02/03/2020

(AU) Why I'm Introducing The People’s Climate Change Bill

Sydney Morning HeraldZali Steggall*

My dream as a 13-year-old was to get to the top of my sport. As an Australian competing in a sport dominated by northern-hemisphere countries, the odds were against me and there were many who didn’t believe it was possible. But with ambition, a lot of hard work and resilience, it was possible.
Government failure has increased the cost of the transition to clean energy. Credit: Jessica Shapiro
My challenge now is to set Australia on a safer climate future, for my kids and future generations. That is why I will be introducing the people’s Climate Change Bill to the Australian Parliament in March, to end a decade of divisive politics over Australia’s future.
Sadly, the lessons of this summer already seem forgotten as Liberal backbenchers Jason Falinski MP and Tim Wilson MP couldn’t resist playing politics and misrepresenting the bill in an opinion piece in these pages last week.
So I am calling on all MPs to think carefully about the responsibility they owe to their electorates, their children and future generations and support this plan for the future with a conscience vote. Our country is crying out for certainty on climate policy and this is what the bill provides. As I write, more than 60,000 Australians have signed up to the website calling for a Climate Change Bill to be supported by all members of Parliament.
According to the most recent Climate of the Nation report, more than 81 per cent of Australians believe climate change will lead to more droughts and flooding, while 64 per cent believe the country should have a national target for net zero emissions by 2050.
To protect our economy and environment, Australia must have strong national plans to adapt and mitigate the increasing impacts of climate change. The only way we can keep Australia safe is to set our goal to stay below 2 degrees of warming and work our hardest to get there.
The bill’s central purpose is to assist with this. It does this by establishing a sensible framework, endorsed by business including the Australian Industry Group and Business Council of Australia. This type of framework has enjoyed bipartisan support in Britain since 2008 and New Zealand since last year – to name but two.
Part of this framework sets up in law a net zero emissions target by 2050. More than 80 per cent of businesses support this, and all Australian states and territories already have this in law or policy. This bill includes establishing an independent Reserve Bank-style Climate Change Commission, tasked with advising government on the best way to get to net zero, climate risks and the progress towards targets.
Falinski and Wilson argued Australia already has a Climate Change Authority to do this. But they failed to mention that since being completely gutted by the Abbott Coalition government in 2015, the CCA is little used and ineffective.
The new Climate Change Commission will report regularly, independently and publicly without referral, and ensure transparency and accountability for the Australian people.
Coalition members have also raised concerns about potential duplication of efforts with states under this bill. Written very clearly in the text of the legislation is a requirement for efforts by the Climate Change Commission and government to be compatible with the states and territories.
The bill also fills vital gaps in Australia’s policy landscape. It will require regular national risk assessments outlining the effect to Australia from climate impacts such as fires, droughts, seas level rise and extreme weather events, and regional development and employment planning impacted by a transition away from fossil fuels.
Five-yearly adaptation plans are then implemented by the government in response to those risks. After the performance of the government in preparing for and responding to this season’s catastrophic and unprecedented bushfires, the value is clear in having future-focused adaptation and mitigation plans.
There is no issue of constitutional validity of the Bill, as raised in the Falinski and Wilson article. This is only another ‘"fear and smear" attempt by its opponents.
The Australian Constitution gives the right to legislate with respect to "external affairs", thus allowing the Parliament to pass legislation giving effect within Australia to its obligations under international treaties and conventions. This Bill goes to the core objective of meeting our obligations under the Paris Agreement and therefore is consistent with this.
The Bill also does not purport to remove the ultimate decision making from the minister, or any of the executive branch of government, as alleged. The discretion remains with the executive but introduces a level of accountability and transparency.
The challenge ahead is not simple, but it is not something to shrink away from but to face square on, with bipartisan support, with resolution and a plan. The stakes are high. But this is a race we must and can win.

*Zali Steggall MP is the independent member for Warringah in the House of Representatives.

