30/06/2020

(AU) Climate Change Is The Next Health Crisis We Face

The Canberra Times - Dr Beau Frigault


Dr Beau Frigault is an Obstetrics and Gynaecology Resident on the Gold Coast and Queensland State Chair of Doctors for the Environment Australia.
As a healthcare worker, I've been proud of the response Australian citizens have demonstrated to the COVID crisis.

We listened to the health experts and practised social distancing, only completed essential travel, worked from home, and practised good hand hygiene.

It's one of the reasons why Australia flattened its curve better than most nations and why we're able to begin easing restrictions already.

It proves that when we are in a crisis, we rise to the occasion and do what is right to protect all of us.

I wish we would have a similar response to the critical issue of climate change.

In this regard, I've seen our governments ignore the science and disregard the health experts, opting to continue to pursue investments in the fossil fuel industry, an industry that has proven to negatively impact the environment and our own health.

On a federal level, our government is pushing forward with its Technology Road Map, which relies on gas, a highly polluting fossil fuel. Gas is a major cause of the greenhouse gas emissions that fuel climate change.


Investing in polluting fossil fuels counteracts our desire to keep global carbon emissions low enough to limit our global temperature rise to 2 degrees above pre-industrial levels.

Gas releases methane, a potent greenhouse gas that adds to the serious health risks of climate change. The process of unconventional exploration and extraction also poses many health risks to workers and people living nearby.

We must remember that while the COVID-19 health crisis begins to ease, our climate crisis continues to brew and reach critical, irreversible impacts. We will see more extreme weather events such as heatwaves, prolonged drought and deadly bushfires which will impact our respiratory, mental and physical health.

Due to COVID-19, we now know what it feels like to have the freedom of a healthy life taken away to the point where it no longer feels safe to live our normal lives.

As Australia looks to recover from the current health and economic crisis a choice must be made. We can continue our unsustainable, polluting "business as usual", or we can embrace a progressive, responsible, and healthy strategy for energy production and land preservation. I'm praying we opt for the latter.

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(AU Witnessing The Unthinkable

The MonthlyJoëlle Gergis

New climate modelling suggests planetary crisis is coming much sooner than previously thought



Joëlle Gergis

Dr Joëlle Gergis is an award-winning climate scientist and writer from the Australian National University.

She is an internationally recognised expert in Australian and Southern Hemisphere climate variability and change based in the Australian Research Council (ARC) Centre of Excellence for Climate Extremes.

Her research focuses on providing a long-term historical context for assessing recently observed climate variability and extremes.

In August 2018 she was appointed to the Climate Council, Australia's leading independent body providing expert advice to the Australian public on climate change and policy.

Her book, Sunburnt Country: The future and history of climate change in Australia, is now available through Melbourne University Publishing.
It’s 3am and I’m awake – again. It’s no exaggeration to say that my work as a climate scientist now routinely keeps me up at night.

I keep having dreams of being inundated. Huge, monstrous waves bearing down on me in slow motion. Sometimes I stop resisting and allow myself to be sucked in. Other times, I watch as a colossal tsunami builds offshore. I panic, immediately sensing that I don’t stand a chance. I watch the horizon disappear, before turning to bolt to higher ground. Around me, people are calmly going about their business.

High water is menacing my subconscious, trying to help me grapple with the overwhelm I feel in my waking life. My teeth ache from the nocturnal grinding that my dentist now just acknowledges with a sigh.

As one of the dozen or so Australian lead authors involved in writing the physical science basis of the “Sixth Assessment Report” of the United Nations’ Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), it’s no wonder I’m on edge. Before the coronavirus pandemic swept the world, the scientific community was reeling from the most catastrophic bushfire season in Australian history.

We all watched on in horror as the fires savaged our country, releasing more carbon dioxide in a single bushfire season than the country emits in an entire year.

An arc of destruction tore through our native forests; from the subtropical rainforests of Queensland, through the temperate forests of southern New South Wales and eastern Victoria, all the way across to the coastal bushland of South Australia.

A terrifying amount of Australia’s World Heritage areas were burnt – at least 80 per cent of the Blue Mountains protected area and 53 per cent of the ancient Gondwana rainforests network.

These are the “last of the last” of such precious places. Areas that have clung on since the age of dinosaurs, forced to contend with the processes of evolution playing out in fast forward. Instead of adapting gradually over thousands or millions of years, ecosystems were radically transformed in the space of a single summer, not even a nanosecond in geologic time.

The urgent national conversation we needed to have about climate change following this collective trauma never happened; instead, we were all forced to retreat into our boltholes as a deadly plague took hold. We abandoned the global common, and life shrunk to an intensely personal scale.

And there we have remained, in suspended animation, waiting for the health crisis to pass, for some air of normality to return to our lives.

Through it all, scientists across the world have been working around the clock to progress the IPCC’s monumental assessment of the global climate – a cycle that typically takes around six years to complete.

As part of this effort, a group of Australian scientists published an analysis of the latest generation of climate models, assessing what they are telling us about Australia’s future. After years of refinements, the new models now contain significant improvements in the simulation of complex physical processes associated with clouds and convection, essentially the transfer of heat through the fluid motion of the atmosphere and ocean. These updates have influenced estimates of what is termed “climate sensitivity”, a measure of the relationship between changes in carbon dioxide in the atmosphere and the corresponding level of warming.

