04/06/2020

(AU) Australian Bushfires: How The Morrison Government Failed To Heed Warnings Of Catastrophe

The Guardian

Documents released under freedom of information show that despite warnings of dire fire risks, federal follow-up was sluggish

Questions remain about whether the government ministers responsible adequately managed the response to Australia’s summer bushfires. Photograph: Dan Himbrechts/EPA

Scott Morrison’s decision to take a holiday in Hawaii as fires engulfed the east coast of Australia will go down as among the most unfortunate political missteps in recent history. The trip became emblematic of a federal government caught flat-footed for last summer’s unfolding bushfire catastrophe.

New documents, some released under freedom of information provisions, have shed more light on the government’s preparations for the bushfire season and response to it. The documents show that while some parts of the bureaucracy were aware by August that the country was facing a horror season, that urgency did not reach their political masters.

One of the most important questions for the royal commission into the bushfire crisis will be whether state and federal authorities effectively coordinated their response.

Disaster management is primarily a state responsibility, but the commonwealth also has a role, particularly when fires cross state lines and states need additional resources. Surprisingly, there is no clear power in the constitution to declare a national emergency.

Some important functions – notably aerial firefighting, telecommunications infrastructure, emergency broadcasts on the ABC, electricity grids and assistance from the military – are in the hands of the commonwealth, or funded by it.

But despite a scientific assessment in August warning of a dire outlook, many of the follow-up actions, such as more funding for aerial firefighting equipment, were slow to flow. There appears to have been little appreciation at the executive level of just how horrific the bushfire season was predicted to be.

Aerial firefighting funding slides

Most notable was the commonwealth’s ad hoc response on aerial firefighting, which was well documented during the fires.

A funding agreement between the states and the commonwealth for the National Aerial Firefighting Agency was reached in 2003 after a particularly fierce bushfire season. The Howard government agreed the commonwealth would provide 50% of the funds each year.

But by 2017, the federal share of funding had fallen to 23%.

Despite a formal request in 2017 from the national agency to permanently increase its budget, the federal Coalition chose to offer an $11m “one-off” top-up to the centre’s $14.8m funding in 2018. That was renewed on 12 December 2019. But by then the east coast was already ablaze.


Immense scale of Victorian bushfires revealed with thermal camera.

On 3 January, after hundreds of houses had been lost and several coastal towns were cut off, Morrison announced another $20m to deploy four additional air tankers and agreed to make the $11m top-up ongoing.

“When you look at that … over the last couple of years and the additional resource that is being provided on top of our standing commitment of $15m, it means the resources were delivered,” a defensive Morrison said.

Part of the reason for the slow commonwealth response is perhaps that no single minister or department, with the possible exception of the Department of Home Affairs, has ownership of planning for a natural disaster on a national scale.

At least five portfolios – health, defence, communications, energy and home affairs – have control over critical resources. Agencies such as the CSIRO and the Bureau of Meteorology have important roles in predicting the likely impact of a bushfire.

Arguably there are more agencies – notably the environment department, which has responsibility for threatened species and climate change – that should also be involved in bushfire response planning.

Heightened fire risks predicted

In the federal sphere, the main responsibility for assessing the outlook for the bushfire season fell to Emergency Management Australia (EMA) – once a separate agency, now a branch within the sprawling home affairs portfolio.

The branch told the Guardian it hosted 11 disaster preparedness briefings across all states, beginning in August 2019 when the Bushfire and Natural Hazards Cooperative Research Centre released its seasonal outlook.

The outlook warned, quite accurately though in somewhat muted language, where the risk lay.

“Australia faces the likelihood of an active fire season with above-normal fire potential forecast for significant parts of Australia, particularly the south-east,” it said.

“It has been the fifth-driest start to the year on record, and the driest since 1970. This is especially the case over the southern half of the country, which has experienced the driest January to July on record (January to July 1902 is the second driest).”

The outlook pinpointed the areas that faced the higher risk. In NSW, it said, there was “significant concern for the potential of an above-normal fire season in forested areas on and east of the Great Dividing Range”.

The risk for the ACT was said to be “above normal”, while in Victoria “above-normal bushfire activity continues across the coastal and foothill forests of East Gippsland, extending into West Gippsland and the Great Dividing Range”.

It also highlighted the risks on Kangaroo Island in South Australia, which had “a combination of drier than average and wetter than average conditions across the island which may result in above average fuel loads in parts”.

These were the areas that were ravaged by fires over Christmas and New year.