Links

Annals of a Warming Planet: Welcome to The Climate Crisis Newsletter

New Yorker

A swarm of locusts north of Nairobi, Kenya, in January. The U.N. described an outbreak of desert locusts as a threat to food security. Photograph by Tony Karumba / AFP / Getty
Bill McKibben 
Bill McKibben is a founder of the grassroots climate campaign 350.org and a contributing writer to The New Yorker.
He writes The Climate Crisis, The New Yorker's newsletter on the environment.
We’re eight weeks into the new decade, and, so far, we’ve had the warmest January ever recorded. (Indeed, researchers at the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration said that 2020 is more than ninety-eight per cent likely to be one of the five warmest years ever measured, with a nearly forty-nine-per-cent chance to set a new annual record.) We’ve seen the highest temperature ever measured on the Antarctic continent, and also record swarms of locusts descending on the Horn of Africa, a plague which scientists assure us will “become more frequent and severe under climate change.”

I’m calling this new newsletter—and welcome aboard—The Climate Crisis because this is what a crisis looks like. I’ve been at this beat for so long that when I first started writing for The New Yorker on this topic, in the nineteen-eighties, we called it the “greenhouse effect.” “Global warming,” “climate change”—those are fine, too. But they don’t capture where we are right now: not facing some distant or prospective threat but licked by the flames. Thousands of people huddled on Australian beaches this year, ready to wade into the ocean as their only protection from the firestorms raging on the shore. This is not only a crisis—it is the most thorough and complete crisis our species and our civilizations have ever faced, one there is no guarantee that we will survive intact. Does that sound extreme? Consider the conclusions of a team of economists from the world’s largest bank, in a report to high-end clients which leaked to the British press, last Friday: “Something will have to change at some point if the human race is going to survive.”

But the name of this newsletter is also a nod to W. E. B. Du Bois, and the magazine that he founded a hundred and ten years ago, at the start of the N.A.A.C.P. The Crisis was, and is, a crucial journal in the analysis of the race hatred that mars and shames and undermines our collective life to this day; it linked readers to news from around the world, so that they could examine the currents roiling their lives. I’ll do the same in a section we’re calling Climate School—perhaps, if only by long exposure, I have some sense of how emerging science, economics, and politics fit into the larger picture. I mostly won’t be doing original reporting. (Check out Emily Atkin’s excellent daily newsletter, Heated, for that.) And I won’t shy away from talking about the activism and organizing that many people—myself included—are now engaged in. Du Bois’s The Crisis was an organ of action, constantly suggesting ways that its readers could move forward. “Is a toothache a good thing?” Du Bois asked, in the first issue. “No. Is it therefore useless? No. It is supremely useful, for it tells the body of decay, dyspepsia and death.” A toothache, he declared, “is agitation,” and agitation is necessary “in order that Remedy may be found.” Since I am an agitator as well as a journalist, I’ll include many suggestions about where a push might help us make progress.

My sense is that we’ve reached a place where many people are eager to help. National polling released this month, in a study by researchers at Yale and George Mason Universities, found that one in five Americans said that they would “personally engage in non-violent civil disobedience” against “corporate or government activities that make global warming worse” if a person they liked and respected asked them to. If that’s anywhere close to true, then it’s possible to imagine a movement big enough to make a difference—a movement one can see already emerging with the school climate strikers, the extinction rebels, and the Green New Dealers. I hope to introduce you to many of these people, and to the scientists, entrepreneurs, and policy wonks whose work undergirds their activism—people I’ve met in my years as a journalist and a volunteer at 350.org, the global climate campaign. Most weeks, I’ll include a short interview that lets them address you directly.

I wouldn’t bother doing any of this if I didn’t think that we could still make a real difference in the outcome. But I can’t offer you any guarantee that we’ll win—the short time that science gives us to make sweeping changes is daunting. When an iceberg twice the size of Washington, D.C., crashes into the Southern Ocean, or when the South is experiencing historic winter flooding, it’s a reminder that we’re a long way back in this race. The only guarantee I’ve got is that the fight is under way. Thank you for being a part of it.

Climate School
An as-yet-unpublished study from researchers at Brown University shows that a fourth or more of the climate chatter on Twitter is produced by automated bots, which are more likely to be on the side of climate denial. This is good to know: in real life, as opposed to social-media combat, polling shows that more and more people understand the reality of climate change.

