the agreement. But the situation had changed: “Absent America, my government would not have signed up to the Paris treaty, certainly not with the current target,” he said.
“Withdrawing from the Paris agreement,” he continued, “would be the best way to keep prices down and employment up; and, to save our party from a political legacy that could haunt us for the next decade at least.”
Abbott  then engaged in a bit of Trumpianism, rejecting many of the conclusions of mainstream climate science. “Storms are not more severe; droughts are not more prolonged; floods are not greater; and fires are not more intense than a century ago.” (These claims are respectively false, likely false, debatable, and false.)
All this does not bode well for advocates of climate action.Extreme weather is battering Australia on all fronts: Carbon-warmed oceans are plundering its Great Barrier Reef, and a record-breaking drought is ravaging the country’s well-populated southeast. Yet even its center-right-led, middling attempt at a climate policy is withering on the vine. On Monday, in one of his first public appearances since taking office, Prime Minister Morrison declined to comment on whether climate change is intensifying the country’s drought. “I’m going to leave that debate,” he said, “for another day.”

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All Models Used By Bureau Now Point To El Nino By The End Of Spring

FairfaxPeter Hannam

All of the Bureau of Meteorology's eight international models it uses now predict an El Nino event by the end of spring, dimming hopes of quenching rains that would aid farmers and ease the bushfire risks.
The Bureau of Meteorology's latest El Nino-Southern Oscillation update shifts the odds slightly from a fortnight ago when only a majority of the models had forecast an El Nino by spring's end.
There's no early sign of a break in the drought - in fact it could get worse. Photo: AAP
Robyn Duell, a senior bureau climatologist, cautioned that model forecasts had picked an El Nino at this time in 2014, only for the drivers - namely a relative warming in the eastern tropical Pacific compared with the west - to back off.
"We need to see the [easterly] trade winds weakening - that's the key we're looking for," Ms Duell said. "Models are not enough."
Still, the Southern Oscillation index - which gauges pressure differences between Darwin and Tahiti - had recently become more "El Nino-like" the bureau said.
During El Ninos, spring rainfall in eastern and northern Australia is typically below average, while temperatures in the southern two-thirds of the country is above average.
Compounding the tendency towards drier-than-average rainfall across south-eastern Australia are cooler than usual waters off north-western Australia. These typically reduce the moisture streaming over the continent, and the models forecast this rainfall-suppressing trend to increase in the near term according to three of six models the bureau uses.
Much of Australia has had "exceptionally warm" daytime temperatures this winter, even if clear skies have made for frosty overnight conditions in many areas, Ms Duell said.



Recent rains had helped parts of northern NSW and southern Queensland but most other drought-affected areas received only a few showers.
Sydney, for instance, has collected less than 8 millimetres of rain in August while evaporation levels are running at about 132 millimetres, bureau data shows.
The outlook for the coming week offers some prospect of more falls early next week with as much as 15 millimetres tipped for Tuesday.

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'No Real Appetite': Former Farmers Chief Lashes Ministers Over Climate Link To Drought