The results have provided an alarming revision of the temperature increases we thought possible. It is something IPCC scientists are grappling to understand and communicate, as it has dire implications for the feasibility of achieving the Paris Agreement targets for reducing global emissions.

The current goal is to keep global warming to well within 2°C above pre-industrial levels, and as close to 1.5°C as possible. This is to avoid instabilities in the planetary processes that have kept our climate steady for close to 12,000 years. That is, for all of modern human civilisation.

According to this new study, led by scientists at the CSIRO and Bureau of Meteorology, the worst-case scenario could see Australia warm up to 7°C above pre-industrial levels by the end of the century. On average, the results from 20 models show a warming of 4.5°C, with a range of between 2.7°C and 6.2°C.

As two of the study’s authors, Michael Grose and Julie Arblaster, noted in The Conversation, “the new values are a worrying possibility that no one wants, but one we must still grapple with”. They quoted the researchers of another recent climate study, who said, “what scares us is not that the models’ [equilibrium climate sensitivity] is wrong … but that it might be right”.

Another profoundly significant result is buried 16 pages deep into the paper. The scientists show that this revision now means that 2°C of global warming is likely to be reached sometime around 2040 based on our current high-emissions trajectory. The implications of this are unimaginable – we may witness planetary collapse far sooner than we once thought.

I was so disturbed by the new model results that I found it impossible to get back to my work. How can we not understand that life as we know it is unravelling before our eyes? That we have unleashed intergenerational warming that will be with us for millennia? If this really is the end of days, how can a climate scientist like me make best use of the time I have left?

In recent years, I’ve looked to brave colleagues who are becoming increasingly vocal about the climate emergency. One of the scientists I admire most is Professor Terry Hughes, one of the world’s leading experts on coral reefs, and our foremost authority on the Great Barrier Reef.

In late March, just before the national lockdown took effect, Terry and his colleagues rushed to conduct an aerial survey of the third mass-bleaching event to strike the reef since 2016. It is the first time that severe bleaching impacted upon virtually the entire range of the Great Barrier Reef, including large parts of the southern reef spared during the 2016 and 2017 events. It’s hard to hide from the reality that the entire system is in an advanced state of ecological collapse.

In desperation, Terry took to Twitter, sharing his experience of surveying the carnage: “It’s been a shitty, exhausting day on the #GreatBarrierReef. I feel like an art lover wandering through the Louvre… as it burns to the ground.” By the end of his fieldwork he was a broken man: “I’m not sure I have the fortitude to do this again.”

The honesty of his despair allowed my own to crystallise into a visceral sense of dread that is deepening by the day. We have arrived at a point in human history I think of as “the great unravelling”.

Recently, I shared a statistic with my climatology students as I explained the latest mass-bleaching event: 99 per cent of the world’s tropical coral reefs will disappear with 2°C of global warming. This future no longer feels impossibly far away, it’s happening before our eyes.

Looking around the room, I couldn’t help but feel sorry for them. They have inherited a planetary mess, yet are more distracted and disconnected from each other, themselves and the natural world than any generation that has ever lived.

As each season passes, it’s painfully clear that we are witnessing the destabilisation of the Earth’s climate. There are things we can still save, but it’s now too late for some areas such as the Great Barrier Reef and tracts of ancient rainforests.

In Australia we wear our badge of resilience with a hefty dose of national pride. But scientists on the frontline of the climate crisis understand that some things in life, once gone, can never be replaced. If the new models turn out to be right, there is no way we can adapt to the catastrophic level of warming projected for a country like Australia.

Even placing the new models aside, the 2019 UN Environment Programme’s “Emissions Gap Report” shows that a continuation of current global emission reduction policies could see the Earth’s average temperature rise a staggering 3.4 to 3.9°C by 2100.

If we continue along our current path, by any measure, we will sail past the Paris Agreement targets in a handful of decades.

Some of our most precious ecosystems will never recover, including some of what was destroyed in Australia during our Black Summer. Gutted landscapes will struggle on, trying to regain some semblance of an equilibrium. But the truth is the destruction we have unleashed will reverberate throughout the ages.

We are witnessing the unthinkable. Facing the unimaginable.

Psychologically, many people already sense it’s the beginning of the end. But is this the end of the era of fossil fuels, or life as we know it? As the planetary crisis accelerates, we must confront the reality that what we do now will forever alter the course of humanity and all life on Earth.

My dreams are warning me that a metaphorical tsunami is approaching, threatening to destroy all that we hold dear. We must wake up and rush to higher ground before it’s too late.

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(AU) Forgotten Farmers, Mining And Anti-Green Invective: How The Nationals Became A Party For Coal

The GuardianJudith Brett

In this extract from her Quarterly Essay, The Coal Curse: Resources, Climate and Australia’s FutureJudith Brett says mining has offered the Nationals a way to supplement their declining agricultural base

Nationals leader and deputy prime minister Michael McCormack (left) with Queensland Nationals senator Matt Canavan, whose brother is an enthusiastic investor in coal assets. Photograph: Mick Tsikas/AAP 


The Coal Curse: Resources, Climate and Australia’s Future

At the gala dinner in March this year to celebrate the centenary of the Nationals, federal president Larry Anthony boasted that the party played a key role in twice removing Malcolm Turnbull because of his climate change policy.

The Coalition had won the 2019 election against the odds, but not the seat of Richmond on the north coast of New South Wales, which had voted three generations of the Anthony family into parliament, including Larry.

The demography of this once predominantly agricultural area has shifted, with sea-changers and alternatives moving into the coastal towns, and the seat has been held by Labor since 2004 with substantial support from the Greens.

