18/08/2019

Environmental Destruction Is A War Crime, But It’s Almost Impossible To Fall Foul Of The Laws

The Conversation

It was defoliants, seen here during Operation Ranch Hand in the Vietnam War, that prompted action to protect the environment during conflicts. National Museum of the US Air Force 




This inspired a number of headlines that misleadingly said the scientists want environmental destruction to be made a war crime.
But environmental destruction is already recognised as a war crime by the International Criminal Court. The existing legal framework governing armed conflict also provides some protections for the environment.
The problem is these protections are inadequate, inconsistent, unclear, and most military behaviour won’t fall foul of these laws.

The legal protections already in place
There are currently four Geneva Conventions and three Additional Protocols that are supposed to regulate conduct during armed conflict, sometimes known as the rules of war.
The original four Geneva Conventions, which celebrate their 70th anniversary this year, contain no explicit mention of the natural environment.
The use of Agent Orange (and Agents White and Blue) to defoliate huge spans of land during the Vietnam War led to the introduction of the first specific protections for the environment during armed conflict.


Following the Vietnam War, two major developments in the law occurred.

The first was the adoption of the United Nation’s Convention on the Prohibition of Military or Any Other Hostile Use of Environmental Modification Techniques Convention (ENMOD) that prohibits the hostile use of environment-altering techniques that have “widespread, long-lasting, or severe effects”.
The second was the inclusion of provisions in Additional Protocol I (API) that prohibits methods or means intended or expected to cause “widespread, long term, and severe damage to the natural environment” during warfare.

Near impossibly high standards
Both treaties set a very high threshold for falling foul of the prohibitions. API requires that all three elements of damage — widespread, long term, and severe — must be met for military action to be in violation of this provision.
The consequence is that most military behaviour, even when damaging the environment, won’t be in violation of these laws.
Making it even more difficult, the meaning of the three terms differs between the two, and there is ongoing disagreement as to their definition.
While an understanding was reached to determine the definitions in ENMOD, there is still dispute about the meaning of the terms in API. The definitions provided here are among the more commonly accepted. Shireen DaftAuthor provided
The only environmental destruction in recent times that has been considered to meet such a high threshold was the setting alight of Kuwaiti oil fields by Iraqi forces as they withdrew during the 1991 Gulf War.
A Kuwaiti oil well fire, south of Kuwait City, in March 1991. Wikimedia/EdJFCC BY
The United Nations Compensation Commission held Iraq liable for the environmental damage caused in Kuwait. But because Iraq was not a party to either ENMOD or API, the Commission applied a unique legal standard derived from Security Council Resolution 687 and Iraq is still paying compensation to Kuwait to this day.
Neither ENMOD nor API specifies that a breach of these provisions constitutes a war crime. This came in 2002 when the Rome Statute establishing the International Criminal Court came into force.
The Rome Statute says it is a war crime to intentionally cause “widespread, long-term, and severe damage to the natural environment which would be clearly excessive” to the military advantage to be obtained.
The terms are not defined in the Rome Statute, and what is meant by “clearly excessive” is subjective, and introduces a test of proportionality.

Another Geneva Convention?
A new international agreement that balances the interests of environmental protection and respects the laws on armed conflict could be of enormous benefit.
The existing legal framework is only equipped to deal with direct attacks on the natural environment.
But this ignores the many other ways the environment is affected by conflict. Resources such as diamonds, coltan, timber and ivory are all used to help fund conflicts, and this can place enormous stress on the environment.
A particular gap is that no consideration is given in the existing framework to non-human species - to wildlife affected by war or to animals used for military purposes. Yet conflict has proved the biggest predictor of population declines in wild species.
But a new treaty that creates strong, effective, and enforceable protections requires significant political will.
An attempt was made two decades ago, headed by Greenpeace, but no agreement could be reached. That attempt was made during a time when international cooperation and treaty development was at its highest, following the end of the Cold War.
In the current political and social environment it seems unlikely any attempt for such an agreement would be successful. At best, we would see watered-down protections, no stronger than what is already in place. Thus drafting such a Convention now could do more harm than good, in the long run.