The Guardian

Brent Finlay, former president of the National Farmers’ Federation, says Scott Morrison and Barnaby Joyce are the latest who are failing the bush
Scott Morrison with agriculture minister David Littleproud and deputy Nationals leader Bridget McKenzie in Quilpie in south-west Queensland on Monday. Photograph: Alex Ellinghausen / Fairfax Media
The former president of the National Farmers’ Federation, Brent Finlay, has accused politicians of “jumping in front of the cameras” while shirking effective policy work on drought and climate change.
As Scott Morrison and his special drought envoy, Barnaby Joyce, toured south-west Queensland on Tuesday, Finlay described the former deputy prime minister and agriculture minister as the last in a long line of ministers who had “no real appetite” for national drought policy in a changing climate.
“Climate change and connectivity are the two biggest issues facing the bush. Climate change is real and we have to have a national drought policy framed on what we know about climate change – the two are interlinked,” Finlay told Guardian Australia.
“Instead of jumping in front of the cameras when a drought is on, we need them to do the grunt work on effective financial measures that allow our farmers to build up cash reserves in the good times to draw upon when the dry comes again.”
Scott Morrison meets former rugby league player turned farmer Shane Webcke in Quilpie during his visit to south-west Queensland. Photograph: Alex Ellinghausen / Fairfax Medi/Alex Ellinghausen / Fairfax Media
He also called on governments to start rewarding good farmers who prepare for drought rather than the “less efficient” farmers.
Finlay said politics had caused a failure of a national drought policy which should apply some structure to how farmers cope in drought and the nature of government assistance.
“I went to Labor and the Coalition in 2013 when nowhere in Australia was in drought,” Finlay said. “The Labor government had dropped the exceptional circumstances funding program and I made the comment, this is gone now, what is the national drought policy?
“Labor said they would do a policy before the 2013 election. [Former Coalition agriculture shadow spokesman] John Cobb said there would be something on drought. When Barnaby was appointed, he said it will be in the agriculture white paper. It was not there.
Morrison with ministers and farmers at the Tully farm in Quilpie. Photograph: Alex Ellinghausen / Fairfax Medi/Alex Ellinghausen / Fairfax Media
Building a national drought policy “always seemed too hard”, he said.
The white paper did not include climate change in its terms of reference and the NFF was not consulted on those terms.
Finlay would like to see drought treated as a new category in natural disaster arrangements to embed a structural mechanism beyond the politics of the day. Dry spells could then be monitored using data from the CSIRO and the Bureau of Meteorology and when the outlook turned towards drought, conditional government assistance that rewarded good managers would kick in.
“Farmers acknowledge drought is a regular part of agriculture and with climate change we will potentially see more and more and that’s what we need,” he said.
“The climate is changing, you can see it in the eyes of farmers who dismissed it as rubbish eight years ago. By recognising climate change, it is empowering resources to support agriculture.”
He would like to see a permanent drought commissioner placed in the prime minister’s office to be proactive on policy development and climate monitoring. This would be a significant move, as it would place the commissioner out of the hands of the agriculture minister, who is a National party minister in any Coalition government.
Scott Morrison, with sheep and cattle graziers Stephen and Annabel Tully, and drought coordinator Major-General Stephen Day in Quilpie. Photograph: Alex Ellinghausen/AAP
“The permanent drought commissioner needs to be in PMO, we need to keep it at arms length from those politicians that feel they are directly effected. If it’s in PMO and hopefully its bipartisan, it elevates the management of the position.”
Finlay was president of the National Farmers Federation for three years from 2013, coinciding with the last months of the Gillard-Rudd Labor government and Barnaby Joyce’s first three years as agriculture minister. He was also chair of the NFF’s national drought committee.
Finlay said the government should put all ideas on the table to change the thinking on drought policy towards a model that rewarded good farm managers.
“It’s not going to make me popular to say it but unfortunately current drought assistance measures reward our less efficient farming operators at the expense of those families who’ve been better prepared for drought.
“You’ve only got to look at our current weather patterns to know that climate change is real and we should expect more extreme weather including more droughts in the future.”
Guardian Australia has contacted Barnaby Joyce’s office for comment.


Australia's climate wars: a decade of dithering

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Climate change is World War III, and we are leaderless

ABC NewsDavid Shearman

Like the US, Australia is failing to save the lives of its citizens by prolonging the life of polluting coal-fired power. (ABC News)
"World War III is well and truly underway. And we are losing," writes environmental activist Bill McKibben, so when Malcolm Turnbull implied that the insurgency that demolished his government was based on climate ideology, what lessons are there for Scott Morrison?
As a child in Britain during WWII, I lived in a street of mothers and children. Every father was away fighting. Each house and garden was surrounded by a metal palisade fence.

Where is the urgency in
Australia's climate policy?
Australia needs to stop pretending we're tackling climate change.