To survive, the Nationals needed new supporters and they were finding them in the coalminers of central Queensland.

Whatever the contribution Bill Shorten’s unpopularity, franking credits or negative gearing may have made to the Coalition winning in 2019, the brutal truth is that Labor lost the election in Queensland and it lost it in large part because of the Queensland Liberal National party’s successful weaponising of coal.

When he was forced to stand aside in mid-2017 because of doubts about his mother’s citizenship, Queensland Nationals senator Matt Canavan posted an extraordinary statement on Facebook: “It has been such an honour to represent the Australian mining sector over the past year. It is an industry full of fine, hard-working and innovative people. Mining and resources are a uniquely Australian success story. From the small, gambling explorers and prospectors to the large, world-beating multinationals, the industry provides rich and diverse experiences that can take you to the smallest towns of outback Australia to the biggest cities in the world.”

Nowhere did he mention the farmers his party was formed to serve, nor that many farmers are challenging mining’s social licence, fighting tooth and nail to protect their agricultural land from mining.
You can’t reason with them. It’s religion
Bridget McKenzie
The National party’s leadership has close links to the resources industry. Past leaders Mark Vaile and John Anderson made fortunes out of resources after leaving politics; Matt Canavan’s brother John is an enthusiastic investor in Queensland coal assets; Larry Anthony has lobbied for the Chinese mining giant Shenhua’s Watermark coalmine on the edge of the Liverpool Plains in NSWs, which is opposed by the local farming communities.

In March 2019, on Channel Ten’s The Project, Waleed Aly asked Nationals leader Michael McCormack: “Could you name a single, big policy area where the Nats have sided with the interests of farmers over the interests of miners when they come into conflict?” Off the top of his head, McCormack could not name one.

The National party has become the party of coal. Turnbull tells in his memoir A Bigger Picture of a meeting that included the Nationals’ George Christensen, Keith Pitt, Barnaby Joyce and Andrew Gee, who were arguing that a new coal-fired power station would deliver cheaper power.

“OK, I asked, what coal price are you assuming? They didn’t know. How much coal will the new coal plant use for each megawatt hour? Again they didn’t know. How much do you think the new plant will cost? No idea.

I was patient and polite as I explained the economics of a new coal-fired power station and how it was no longer competitive with renewables plus storage to deliver dispatchable power. They weren’t convinced.”

George Christensen (left) and Barnaby Joyce in the House of Representatives. Photograph: Mike Bowers/The Guardian

No doubt they were infuriated by Turnbull’s somewhat condescending interrogation, but, as Bridget McKenzie told him on the way out, “You can’t reason with them, PM. It’s religion. They don’t care about the numbers.” But they do care about electoral numbers.

The National party’s political power depends on the geographical concentration of its vote. At the 2019 election, it won a little less than 7% of first-preference votes, if we attribute to it a quarter of the vote of the Queensland Liberal National party (LNP), which was formed in 2008 from a merger of the Queensland branches of the two parties.

With this vote, the Nationals won 15 seats. By contrast, the Greens’ nation-wide first-preference vote of more than 10% is diffused across electorates, and they have only one lonely representative in the House of Representatives. As another geographically concentrated activity, mining offers the Nationals a tantalising way to supplement their

In the weeks before the 2019 election, Bob Brown led a convoy to #StopAdani through central Queensland that was met with jeering hostility, enabling the LNP to mobilise regional loyalties. Shorten equivocated on whether or not Labor would review the coalmine’s environmental approval if it won government, sowing distrust among both supporters and opponents of the mine.

Making Adani a key electoral issue was the last thing Labor needed as it tried to reconcile environmentally concerned city voters with regional voters who believed their economic futures depended on coalmining. It couldn’t be done, so the best thing for Labor was to keep voters’ minds focused on issues like health and education. Instead, Shorten kept being asked where he stood on Adani and was never able to give a clear answer.

Clive Palmer, who has substantial coal interests in the Galilee Basin, spent $60m on advertising his United Australia party. Although the party won no seats, Palmer was well satisfied with the result. His Shifty Shorten ads, he said, had succeeded in preventing a Labor victory.

A ute drives past an election sign for mining magnate Clive Palmer’s United Australia party in Bowen, Queensland, on 3 May 2019. Photograph: Peter Parks/AFP/Getty Images

In all states and territories except for Queensland and Western Australia, Labor plus left independents won the majority of seats. In Western Australia, Labor won only five to the Coalition’s 11, the same as in 2016, but in Queensland it lost two seats, leaving it with only six of the state’s 30 seats. As well, sitting LNP members enjoyed massive swings. “I never expected numbers like these,” Michelle Landry told the ABC on election night. “Thank you, Bob Brown, is all I can say. He came up here trying to tell Queenslanders what we should and shouldn’t be doing, and it actually drew together the agricultural and mining sectors.”

Landry is the member for Capricornia, which stretches along the coast from Rockhampton in the south to the southern suburbs of Mackay. In the north and west it includes major mining centres such as the coalmining town of Collinsville, where the LNP wants a new coal-fired power station built. For most of its history, Capricornia has been Labor. Landry won the seat in 2016 with a margin of just 0.6%. In 2019, the margin was 12.4%. The miners had deserted Labor, and not just in Queensland, but also in the NSW coalmining electorate of Hunter, where the primary vote of the sitting Labor member, Joel Fitzgibbon, dropped by almost 15%.