EMA said it held a further nine briefings with defence department and other agencies that needed to be involved in the co-ordination between August and November.

But for some reason the impending risk does not seem to have permeated into the executive or to cabinet.

EMA’s first briefings with ministers on preparedness for the bushfire season took place in November, and by then bushfires had already raged through parts of Queensland and northern NSW. It did not say who attended.

The minister for emergency management, David Littleproud, issued three press releases between August and November describing the coming bushfire season as “challenging”, “tough”, “testing” and “above average”. But the gist of the releases was that communities needed to start getting organised, not what the federal government was doing.

Warnings ‘fobbed off’

Some who sought to warn the federal government early, such as the former NSW fire chief Greg Mullins, felt they were fobbed off by the federal government.

As reported last year, Mullins – in his capacity as head of the Emergency Leaders for Climate Action – contacted the prime minister’s office in April, seeking a meeting to outline the potential calamity he believed was looming.

In the aftermath of the fires, Morrison has said he didn’t need to hear from former chiefs as the government could hear from the current ones. But Mullins has said it was precisely their “ex” status that allowed them to speak freely both about bushfire preparedness and its link to climate change.

Mullins’s request was referred to the minister for energy and emissions reduction, Angus Taylor, in July.

Taylor responded on 10 September, offering a date in October for a meeting in Sydney.

Mullins immediately wrote back, saying it was “unfortunate” it had taken several months to receive an invitation and that the catastrophic conditions he and his fellow fire experts had predicted had now manifested.

“Considering the gravity of the situation, a national response from the highest levels of the Australian government is required,” Mullins wrote. He requested an urgent meeting with Morrison, Taylor, Littleproud, finance minister Matthias Cormann and any other ministers involved.

Taylor replied that he had copied in Littleproud, and perhaps Mullins should seek a meeting with him.

By then Mullins could see what was unfolding. In November he told the ABC how worried he was. He said he been “fobbed off” by the prime minister, and that Taylor was “not the right person to meet with”.

Finally a meeting took place with Littleproud and Taylor on 3 December.

Mullins told the Guardian: “It was clear that there was never any intention by the PM to listen to us. We were treated with open contempt by the PM, who said he would deal with the current chiefs.

“The deputy prime minister [Michael McCormack] said we were time-wasters and that those who talked about climate change and bushfires were latte-sipping greenies.”

Asked in November why he did not meet Mullins, Morrison said the government already had advice from “existing fire chiefs doing the existing job” and his office said the Mullins group had been offered meetings with senior cabinet ministers “several times this year”.

Documents released under freedom of information also show that Taylor did not ask his department for a briefing before the meeting with Mullins – the usual step for a minister.

Ash Wednesday and Black Saturday cited

A similar request to the then-Department of Environment and Energy reveals how little thought had been devoted in that portfolio to the potential impact of the bushfire season on the environment, threatened species and its relationship to climate change.

One cabinet document was withheld, its subject unknown. The only other document produced was an assessment of what bushfires could do to the national electricity network.

In December the department warned that the Forest Fire Danger Index was high around the electricity corridors for the Queensland-NSW interconnector and the NSW-Victoria interconnector, and that dust storms were possible, which could further threaten the transmission network.

“The FDDI is tracking similar to those conditions preceding the Ash Wednesday and Black Saturday events,” it warned.

Emergency Management Australia said it activated the COMDISPLAN – which outlines how states could access non-financial assistance from the commonwealth during disasters – in early September 2019.

It coordinated the first requests for commonwealth disaster assistance itself. The Australian defence forces became involved soon after, and by November had liaison officers in the NSW bushfire headquarters.

There have been suggestions in the media that NSW rebuffed help from the federal government, particularly around the use of Navy ships, during the crisis.

There were clearly some communication problems. The New South Wales RFS commissioner, Shane Fitzsimmons, said neither he nor defence force personnel working from the state control centre were informed by Scott Morrison of a plan to deploy 3,000 army reservists to assist in the bushfire crisis.

Fitzsimmons said he learned of the plans through the media on 4 January, when fire crews were battling some of the most challenging conditions of the summer.

The dispute between Morrison and the NSW premier, Gladys Berejiklian, if there was one, appears to have related to whether a naval vessel should be sent in to Bermagui to evacuate residents .

Documents obtained from the Department of Defence show there was close co-operation on the aerial firefighting tasks, with the RFS using Defence facilities at Richmond, on the fringes of Sydney, and that Defence rapidly scaled up to provide teams that could deal with displaced residents and help clear roads.