One morning the fences were gone, mother was delighted. Then a horse and cart came and took away every metal cooking pot and pan, some treasured, but mother smiled at her sacrifice. It was difficult for me to understand.
She had responded to the call from Lord Beaverbrook, Minister of Aircraft Production, for the women of Britain to: "Give us your aluminium. … We will turn your pots and pans into Spitfires and Hurricanes."
Grey sky blanketed my childhood, each day clouded by the expectation of a knock on the door by the telegram man. There was poverty and hunger but paradoxically it was a happy time, food was shared and houses were open to all.
Families rushed to harvest hay, to clear the snowy roads in winter, to house the bombed families and to "make do and mend" with clothes and shoes.
Britain was a united and cohesive community. Young and old worked daily in small ways for the common cause. But most importantly, in the free world, two countries — Britain and the US — had leaders in Winston Churchill and Franklin D Roosevelt who could explain the need for duty and sacrifice.
Their like is yet to emerge today, and indeed the Western world is bereft, perhaps apart from French President Emmanuel Macron, who explained to Congress and the American people that secure borders are irrelevant to this threat, and all of us are world citizens needing to act in concert. "There is no Planet B," he said.
He challenged Malcolm Turnbull to show leadership on climate change.
Prime Minister, please call for a personal briefing by Australia's leading climate scientists. (ABC News: Nick Haggarty)
US and Australia trading ideology for human lives
Two of the world's highest per capita carbon emitters, the United States and Australia, have deserted the trenches of WWIII by trading ideology for human lives and health.

Climate change litigation
rising with the seas

The US response to the climate threat has been withdrawal from the Paris agreement and a full-frontal attack on the US Environmental Protection Authority, a national defence against climate change, pollution and ill-health — as irrational as if the Germans had demolished their "Siegfried Line" of WWII.
As a doctor, I know that they will compromise the health of children and families from relaxation of pollution standards on coal-fired power stations and from weaker fuel standards. Their actions are an attack on all humanity and thereby the US has abandoned world leadership.
Australia's response to climate change is devious; under the guise of action, the transition to renewable energy has been carefully modulated to maintain coal. Policy was corrupted by deference to a party clique of climate deniers who proudly named their group after Australia's most illustrious WW1 general John Monash, and were deaf to his descendants pleading for his name to be removed.
Like the US, Australia is failing to save the lives of its citizens by prolonging the life of polluting coal-fired power.
As a wealthy, technological nation failing to assist others in a transition from fossil fuels, and soon to become the leading exporter of coal and gas in the world, Australia has failed to temper its quest for prosperity and serve the needs of humanity.

Humanity lives in one atmosphere
Both the United States and Australia must understand that humanity lives in one atmosphere and all must act decisively and collectively to preserve the common and finite resources of land, sea, air, biodiversity and fresh water necessary for health and wellbeing.
Leadership is the ability to explain this to voters and to caution that any hope of future prosperity depends upon collective action.
But leadership by an emerging Churchill or Roosevelt is much more difficult than in WWII. Leadership will need to explain the pots and pans needing to be sacrificed today.
Mr Churchill's stirring "We shall fight on the beaches, we shall fight on the landing grounds", an easily understood message of WWII, has to become equally inspirational on changes in lifestyle, personal commitment to curbing rampant consumerism, energy transition, efficient recycling, modifying diet and conserving biodiversity and, ultimately, a sharing of finite resources and economic sacrifice.
These endeavours will also need to be accepted by the corporate empires that pollute and frequently enrich themselves from environmental capture and exploitation.
They must recognise that their survival also depends on climate action.

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Mr Morrison, think of your lovely young children
But most importantly leaders must understand complex problems.
Prime Minister, doctors wish you well in your endeavours; your visit to drought-riven states is an excellent start. Our suggestions relate to the two most important people at your investiture, your lovely young children.
Please study the collective action plan so badly needed (a report co-authored by leading medical scientist Fiona Stanley) to avoid burning their futures in a hot, hungry, stormy and resource-conflicted world.
And please call for a personal briefing by Australia's leading climate scientists on these and related issues.

Dr David Shearman is the honorary secretary of Doctors for the Environment Australia and Emeritus Professor of Medicine at Adelaide University.

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