In Queensland, said Canavan, there had been “a hi-vis workers’ revolution”, with the extreme demands of climate change activists “pushing what have otherwise been strong Labor-voting areas towards the conservative side of politics”.

Pro-mining protesters in Clermont, Queensland spill out of a pub after a rally held against the arrival of Bob Brown’s Stop Adani convoy in May 2019. Photograph: Matthew Netwon/Matthew Newton

When the Country Party was established to represent farmers and people living in country towns, it was informed by what the political scientist Don Aitkin called “country-mindedness,” the belief that country folk were more independent, hard-working and morally authentic than people living easy, pleasure-seeking lives in the cities. The self-indulgent Greens-voting inner city versus the hard-working regions is the most recent iteration of the opposition between city and country that has shaped Australian politics for at least 100 years.

Here is Canavan in February this year, a few days after he resigned from cabinet to support Joyce’s leadership challenge to McCormack: “Our wealth-producing industries, like farming, mining and manufacturing, have never been under greater attack. Farmers have had their land rights stripped off them, dams are stopped because of some snail or frog and mines get sabotaged by rich, city-based whingers who threaten and bully law-abiding businesses.”

Get it? Australia’s wealth is produced outside the cities and the cities are full of whingeing green bullies. This rhetoric is designed to pull regional voters back to the Nationals.

Canavan is fairly restrained. Fellow Queensland National George Christensen is the party specialist in anti-green invective. In 2014, he described environmentalists opposed to the expansion of Adani’s port at Abbot Point as “gutless green grubs”; in 2018, he posted a photo on Facebook of himself aiming a handgun with the caption, “You gotta ask yourself, do you feel lucky greenie punks.” Christensen draws on the anti-green invective in circulation since the battles in Tasmania over the forests.

As well as maintaining their political relevance, the Nationals’ specialisation in coal advocacy helps the Liberals, who can’t afford to be as openly hostile to environmentally concerned voters as the Nationals are. Like Labor, they are threatened by Greens and independents in city electorates. Independent Zali Steggall stood against Tony Abbott in Warringah on a platform of climate action and won.

The Queensland Nationals successfully weaponised coal in the 2019 election. Even though this was as much a strategy for the party’s political survival as it was a matter of conviction, it is further evidence of the fossil-fuel lobby’s success. Without Abbott, the Liberal party could not be relied on, but with the junior partner turning itself into the party of coal, fossil fuels could be sure of a seat at the cabinet table of a Coalition government.

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29/06/2020

Global Warming Is Melting Our Sense of Time

New York Intelligencer


Satellite image of smoke from active fires burning near the Eastern Siberian town of Verkhoyansk, Russia, on June 23, 2020. Photo: Handout/NASA Earth Observatory

On June 20, in the small Siberian town of Verkhoyansk, north of the Arctic Circle, a heat wave baking the region peaked at 38 degrees Celsius — just over 100 degrees Fahrenheit. It was the highest temperature ever recorded in the Arctic. In a world without climate change, this anomaly, one Danish meteorologist calculated, would be a 1-in-100,000-year event. Thanks to climate change, that year is now.

If you saw this news, last weekend, it was probably only a glimpse (primetime network news didn’t even cover it). But the overwhelming coverage of perhaps more immediately pressing events — global protests, global pandemic, economic calamity — is only one reason for that climate occlusion. The extreme weather of the last few summers has already inured us to temperature anomalies like these, though we are only just at the beginning of the livable planet’s transformation by climate change — a transformation whose end is not yet visible, if it will ever be, and in which departures from the historical record will grow only more dramatic and more disorienting and more lethal, almost by the year.

At just 1.1 degrees Celsius of warming, where the planet is today, we have already evicted ourselves from the “human climate niche,” and brought ourselves outside the range of global temperatures that enclose the entire history of human civilization. That history is roughly 10,000 years long, which means that in a stable climate you would only expect to encounter an anomaly like this one if you ran the full lifespan of all recorded human history ten times over — and even then would only encounter it once.

You may register temperature records like these merely as the sign of a new normal, in which record-breaking heat waves fade out of newsworthiness and into routine. But the fact of those records doesn’t mean only that change has arrived, because the records are not being set only once; in many cases, they are being set annually. The city of Houston, for instance, has been hit by five “500-year storms” in the last five years, and while the term has obviously lost some of its descriptive precision in a time of climate change, it’s worth remembering what it was originally meant to convey: a storm that had a one-in-500 chance of arriving in any given year, and could therefore be expected once in five centuries.

How long is that timespan, the natural historical context for a storm like that? Five hundred years ago, Europeans had not yet arrived on American shores, so we are talking about a storm that we would expect to hit just once in that entire history — the history of European settlement and genocide, of the war for independence and the building of a slave empire, of the end of that empire through civil war, of industrialization and Jim Crow and World War I and World War II, the cold war and the age of American empire, civil rights and women’s rights and gay rights, the end of the cold war and the “end of history,” September 11 and 2008.

One storm of this scale in all that time, is what meteorological history tells us to expect. Houston has been hit by five of them in the last five years, and may yet be hit with another this summer — which is already predicted to be a hurricane season of unusual intensity. Of course, that won’t be the end of the transformations. Climate change will continue, and those records — high temperatures, historic rainfall, drought, and wind speed and all the rest — will continue to fall. From here, literally everything that follows, climate-wise, will be literally unprecedented.

