30/10/2018

Climate Change And Renewables Driving New Mining Boom, Mining Chief Says

FairfaxCole Latimer

The mining industry is addressing climate change head-on as it prepares for a new boom driven by renewable energy demand, a global mining council chief says.
The mining industry has been under fire following a recent UN report by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, which said Australia must limit and eventually phase out its thermal coal mining to help fight rising global temperatures.
ICMM chief Tom Butler says demand for energy will drive a new resources boom for copper and lithium. Credit: ICMM
The mining industry and Australian government pushed back, saying mining has a long role to play in the country.
Speaking ahead of the International Mining and Resources Conference on Tuesday, International Council on Mining and Metals chief executive Tom Butler told Fairfax Media mining and a carbon price are both needed to achieve the IPCC’s climate goals, supporting a renewable energy boom that will drive more mining.
“Our materials will be critical to enabling the decarbonisation of the planet,” Mr Butler said.
“The mining sector has a critical role to play in the sustainability effort. We can choose whether to be a leader or follow in that."
Mr Butler said the ICMM has also called for a carbon price. He said in order to achieve the two degree Celsius reduction in global temperatures the world will need more copper and lithium to support renewable technologies.
"If we're to achieve 2 degrees Celsius, we'll need around 20 million tonnes more copper and around ten times the amount of lithium - for batteries - that is currently mined to supply demand, and that isn't including electric vehicles," Mr Butler said.
Minerals Council of Australia chief executive Tania Constable refuted claims the mining industry was in denial over climate change but said Australian coal could play a role in addressing it.
"I don't think there are companies that are climate change deniers, and they understand the risk of it to industry," Ms Constable told Fairfax Media.
"While a value on carbon is important, you have to take multiple avenues, and one single way is not the best way to address it."
It comes as the mining industry highlights its alignment with the United Nations sustainable development goals, a series of global aspirations to improve society and environmental conservation to 2030.
Glencore has been singled out for its rehabilitation of its former coal mines.
In the report commissioned by the Minerals Council of Australia, it examined how Australia’s mining industry was promoting gender equality, education, economic growth, and water and environmental conservation.
The report focused on the work of Glencore’s coal business in rehabilitating more than 1000 hectares of former mining land at Mangoola, in the New South Wales Hunter Valley, and turning its Liddell coal mine into cattle grazing land.
It also covered BHP’s biodiversity conservation project and its $13.4 million land conservation operation in Tasmania.
“This report is the first step in our work to further understand, listen and import how Australia’s minerals sector work to support strong, resilient and inclusive communities across the country,” Ms Constable said.

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Clean Energy Is Cheap, Surging – And Headed For A Fall