The New Yorker has published luminous climate coverage over the years: few writers match the penetrating authority of Elizabeth Kolbert, and younger writers such as Carolyn Kormann are doing superb reporting. This recent piece, by Robin Wright, is excellent both for its evocation of the Antarctic Peninsula (the place on Earth, I think, that most feels like another planet) and its reminder that this is a war that we can’t afford to lose, because the effects will last essentially forever. And Bernard Avishai’s account of the vanishing solar-tax credit is a reminder of just how much quiet damage the Trump Administration is doing.

A new study in the journal Nature implies that the total methane emissions—the most significant global-warming gas after CO2—from man-made fossil sources (coal, natural gas, and oil) are higher than previous estimates. That means that they underestimated how much comes from oil, gas, and coal—which, in a twisted way, is kind of good news. Because, if we wanted to, we could turn off that source—say, by replacing gas with solar and wind power. The invaluable Hiroko Tabuchi provided a particularly good account in the Times, under the always-useful headline “Oil and Gas May Be a Far Bigger Climate Threat Than We Knew”; a key point for understanding our current energy debate is that natural gas is a bridge fuel to a dramatically hotter planet.

Passing the Mic
Without Christiana Figueres, there would have been no Paris climate accord—the Costa Rican-born former executive secretary of the U.N.’s climate-change convention worked tirelessly to create an opening where the Kyoto and Copenhagen processes had run aground. Her new book, co-written with Tom Rivett-Carnac, is called “The Future We Choose.”

Your book paints two remarkable pictures of where we will go if we don’t act on the climate, and where we can go if we do. Can you give the gist of those two worlds, in a few sentences?
The decade we have just started is the most consequential decade humanity has ever faced. If we are not able to cut our current global greenhouse-gas emissions by fifty per cent over the next ten years, we will be poised to enter into a world of constant destruction of infrastructure, congested and polluted cities, rampant diseases, increasing burning and flooding, mass migrations due to extensive droughts, heat or land loss leading to the abandonment of uninhabitable areas, and political turmoil as people fight for food, water, and land. At the current level of emissions, that is the world that we are heading for. If, on the other hand, we set our minds and determination to the necessary transformation, reducing our global greenhouse gases [by] half over the next ten years, we would have actually co-created a path toward a very different world: a reforested planet with regenerated agriculture, clean and efficient transport, enjoyable cities, clean air, and ubiquitous cheap energy for everyone.

Your endless optimism and hard work midwifed the Paris climate accords. Describe what it felt like the day you heard President Trump withdraw the U.S. from the agreement.
I remember I was travelling. I sat in front of the TV in my hotel with a sheet of paper and a pen in my hand, ready to write down every sentence that was correct. The speech finished and my paper was untouched. Not one sentence had been correct. The whole speech was based on incorrect information and a thorough misunderstanding of the Paris agreement. I was aghast.

You’ve worked especially hard to get governments onboard, but what’s your message for, say, bankers right now?
The financial industry has moved slowly but is picking up speed. The divestment movement has grown to over twelve trillion dollars of capital that is moving from high-carbon to low- or no-carbon assets. The recently launched Net-Zero Asset Owner Alliance, a group of large institutional investors holding a portfolio [valued at nearly four] trillion dollars, is already shifting investment portfolios to net-zero emissions by 2050. Larry Fink, the C.E.O. of BlackRock, which manages [more than] seven trillion dollars in assets, in his latest annual letter announced he is getting out of [thermal] coal and warns all asset managers about the risk of climate-exposed portfolios. We are beginning to see serious engagement of the financial sector. But more needs to happen in order to accelerate the transformation.