Land surface temperature anomalies from March 19 to June 20 in Eastern Siberia. The reds mark areas that were hotter than average for the same period from 2003-2018. The blues mark areas that were colder. From the Moderate Resolution Imaging Spectroradiometer (MODIS) on NASA’s Aqua satellite. Illustration: Handout/NASA Earth Observatory

The arctic numbers from June 20 are terrifying enough; with more context they become only more so. It was warmer there than it was that same day, in Miami, Florida. In fact, it was warmer north of the Arctic Circle than it has ever been, on any June day, in the entire recorded history of Miami, which has only once, in the whole tropical century for which temperatures there have been registered, reached 100.

It was about 30 degrees Fahrenheit warmer, in Verkhonaysk, than the average high temperature in the region for June, which means the arctic record was the equivalent, in terms of temperature anomaly, of a 110-degree June day in New York or a 115-degree June day in Washington, D.C. According to preliminary satellite data, land surface temperature in parts of arctic Siberia reached that level last week, too — 45 Celsius, or 113 Fahrenheit. In terms of temperature anomaly, that’s the equivalent of a 130-degree day in D.C. On Capitol Hill, that would be, very comfortably, lethal heat.

Thankfully, for Americans at least, that isn’t how global warming works — its punishing effects are distributed unequally around the globe, and, at the moment, the Arctic is being punished most vindictively, warming at three times the rate of the rest of the planet. In Siberia, in May, temperatures averaged as much as 10 degrees Celsius higher than normal. The arrival of the arctic summer reignited “zombie fires” that had, improbably, burned through the arctic winter, smoldering in peat rather than burning out.

 Those fires, like all fires, released carbon, which is stored in trees as surely as it is in coal, in this case releasing as much CO2 in the last 18 months as had been produced by Siberian wildfires in the last 16 years. In early June, an industrial-scale oil-storage facility there collapsed when the melting permafrost on which it had been built finally destabilized, releasing about 21,000 tons of oil and turning local rivers red. That spill was about two-thirds the scale of the Exxon Valdez spill, which horrified an entire generation; this one, we’ve hardly read about, though it befell a far more ecologically degraded planet, with more than half of all carbon emissions ever produced by the burning of fossil fuels in the entire history of humanity coming since the Valdez spill.

Perhaps though is a less precise word than because, the intervening generation of environmental calamity having quite thoroughly normalized horrors like these. Even Vladimir Putin — presiding over a petrostate which, so far north, actually stands to benefit from some amount of global warming — declared it an emergency. All told, the planet’s melting permafrost contains twice as much carbon as hangs in the planet’s atmosphere today, and it’s expected that over the course of the century, at least 100 billion tons of it will be released through melt, about three years worth of global emissions and functionally enough to close the window on the goals of the Paris accords.

A June 11 view of the site of a diesel fuel spill at Norilsk’s Combined Heat and Power Plant No 3 in Siberia. Photo: Denis Kozhevnikov/TASS via Getty Images

That window was not open very far to begin with. One recent study suggested that even the decarbonization targets of Britain and Sweden, often hailed as global climate leaders, would produce emissions between two and three times the carbon budget required to meet the Paris goals. (And those are just their decarbonization plans, which are probably optimistic.) Another analysis suggested that, for all the talk of halving our emissions by 2030 — as the IPCC says is necessary to safely avoid 2 degrees of warming — the planet has only a 0.3 percent chance of doing so. If Donald Trump won reelection, the analysis suggested, those chances would fall to 0.1 percent — one in a thousand.

If 2 degrees is now inevitable, that doesn’t make it comfortable. Indeed, it will be, for much of the world, a horror — and the space between those two things, inevitability and horror, is the one in which we will all be forced to learn to live. At 2 degrees, it’s expected that more than 150 million additional people would die from the effects of pollution, storms that used to arrive once every century would hit every single year, and that lands that are today home to 1.5 billion people would become literally uninhabitable, at least by the standards of human history.

Those projections will invariably prove imprecise, or perhaps worse — that is both the nature of science, which proceeds by revision, and humanity, which will likely adapt to at least some measure of these impacts. But the Siberian heat wave reminds us just how large the scale of necessary adaptation will likely be — requiring us to respond not just by shoring up the proverbial shorelines of our civilizations but by preparing them in much more fundamental ways to endure conditions never seen before in the whole span of human history.

It is also a reminder of just how much we miss when we regard the projections of any neat, linear model of future warming as a straightforward prediction of that future and of what level of adaptation will be require — especially when we reflexively discount the uncertainty warnings scientists invariably include, as any lay reader (including me) is likely to do. Perhaps the most important lesson of the freakish Siberian heatwave is: however terrifying you find projections of future warming, the actual experience of living on a heated planet will be considerably more unpredictable, and disorienting.

Just how freakish and unpredicted is this heatwave? Over the last few years, a growing chorus of critics have argued against one climate model built on predictions of high-end carbon emissions in particular, called RCP8.5 —arguing that, though it had been endorsed by the U.N.’s IPCC and formed the basis of much recent science since that organization’s last major report, its projections were simply implausible, relying as they did on the dramatic growth of coal use over the course if the century.

 As I’ve written before, that pathway does indeed look increasingly hard to credit as a model of our future, and is best understood, in terms of emissions, as an absolute worst-case scenario, which would require almost a global climate nihilism to achieve. But for those suggesting we should discard that model, or any other that charted a high-end course for warming, the arctic heatwave makes a very strong counterargument. Because even in that worst-case pathway, hundred-degree summer days in the Arctic do not become routine until the very end of the century.