The Guardian

Solar and wind projects are transforming Australia’s power grid, but unclear policies will slow new investments
Stage 1 of the Bungala Solar Farm, outside Port Augusta in regional South Australia. Photograph: Che Chorley for the Guardian
The relentlessly corrosive nature of political debate about climate change can sometimes mask that this is a golden moment for the clean energy industry in Australia.
A near-constant stream of investment announcements suggests a barrier has been knocked down such that leading renewable technologies, so long dependent on public subsidies, have assumed market supremacy.
In the Pilbara, Macquarie Bank has joined a proposed $22bn project that plans to use solar and wind to run local mines, create “green” hydrogen energy for north Asia and possibly export electricity to Indonesia. In regional South Australia, the British billionaire industrialist, Sanjeev Gupta, has said he considered building a coal plant to run the Whyalla steelworks he bought last year, but decided it was cheaper to throw roughly $1.5bn at solar, pumped hydro storage, battery storage and co-generation (creating energy from waste gas) as he adopts his “green steel” model. Outside Townsville, zinc refiner Sun Metals recently opened Australia’s first large-scale solar farm built by a major energy user to service part of its own needs and feed the grid.
The Clean Energy Council lists 69 large-scale projects across the country that have recently reached “financial close” and are either under construction or presumably about to be. They should mean $15.6bn investment and add 10,978 megawatts of renewable energy capacity to the system. These projects – just those the council knows of – are in addition to the 30 new clean energy plants that started operating in the first nine months of the year. Contracts are being signed at historically cheap prices – a reported $52 per megawatt-hour for the giant Stockyard Hill wind farm in central Victoria, for example.
Meanwhile, rooftop solar panels are being installed at an astonishing rate. In May, the head of the Australian Energy Market Operator, Audrey Zibelman, said six panels were going up across the continent every minute, adding the capacity of a large coal power station each year. The consumer watchdog recently recommended incentive schemes for small-scale systems be wound back. Some in the energy industry have suggested there will soon be more solar power coming into the grid than Australia can use but a new study by consultants Green Energy Markets, which examined the amount of solar power expected every 30 minutes out to 2021, rejects this idea. The energy minister, Angus Taylor, says the federal incentive scheme will stay.
The investment avalanche is driving an unprecedented transformation of the electricity grid. At the time of writing, clean energy had met 21.8% of national electricity market demand over the past week, suggesting the country is on the cusp of meeting the 2020 renewable energy target of about 23% ahead of schedule. The Clean Energy Council’s chief executive, Kane Thornton, says the momentum is massive; Green Energy Markets suggest it could mean renewable generation hits 33.3% by 2020. Analyst and advocate Simon Holmes à Court says it is likely as much clean energy capacity will be built over the next two years as over the previous 40.
In July, the market operator found a business-as-usual path, without policies ramping up, was likely to lead to about 46% clean energy by 2030. It underlined the hollowness of the government’s now-dumped pledge to introduce a national energy guarantee to reduce greenhouse gas emissions from electricity by 26% below 2005 levels over that timeframe, and implied Labor’s 50% renewable energy target would take little effort. (Both targets are less than the change in coal use the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change suggests is necessary for Australia to play its part in limiting global warming.)
But while the direction is clear, the picture is murkier than this moment suggests. There are signs investment may soon slow markedly.
Most of the investment is being driven by the renewable energy target, which peaks in 2020 and stays at that level for the following decade. The spending to meet the target has come in a rush lately, mainly because then-prime minister Tony Abbott commissioned a review by businessman and climate sceptic Dick Warbuton, who wanted to end it. The uncertainty triggered an investment strike that lasted the better part of two years before the target was ultimately reduced.
But the target has done its job. With no policy to replace it, the incentive to build clean energy plants is expected to fall off significantly. This is already being seen in wholesale energy futures markets, where it is playing a role in prices trending upwards again. There is consistent evidence, from the market operator down, that it is cheaper to build variable clean energy with “firming” support than alternatives. New performance standards requiring investors in areas flooded with renewable energy to install expensive grid-stabilising technology needed to smooth the transition are not expected to change this. But demand for electricity is barely growing. Without a policy that gives the industry a map for when new clean generation will be needed, new plants are unlikely to come online until coal plant owners announce more closures.
There are exceptions. Tristan Edis, a Green Energy Markets analyst, points to companies signing contracts with state governments: Victoria recently announced six wind and solar farms had won contracts under its first renewable energy tender after a similar round for battery storage, and Queensland has promised to soon follow with the result of its auction. Also, some large energy users with deep pockets may build or fund their own generation needs to hedge against market costs, as Sun Metals did in Queensland. But these are investment spikes, not maps.
“Beyond that there is no appetite for the major energy retailers to do deals, so I expect we’re not going to see the large-scale investments,” Edis says. “Instead of seeing thousands of megawatts of new capacity a year we may see a few hundred.”
Other energy system experts agree. Holmes à Court, from the Energy Transition Hub at the University of Melbourne, says it is little understood that consumers are no longer subsidising new developments under the renewable energy target through their bills. Long-term pricing contracts being signed between wind and solar farm owners and energy retailers are now setting such low prices that large-scale generation certificates – documents that retailers must buy and hand in to the government as proof they are meeting their renewable obligation – are effectively being thrown in for free. The target’s role recently has been to provide investment confidence to ensure that long-term contracts are signed. Holmes à Court says without it or a new policy to replace it uncertainty associated with selling electricity on the spot market could increase the risk margin on finance or make a project “unbankable” until the next coal plant closes and pushes up the wholesale electricity price.
AGL has announced it will shut and replace its Liddell black coal plant in NSW in 2022 (and copped no shortage of opprobrium from the Coalition for doing so). Yallourn, a brown coal station in Victoria, could be squeezed out by the large-scale solar rush already announced in that state. But in terms of closures that will spark new investment the timeframe is unclear, especially given the government hopes to extend the life of existing coal plants and possibly underwrite new ones.
This is why interested parties from across the spectrum – the energy industry, business, consumer and welfare groups and climate activists – have been united in calling for a bipartisan policy. While Taylor has dismissed claims the government should try to eliminate uncertainty as naïve, and the gap between the major parties has widened to a gulf since Scott Morrison replaced Malcolm Turnbull, those invested in the debate want the best chance for the transition to happen as smoothly and cheaply as possible for everyone.
“Basically, as Audrey Zibelman says, we can have a managed transition or a chaotic disruption,” Holmes à Court says. “In a chaotic disruption people get hurt, whether they are consumers, employers or prime ministers.”