Scoreboard
Some major wins to report this week in the battle to keep fossil fuels in the ground:
  • The Teck company pulled its application for a vast new tar-sands mine in Alberta, after sustained campaigning led by, among others, some of Canada’s indigenous groups.
  • The Equinor company announced that it would not proceed with plans for offshore drilling in the Great Australian Bight, after sustained campaigning led by, among others, indigenous groups.
  • Chase Bank announced that it would no longer fund efforts to drill in the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge, after sustained campaigning led by, among others, the Gwich’in tribe in northern Alaska and Canada.
  • In Brazil, a campaign led by indigenous communities convinced courts to end plans for what would have been Latin America’s largest open-pit coal mine.
    (Perhaps you see a theme emerging.)
  • Oh, and the University of Michigan, pressured by students, announced that it would freeze all new investments in fossil fuels while it decides whether to join others in purging its portfolio of fossil-fuel stocks. As Mark Bernstein, a member of the university’s Board of Regents, put it, “We have a responsibility to do everything we can to disrupt the flow of carbon into the atmosphere. This requires disrupting the flow of money to the fossil-fuel industry.”
On the very sad side of the ledger, researchers announced that the bushfires in Australia had burned more than twenty per cent of the continent’s forests, up from less than two per cent in a normal year.

Warming Up
There are mornings when I have a hard time joining the fight, and so sometimes I listen to the bell-clear voice of Kelly Hogan, singing “Sleeper Awake.” Send me your list of motivators—and anything else you think I should know about—at TNYinbox@newyorker.com. I’m glad we’re doing this together.

Links

Rising Sea Levels Put Myanmar's Villages On Frontline Of Climate Change

ReutersRozanna Latiff | Zaw Naing Oo

BAGO, Myanmar - Three years ago, the villagers watched as the Sittaung River on Myanmar’s southeast coast crept closer to them, swollen by powerful tidal surges from the Gulf of Mottama that eroded its banks.
A boy from Ta Dar U village pets a dog after villagers relocated their houses inland in Bago, Myanmar, February 6, 2020. Photo taken on February 6, 2020. REUTERS/Ann Wang

Eventually, the 1,500 residents of Ta Dar U had to accept the inevitable: move or be washed away.
Dismantling their wooden homes, they relocated several kilometers inland, away from the fertile fields they had cultivated for decades.
“Where we now see water, our farming land used to be,” said farmer Tint Khaing. “It was very big, nearly three hours’ walking distance. We all lost our farmland to the sea.”
Ta Dar U is among hundreds of villages at the frontline of Myanmar’s climate crisis, where extreme weather patterns and rising sea levels have amplified and accelerated natural erosion.
Environmentalists consider Myanmar to be particularly vulnerable. It was among the top three countries affected by extreme weather between 1998 and 2018 on the Global Climate Risk Index, published by environmental think tank Germanwatch.
Sea levels are projected to rise about 13 cm (5 inches) by 2020, putting at risk about 2.5 million coastal residents, said Myint Thein, a U.S.-based groundwater consultant and member of Myanmar’s natural water resources committee.
“Flooding will be worst during the rainy season and high tide, dragging salty water up into the land,” he said.
Rapid erosion has already devoured 10 villages in the past four years, said Jos van der Zanden, chief technical adviser to the Gulf of Mottama Project, a Swiss-based organization that provides assistance to displaced villagers.

Fading Future
After their homes fell into the sea, the people of Ta Dar U, mostly rice farmers, scattered across the delta.
Saltwater contaminated their lands and they were forced to take up new occupations, with little success.
Nearly 200 students now travel hours every day to attend school after their own, which once stood near the town center, was reduced to a crumbling pile of rubble on the riverbank.
“If the erosion continues at this rate, the future of the students will fade as well,” said Myo Min Thein, the sole teacher at a makeshift school, who said he is struggling to teach the 26 students, ages 4 to 14, by himself.
The ruins of a monastery are seen after a riverbank collapsed into the water in Ta Dar U village, Bago, Myanmar, February 6, 2020. Photo taken on February 6, 2020. REUTERS/Ann Wang 
Myanmar’s climate change department has drafted plans to address rising waters but is not involved in resettling those displaced, deputy director Thin Thuzar Win told Reuters.
An official from the disaster management department said it did not have specific programs for those displaced by riverbank erosion. Regional government officials did not respond to Reuters’ requests for comment.
Low-lying villages should be moved immediately to areas at least 7 meters (23 feet) above sea level, said Myint Thein.
“It will be costly but it must be done,” he said. “The environment has changed, so the people must learn to adapt.”

Links