 This heat wave is, today, an outlier, not a routine event. But that doesn’t make it irrelevant. Instead, it is giving us at least a brief preview of what the world would look like, more than a half-century from now, in a timeline we understand to be, at least in terms of emissions, impossibly pessimistic. But if our timeline could accommodate such extreme events from that worst-case one, and decades ahead of schedule, it is also a sign that “timeline” is probably a misguided way of thinking about the new swirling universe of extreme events we are plunging headlong into.

Making sense of climate change requires more than trying to determine where on a particular linear plot we are and where on it we are likely to be in ten years, or in fifty. It may require more profoundly revising our sense of linearity itself. In this way, global warming isn’t just scrambling our sense of geography, with Verkhonaysk, at least briefly, playing the role of Miami. It is also scrambling our sense of time. You may feel, because of the pandemic, that you are living to some degree in 1918. The arctic temperatures of the past week suggest that at least part of the world is living, simultaneously, in 2098.

But climate change isn’t just a brutal form of time travel, it is discombobulating to our very sense of time. When looking at projections for future warming, an event like the Siberian heat wave appears as an acceleration of history, but when looking at the paleoclimate record, it seems like a trip deep into the prehuman past, toward eras like those, lasting millions of years, when palm trees dotted the Arctic and crocodiles walked in their shade there. Especially at extreme levels, warming threatens the apparent march of progress on which the modern, Western “timeline” model of history was built. But at least until the arrival of large-scale carbon removal technologies, it also illustrates the fact that time — in the form of carbon emissions, which hang in the atmosphere for centuries — is irreversible.

Because we are doing so much damage so quickly, destabilizing the entire planet’s climate in the space of a few decades, warming can seem like a phenomena of the present. But its effects will unfurl for millennia, with the climate stabilizing perhaps only millions of years from now. Climate change unwinds history, melting ice frozen for many millennia and pushing rainforests like the Amazon closer to their long-overgrown savannah states. It also makes new history, drawing new borders and new riverbeds, turning breadbaskets like the Mediterranean into deserts and opening up arctic shipping routes to be contested by a new generation of great power military rivalries.

It compresses history — those Houston storms, for instance, represent more than a millennia of extreme weather, concentrated in a period of just five years. And it scrambles and scatters it, too, disrupting the cycle of seasons and relocating rain belts and monsoons, among many other distortions. At the same time temperatures in Verkhoyansk reached 100 degrees, in other parts of Siberia it was snowing. Was it winter or summer, a Russian catching the national weather forecast could have been forgiven for asking. They may have wondered, is this our hellish climate future or the return of the Little Ice Age?

Contemplating the impacts of climate change from this perspective can seem naïvely abstract — and it is, when compared to the storms and the wildfires and the droughts. (Not to mention the literal plague of locusts, 360 billion of them, which have devastated agriculture in East Africa and South Asia this year, descending in clouds so thick you couldn’t see through the insects and leaving millions hungry.)

But in addition to its humanitarian cruelties, for instance making pandemics like COVID-19 much more likely, warming is already recalibrating much more hard-headed models of time, too. This is a sign that warming is truly the meta-narrative of our century, touching every aspect of our lives. Beyond the catastrophes and crises, the surreal and disorienting aspects of climate change are showing up even in the most numbingly pragmatic places. Like, for instance, mortgages.

“Up and down the coastline, rising seas and climate change are transforming a fixture of American homeownership that dates back generations: the classic 30-year mortgage,” Christopher Flavelle of the New York Times reported June 19. (As it happens, the day before the record-setting temperatures in the Arctic.) As Kate Mackenzie has relentlessly chronicled for Bloomberg, mortgages aren’t the first or only financial instrument to feel the intrusion of a new climate reality much less forgiving, and less stable, than the one on which not just the financialization of the global economy but indeed all of human civilization has been erected.

Insurance and reinsurance, municipal bonds and sovereign wealth funds, boutique hedge funds and massive asset-management operations are all beginning to reckon with a future made, at least, much rockier by climate change. How much rockier? Well, according to a Climate Central estimate, at least half a million American homes are on land expected, 30 years from now, to flood every single year. Altogether, those homes are today worth $241 billion.

This is just homes, just in America, and annual flooding isn’t the only flood risk a homeowner or a bank might want to consider, which means, even looking only at flooding, many, many more homes are vulnerable than that. Of course, flooding is not, by any stretch, the only climate risk those homes and homeowners would face.

Residents with a dog sit in the back of a truck while waiting to be rescued from rising floodwaters due to Hurricane Harvey in Spring, Texas on August 28, 2017. Photo: Luke Sharrett/Bloomberg via Getty Images

Like many of those other financial instruments, a mortgage isn’t just an instrument but also a theory of time — a bet on future value built on the proposition that three decades is a long enough period to absorb the short-term turbulence of real-estate markets and a short-enough period that larger systemic shocks would not have time to develop and reverberate. That is, at least, how the mortgage looks from the bank side. From the consumer side, a mortgage represents a related, but slightly different, theory of time.