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Best Way To Fight Climate Change? Put An Honest Price On Carbon

New York Times - Editorial Board

Washington State voters will decide next week whether to impose a fee on carbon emissions. We hope they do.
Lily Padula
Will voters in Washington State breathe new life into the idea of taxing carbon emissions? Plenty of people worried about the earth’s future certainly hope so.
Climate scientists and economists have long argued that the single best way to slow global warming is to put a price on greenhouse gas emissions from fossil fuels and raise that price over time, thus creating a sensible market incentive to reduce emissions and invest in cleaner energy sources. Carbon pricing was also high on the list of urgent recommendations of the United Nations Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, which warned in a major report two weeks ago that without swift action to control emissions the world will begin suffering global warming’s worst consequences — including, but not limited to, the displacement of millions of people by drought and sea-level rise — as early as 2040, much sooner than previously forecast.
It is thus encouraging that in this time of torpor and climate denial at the highest levels of the federal government, voters in the state of Washington will soon be given the chance to adopt, by initiative, a carbon pricing plan that would charge polluters like refineries a fee for emitting greenhouse gases. This would be what economists call a Pigovian tax, after the British economist Arthur Pigou. In this case, the fee would factor in the now unaccounted for costs of more frequent and intense hurricanes, wildfires, droughts and other natural disasters linked to climate change. In the words of George Frampton, a senior environmental adviser to Bill Clinton and co-founder of a group that favors carbon taxes, Partnership for Responsible Growth, it’s an overdue stab at “honestly pricing carbon,” which industry has until now been able to hurl into the atmosphere pretty much for free.
Polling so far suggests a close vote. Opponents of the measure, including such big oil companies as BP and Chevron, have raised more than $25 million to get people to vote no; in addition, Washington voters soundly defeated a carbon tax the last time it appeared on the ballot, in 2016. But other powerful forces, including Bill Gates and Michael Bloomberg, the former New York mayor, have ponied up in support this time.
If the proposal, Initiative 1631, wins — as we hope it does — the result could ripple beyond Washington’s boundaries. No state can match California’s impressively broad suite of clean-energy programs, but the initiative, if successful, could catapult Jay Inslee, Washington’s governor, into the climate leadership role long occupied by the outgoing California governor, Jerry Brown. More important, it could provide a template, or at least valuable lessons, for other states to follow; and (let’s dream for a moment) it might even encourage Congress to take action on a national program.
Initiative 1631 is substantially different from the measure that failed spectacularly two years ago, and which Mr. Inslee voted against. That measure was advertised as revenue-neutral (meaning no net gain to the government). The money raised through carbon taxes would have been mostly returned to state residents through a reduction in the sales tax. This was intended to appeal to conservatives who didn’t want the tax to underwrite new government programs, but it turned out that many conservatives, like a lot of others, wanted real programs for their money, not just a tax shift.
Initiative 1631 aims to do that. On the revenue side, it would impose a $15 per metric ton fee on carbon emissions starting in 2020, increasing by $2 per year until the state’s 2035 carbon reduction goals are met. The state estimates that the levy would generate $2.2 billion in its first five years. The initiative’s supporters say that gasoline prices would rise about 13 cents a gallon in 2020, and would, overall, cost most citizens about $10 a month.
As for spending the money, about 70 percent of the proceeds would be invested in projects to accelerate the state’s transition from fossil fuels — public transportation, energy efficiency, wind and solar plants, and so on — and the rest on protecting forests and streams and shielding low-income ratepayers from higher electricity bills. There are exemptions — for the state’s only operating coal-fired power plant, which is scheduled to close in 2025, and for the state’s largest employer, Boeing, which competes in foreign markets. All in all, the initiative covers about 80 percent of Washington’s climate-warming emissions.
Groups that opposed the 2016 initiative, like the Sierra Club, have flocked to this one. As David Roberts has noted in Vox, “Tying the revenue from a dirty-energy tax to clean-energy investments is intuitively appealing.” He has also noted, however, that carbon pricing is no cure-all.
The dream among many carbon-pricing enthusiasts is that a smoothly functioning carbon tax will eliminate the need for messy government regulations like those imposed by the Obama administration after Congress failed to pass a cap-and-trade program. Carbon pricing would help, and could do wonders to drive private investment toward cleaner energy. But it won’t eliminate the need for government involvement; as the I.P.C.C. report made clear, rapidly decarbonizing a global economy is a gigantic undertaking, and will require government involvement and an array of responses.
And in the meantime, of course, and indeed into the foreseeable future, all present strategies to reduce emissions must continue, including the kinds of things Mr. Trump refuses to do — build out the electric vehicle fleet, reduce emissions from power plants, clamp down on methane pollution from oil and gas wells.
As of now, about 40 governments around the world, including the European Union and California, have put a price on carbon, some through cap-and-trade programs, with an average price per ton of $8, nowhere near the level the I.P.C.C. thinks necessary (at least $135 a ton by 2030, if not much higher) to cause meaningful reductions. But lately the idea of carbon taxes is showing signs of life in many parts of the world. Portugal launched a carbon tax in 2015, and Chile followed in 2017, and just last week Justin Trudeau, the Canadian prime minister, announced a sweeping plan to tax industrial emitters.
A yes vote in Washington State would add further momentum — and possibly focus a few minds in the other Washington.

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