If not a new treaty, then what?
The International Law Commission (ILC) is about to release its report dealing with the issue of protecting the environment during armed conflict. This was what inspired the Open Letter from the scientists in the first place.
The Draft Principles it is producing are not new principles of law, but those already found in the existing legal framework. Unfortunately the work produced so far continues to use “widespread, long term, and severe” with no clarity as to what they mean.
But they do confirm that all the fundamental principles of the rules of war apply to the environment, and should be interpreted “with a view to its protection”. The environment should not be a target, and the impact on the environment must be taken into consideration in military operations.
The work of the ILC should inform governments of the interpretation of existing law. Governments should then give more attention to the environment in the operational guidelines used by their militaries.
The Australian Law of Armed Conflict manual, used by our defence forces, already acknowledges they have a duty to protect the natural environment. The next step is to move beyond this general principle to the specific, and have clear guidelines about what protecting the environment during armed conflict means, in practice.
The International Committee of the Red Cross is also currently updating its guidelines for all military manuals to ensure the environment is a consideration to be evaluated during all military operations.
While the world might not yet be ready to consider a new Geneva Convention relating to the environment, the survival of our natural environment does depend on changes being made to the way the war is conducted.

Links

Australia Urgently Needs Real Sustainable Agriculture Policy

The Conversation

           Australia must invest in sustainable agriculture. Author provided
Australia has made a global commitment to “sustainable agriculture”, an endeavour seen as increasingly crucial to ending world poverty, halting biodiversity loss, and combating climate change. A recent report from the UN found land use – including food production – is responsible for around one-third of the world’s greenhouse gas emissions.
Unfortunately, Australia has something of a sustainable agriculture policy vacuum, after years of a fragmented, stop-start approach.
To honour our international obligations and respond to growing sustainability markets, Australia urgently needs a contemporary definition of sustainable agriculture, including agreed on-farm metrics.

Good policy abandoned
Australia spent more than a decade developing promising policies that defined sustainable agriculture with broad indicators for measuring progress.
In 1997 Australia passed federal legislation defining “sustainable agriculture” as:
agricultural practices and systems that maintain or improve […] the economic viability of agricultural production; the social viability and well-being of rural communities; […] biodiversity; the natural resource base [and] ecosystems that are influenced by agricultural activities.
The following year, the Standing Committee on Agriculture and Resource Management published a broad set indicators.
During the early 2000s a national framework of Environmental Management Systems was developed, and national pilots were conducted across Australia up until 2006.
Between 2004 and 2006 the Australian Bureau of Statistics recorded farmers’ investment in natural resource management. However these surveys have not been replicated in more than a decade.
In 2005, the states and territories formed a joint working group to create a national approach to property management systems. This group met with industry representatives and regional land managers throughout 2006, and in 2007 the Department of Agriculture, Fisheries and Forestry planned a pathway for a national policy. There was much hope and enthusiasm it would soon become a reality.
However, since 2008 there has been no progress and little, if any, explanation for why this important sustainable agriculture policy initiative was shelved.

Current policy vacuum
It is concerning that Australia’s first progress report on implementing the sustainable development goals contains the words “sustainable agriculture” only once in 130 pages, as part of the heading for the goal of ending hunger.
The definition arrived at in 1997 is far too broad and simplistic, and can’t be used at the farm level.
When contacted for comment, a spokesperson for the Department of Agriculture reiterated their commitment to improving sustainable food production, and said:
Australia is involved in global discussions about how best to measure sustainable agriculture performance […] However a globally agreed methodology has not been set for [agricultural sustainability].
Australia’s only substantial sustainable agriculture policy mechanism at the moment appears to be grants available through the National Landcare Program. This is reiterated by searching through key Coalition policy documents and the recent budget.
The budget allocation to the overall National Landcare Program is around A$1 billion from 2017 to 2023. New programs announced in the 2019 budget that build on this commitment include:
  • A$100 million over four years for the environment restoration fund,
  • A$34 million over four years for a new biodiversity stewardship program,
  • A$28.3 million for a new communities environment program for 2019-20, and
  • A$2 billion over 15 years for the climate solutions fund.
These programs combined equate to some A$354 million per year. But a coherent sustainable agriculture policy cannot be delivered through grants alone.
And even though these grants are substantial, past ABS surveys found that farmers invest at least A$3 billion a year in natural resource management. The Indigenous on-country contribution is currently unknown, but likely to be substantial.

Caring for country fund
Around 10% of Australia’s population lives in rural or remote areas. These comparatively small communities – largely farmers and Indigenous land managers – currently steward most of the country.
A review released in late July on how conservation laws affect the agriculture sector has recommended the federal government create a A$1 billion fund for farmers who deliver environment benefits from their land.
This mirrors calls from farmers for an ecosystem services fund.
If our 13.9 million taxpayers contributed some A$60 each per year in a “caring for country” levy, urban and rural Australians could more fairly share the costs – as well as the advantages – of sustainable land management.
We could start with revisiting the good work undertaken more than a decade ago in developing a national framework for property management systems.
Underpinning such a system, we need an independent and trusted source of metrics for farmers, land managers and agricultural industries. To this end, the University of New England is establishing a research hub to help develop just such a harmonised approach.
There are many good news stories of sustainable agriculture around Australia, however our ongoing biodiversity crisis requires transformative policy change and federal leadership.
One bold first step would be addressing the current paradox of sustainable agriculture in Australia.