For most of postwar American history, it has represented “adulthood,” as defined in mostly white and middle-class-and-up terms. For all those distortions and delusions embedded in it — ideas about housing and the real-estate market but also race and class and urbanization and family structure — the 30-year mortgage also embedded an idea about the stability of society through time, that one could expect to arrive at the end of adulthood in a world recognizable to the person who began it, and indeed that whatever changes had transpired would be, on net, of value to the homeowner, who by virtue of his or her property had become a small-scale stakeholder in the prospects of the community, the region, the nation and indeed the world as a whole. As the Times reports, both sides of that bargain are already, now, beginning to look very different:
Home buyers are increasingly using mortgages that make it easier for them to stop making their monthly payments and walk away from the loan if the home floods or becomes unsellable or unlivable.
More banks are getting buyers in coastal areas to make bigger down payments — often as much as 40 percent of the purchase price, up from the traditional 20 percent — a sign that lenders have awakened to climate dangers and want to put less of their own money at risk.
And in one of the clearest signs that banks are worried about global warming, they are increasingly getting these mortgages off their own books by selling them to government-backed buyers like Fannie Mae, where taxpayers would be on the hook financially if any of the loans fail.
One academic quoted in the story, Jesse Kennan of Tulane, painted the picture even more starkly: “Conventional mortgages have survived many financial crises,” he said, “but they may not survive the climate crisis.”

As a divining rod of the future, the mortgage market is a crude tool, focused only on a narrow set of values, when we know warming will affect many more, registering only a small set of changes, and registering them only according to a purposefully blinkered set of metrics: what the value of a property is, how it is likely to change, and what amount of risk is involved in making a bet on its worth and the reliability of mortgage-holders to pay. Already, the terms are shifting to reflect new realities — a doubling of the required down payment reflecting a much higher sense of risk.

But, as Mackenzie writes, more precise financial tools won’t necessarily protect us from climate risks — only allow those utilizing them to profit from them, perhaps even in discriminatory ways. Presumably, in the years ahead, banks will continue to modify their calculations, so that the mortgage will survive, at least in some modified form, reflective of some additional climate risk — perhaps, depending on the place, quite a lot more risk. But surviving in what form, exactly, and making what claim about the stability of the near future and how comfortably we may all live in it? Time will tell.

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This Is How We Can Make A Global Green Recovery – That Also Boosts The Economy

World Economic Forum -

A green COVID-19 recovery that could boost the economy. Image: Unsplash/ Zbynek Burival


Now that many nations are gradually re-emerging, governments are desperately seeking ways to inject life into torpid economies. But how do they do that while maintaining the environmental boon that lockdown provided? And where can they start on the road to a green recovery? A report from the International Energy Agency (IEA) has some ideas.

Changes in global energy demand. Image: IEA Sustainable Recovery Plan

A sustainable recovery

Key Points
  • Targeted policies and investment in renewables and energy efficiency could boost the global economy by 1.1%, according to a report from the IEA.
  • Its Sustainable Recovery Plan would also save 9 million jobs a year and reduce energy-related greenhouse gas emissions by 4.5 billion tonnes.
  • Achieving this requires a global investment of $1 trillion annually over the next three years.
Targeted policies and investment between 2021 and 2023 could boost global economic growth by an average of 1.1% a year, the IEA estimates. Its Sustainable Recovery Plan would also save or create around 9 million jobs a year and reduce energy-related greenhouse gas emissions by 4.5 billion tonnes globally, according to analysis conducted in co-operation with the International Monetary Fund (IMF).

The measures would also accelerate progress towards the UN’s Sustainable Development Goals, bringing clean cooking capabilities and electricity access to millions of people in low-income countries.

Achieving this requires a global investment of $1 trillion annually over the next three years – or around 0.7% of today’s global GDP.

The plan lays out the most cost-effective approaches based on individual country circumstances, existing energy projects and current market conditions.

Buoying up the job market

The IEA estimates that of the 40 million people directly employed by the energy industry, around 3 million, have lost their jobs, or are at risk of doing so, as a result of COVID-19. Another 3 million jobs are affected in related areas.

COVID-19 has forced millions of people out of work. Image: IEA Sustainable Recovery Plan

A large number of jobs could be created through retrofitting buildings to improve energy efficiency, according to the IEA plan, with another swathe coming from the electricity sector, particularly in grids and renewable energy. Energy-efficient parts of the manufacturing, food and textiles industries would also benefit from increased employment, along with low-carbon transport infrastructure and vehicles.

Balancing demand and security

Investment in the energy sector is set to plunge 20% in 2020, which raises serious concerns around energy security and the transition to renewables, the IEA says. Investment in electricity grids, upgrading hydropower facilities and extending the life of nuclear plants would help in this regard by lowering the risk of outages and boosting flexibility.

Improvements would also put power systems on a stronger footing to withstand natural disasters, severe weather and other threats.

Passing the point of peak greenhouse gas emissions

Past financial recoveries – for example following the 2008/09 crisis – have been matched with rebounding global carbon dioxide emissions. Along with bringing projected emissions in 2023 significantly below where they currently are, the sustainable recovery plan would also see air pollution improved, reducing health risks around the world.

Changes in air quality. Image: IEA Sustainable Recovery Plan

Increased efficiency and lower carbon energy generation, as laid out in the plan, have the potential to make 2019 the “definitive peak” in global emissions, putting us on a path to achieve longer-term climate goals, including the Paris Agreement.

Given the currently low oil and gas prices, the process of reforming inefficient fossil fuel subsidies could also be accelerated without overly hurting consumers.

Ways to reduce carbon emissions. Image: IEA Sustainable Recovery Plan

A shifted focus

The focus for governments needs to be on delivering resilient projects that can be up and running in a short space of time. This also includes developing a pipeline of support for distressed industries such as the automotive sector. In this way, large amounts of private capital will also be mobilized alongside public funding.

International cooperation will also be key to ensure countries’ actions are aligned and global supply chains are re-established.

“Governments have a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity to reboot their economies and bring a wave of new employment opportunities while accelerating the shift to a more resilient and cleaner energy future,” says IEA executive director Dr Fatih Birol.

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(AU) Beyond Google: My Afternoon Trawling Trove For The First Mentions Of Climate Change

The Guardian

What happens when you decide to search the National Library database for historical references to global warming? It goes further back than you think

‘Unlike Google, which has become our default portal for seeking answers, Trove does not learn its users.’ Photograph: Ammentorp Photography/Alamy

“Science has uncovered indisputable evidence that the level of our oceans is rising. This is the result of a sudden and unexpected increase in our planet’s northern temperatures. Ice masses are melting rapidly away. If the rate of thawing continues, civilisation near the sea may be submerged and profound changes be wrought in climate, soil, sea and the race itself. The whole face of the earth may be moving towards a vast transformation.”

That’s quite an opening paragraph, but it’s not mine. It belongs a story titled “Sea Levels Rising” published in the Central Queensland Herald on Thursday. Thursday 30 September 1948.

This was not what I had expected to find when I started trawling Trove, the National Library of Australia’s newly re-launched digital archive. The archive has digitised versions of Australian newspapers, community newsletters, reports and audio recordings dating back to the early 1800s. The new site is geared towards use by ordinary people, not PhDs. Like me.

I wanted to try to track down the earliest reference to climate change in Australian papers. First, because I could. But second, because I wanted to know how long we had known this is coming. Over the last black summer I was overwhelmed with fatalism, with the sickening sense that we had been warned. Now I wanted to find out for how long we had known.

Excerpt from the Courier-Mail, May 22 1950.
Photograph: Trove
I knew we had been warned about climate change since the late 1960s. I knew there had been scientists theorising about climate and carbon for longer than that.

But I thought I was stretching when I entered the search term “climate change” and set the search parameters for newspapers published between 1930 and 1950. I expected there might be some records of floods, droughts or heatwaves, but nothing equivocal. Then the results came up. I gasped. Loudly.
There were more:
These are not headlines misread by contemporary understanding. This is reporting of climate change as we understand it today, albeit in its infancy and with uncertainty over whether that change was all bad.

It was clear I’d have to go further. I searched the 19th-century newspapers. There were sporadic articles talking about drought, and how some old colonialists had remembered different weather decades before, but there was nothing about climate change as a phenomena separate to individual memory and musing.
We can unearth tiny little century-old stories foretelling our current calamity
I began to search the 1920s records. Reports in 1926 linked the warmer winters in Europe to “carbonic acid”. A 1923 report subtitled “causes of climate change” went into detail about the warming of the North Pole.

Further. I was going to have to go back further.

I changed my search parameters again. And there, tucked away on page 4 of the Picton Post, between one report about a new skipping machine that not only turns the rope but counts the skips and another about Swiss engineers boring a tunnel through the Caucasus Mountains, was a one-paragraph story:
At nearly precisely 108 years old, it looks to be quite possibly the first general audience warning on human-induced climate change in Australia. The coal burning in the world’s furnaces, says the snippet in the regional paper, adds 7,000,000,000 tons of carbon dioxide to the atmosphere yearly. “This tends to make the air a more effective blanket for the earth and to raise its temperature. The effect may be considerable in a few centuries.”

Excerpt from the Picton Post, 1908.
Photograph: Trove
Almost instantly, my understanding of climate history was reshaped, and within moments I was consumed by a renewed, more urgent sense that our inaction and rhetoric on the subject has passed the point of forgiveness.

But it was not very difficult to find. It took a free afternoon, sitting at home clicking on a search icon.

Renewed resource
The Trove relaunch comes a decade after its birth, and follows a four-year effort to streamline the site and bolster its records.

The resource is the result of a collaboration of the national and state libraries, and now holds records from over 900 partners – libraries, galleries, universities and such.

In total, it includes more than 6bn records of Australian culture, history and research; from regional newspapers to publications from different migrant communities in their languages (there are about a million articles in languages other than English).

Some 11m newspaper pages have been digitised. And not just digitised; while the clippings are initially translated into readable text alongside the original image by a computer program, some of the more than 300,000 people who volunteer with Trove read through and correct any computer or user error.

The National Library of Australia says that libraries from around the world, including the British Library, have sought their advice about how to similarly move their collections online.

The new site is cleaner and more user-friendly than its previous version. It now allows people to create their own profiles, make public or private lists of records and collaborate with others on blogs. It also enables Indigenous Australians using the site to obscure images of deceased people and to flag culturally sensitive content.

Searching for material on Trove is not dissimilar to searching on Google. The user inputs a search term, and can choose to narrow their search by source type, period of publication, publication, state and so on.

But unlike Google, which has become our default portal for seeking answers, Trove does not learn its users. Search results are not tailored to one’s profile. My results are your results. We start from the same point, the same object of truth.

At a time when our understanding of the world is increasingly fragmented and hyper-partisan, this kind of resource reflects a community of knowledge which binds us as Australians – a catalogue of our own unique, tragic and triumphant arc of history which we can see and own.

And we can dip into it, and draw out of it, as part of that diverse but united community.

We can unearth tiny little century-old stories foretelling our current calamity, and we can say: we all know now.

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