Links

Scott Morrison's Betrayal Of The Pacific Was Immoral – And Completely Unnecessary

The Guardian

Australia’s regional and global influence will not grow unless we are fair dinkum about acting on climate change
Scott Morrison refused to listen to the words of Tuvalu’s prime minister, Enele Sopoaga, when he urged leaders to focus on ‘survival, not saving the economies of countries’. Photograph: Mick Tsikas/AAP
Nicky Ison
Nicky Ison is a founding director of the Community Power Agency and a research associate at the Institute for Sustainable Futures at the University of Technology, Sydney.
A
s the Pacific Islands Forum comes to an end, Australia has yet again been shamed on a global stage for our inaction on climate change.
The forum was held in Tuvalu, one of the lowest lying islands on Earth, where the effects of sea level rise are already being seen.
For Tuvalu, a global commitment to limiting climate change to 1.5C is literally a question of survival.
By doing everything he could to water down the forum communique’s climate language, the Australian prime minister, Scott Morrison, refused to listen to the words of Tuvalu’s prime minister, Enele Sopoaga, when he urged leaders to focus on “survival, not saving the economies of countries”.
However, in a country like Australia, even that is a false choice. Australia more so than almost any other country has the opportunity to prosper economically through decarbonisation. We can, as they say, have our cake and eat it too.
The pathway to global decarbonisation relies heavily on the shift from coal, oil and gas to renewable resources. In a decarbonised world not only do we power our homes and businesses with renewables, but we also power our cars, buses, trains and industry with wind, solar and storage. With technologies like electric vehicles, hydrogen buses and electromagnetic industrial heating, this is all eminently possible.
As a country with some of the best solar and wind resources in the world, vast areas of land, a low population and manufacturing base and strong trading relationships particularly in Asia, Australia is uniquely positioned to help decarbonise our region. Indeed, it is not only our Pacific neighbours who are asking for our help. Our biggest trading partners – Japan, South Korea and Taiwan – are looking eagerly at Australia’s renewable resources to help them act on climate.
Already, there are plans in development to export solar energy to Singapore through a Sun Cable from the Northern Territory. Macquarie Capital is financing the development of the Asia Renewable Energy Hub in Western Australia. This project, which has recently grown to 15GW of solar and wind, will not only power the mining operations of the Pilbara and increased onshore minerals refining, it will also generate renewable hydrogen that can be exported to our neighbours.
This week, Pacific leaders asked Australia to stop expanding our coal industry. As a country that has been exporting coal since 1799, this request came as an affront to our federal government. However, given that coal is the biggest cause of climate change and Australia’s largest contribution, we cannot be serious about stopping climate change without planning to move beyond coal.
While moving away from coal will have its challenges, it is possible. It is also better to restructure our economy deliberately, supporting those who work in the coal industry, than for these communities to be left to the whims of global market forces.
Already the Latrobe Valley Authority is showing how we might do this. From electric vehicle manufacturing, to investment in transport infrastructure, to more jobs in healthcare, their efforts to diversify the economy of the Latrobe Valley in Victoria are showing progress.
Restructuring our economy does not happen over night, but we need to recognise that it has already started. In the past three years $9bn have been invested in building renewable energy generation. According to Macromonitor, the renewables boom is “currently the largest contributor to overall growth in construction in Australia”, helping to keep our economy moving forward. However, this boom will not continue without new policy as the renewable energy target comes to an end.
With our economy stagnate and interest rates low, now is the time to invest in the future of Australia and in the process help ensure the survival of our neighbours.
However, if the moral and economic arguments for acting on climate change are insufficient to move our recalcitrant federal government, perhaps the geopolitical argument will be more persuasive.
China is actively working to strengthen its position in the Pacific, seeing this as a strategic location. Their efforts include backing the calls by Pacific leaders to act on climate and phase-out coal power, as well as direct support for infrastructure and renewable energy deployment in the Pacific. As a country that has globally committed to climate leadership, China has both the moral authority and the economic leverage to make Australia increasingly irrelevant. Scott Morison’s performance at the Pacific Island Forum has not helped this situation.
Australia’s regional and global influence will not grow unless we are fair dinkum about acting on climate change. Without greater domestic action, we may be able to throw our weight around at the Pacific Islands Forum, but we will slowly lose our geopolitical, economic and moral authority in a world that has committed to act on the climate crisis.

Links