But after the Mallacoota fires in Victoria on New Year’s Eve, when thousands of people were forced on to beaches to escape the fires, the government began deploying naval ships to the coast.

Victorian bushfires: an eyewitness view of the Mallacoota ocean rescue.

At the request of the Victorian authorities, HMAS Choules and MV Sycamore left Sydney on 1 January and arrived in the Mallacoota area the next day to provide support and evacuate 1,100 people who were sleeping on the beach.

There were fears that a similar scene could unfold in one of several towns along the NSW south coast as fires threatened again on 4 January. The documents show HMAS Adelaide sailed on 4 January, as the second wave of fires tore through communities and cut roads.

But Bermagui, while ringed by fire, did not burn.The documents show the NSW government and the RFS preferred to request Defence help clearing the Princes Highway before and after 4 January and evacuate by road, rather than by sea.

Berejiklian refused to release an email exchange with the prime minister’s office on 2 January, on the grounds that it would damage federal-state relations. Morrison’s office refused the request on the grounds that it was too wide.

RFS personnel say the liaison with Defence went very well, barring a few hiccups. A briefing note from Defence to the minister on 2 January recounted how Defence helicopters had assisted in the rescue of three people in Moruya the previous day.

“The rescue was undertaken in extremely difficult conditions and was only successful due to close co-operation between the NSW RFS, NSW Ambulance Toll AME and the Australian defence force,” the note said.

But questions remain about whether the bushfire response was adequately managed by the responsible ministers.

The summer of 2019-20 suggests there is much room for improvement in Australia’s arrangements to protect it from natural disasters.


'I don't really want to': Scott Morrison's attempts to shake hands in Cobargo rejected.

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(AU) Matt Canavan Says Australia Doesn’t Subsidise The Fossil Fuel Industry, An Expert Says It Does

The Conversation

Australian Resources Minister Matt Canavan. AAP Image/Lukas Coch

Jeremy Moss is Professor of Political Philosophy, UNSW. 
Current research projects include climate justice, the ethics of renewable energy, and ethical issues associated with unconventional gas and fossil fuel exports.
He has published several books including Reassessing Egalitarianism, Climate Change and Social Justice, and Climate Change and Justice.
Queensland Nationals Senator Matt Canavan on Monday night denied suggestions the government subsidises Australia’s fossil fuel industry.

 The comments prompted a swift response from some social media users, who cited evidence to the contrary.

Canavan was responding to a viewer question on ABC’s Q&A program.

The questioner cited an International Monetary Fund (IMF) working paper from May last year that said Australia spends US$29 billion (A$47 billion) a year to prop up fossil fuel extraction and energy production.

The questioner also referred to media reports last year that Australia subsidised renewable energy to the tune of A$2.8 billion. He questioned the equity of the subsidy system.

Canavan disputed the figures and said there was “no subsidisation of Australia’s fossil fuel industries”. You can listen here:

>
1m 44secs

So let’s take a look at what the Australian government contributes to the fossil fuel industry, and whether this makes financial sense.

Do fossil fuels need government support more than renewable sources of energy? Justin McKinney/Shutterstock

What does Australia contribute to the fossil fuel industry?

Canavan said the figures cited by the questioner didn’t accord with the view of the Productivity Commission.

The commission’s latest Trade and Assistance Review doesn’t specifically mention federal subsidies. But it describes “combined assistance” for petroleum, coal and chemicals in mining of about A$385 million for 2018-19.

Subsidies to fossil fuel companies and other products can be difficult to categorise. Often there is disagreement as to what counts and what doesn’t.

For example, the IMF paper includes subsidising the costs of fuels used to extract resources, accelerated depreciation for assets and funding for fossil fuel export projects.

Estimates by other organisations of the annual federal subsidies for the fossil fuel industry range from A$5 billion to A$12 billion a year.

So despite the disparities, it’s clear the fossil fuel industry receives substantial federal government subsidies. Earlier this month a leaked draft report by a taskforce advising the government’s own COVID-19 commission recommends support to a gas industry expansion.

Importantly, these subsidies benefit the fossil fuel industry relative to its competitors in the renewable sector.
Do these payments make sense?

The subsidies are also aimed at a sinking industry.

As Tim Buckley, of the Institute for Energy Economics and Financial Analysis, notes, COVID-19 and the falling cost of renewables are delivering a hit to the export fossil fuel industry in Australia from which it may never recover.

Fossil fuel companies such as Santos are also under extreme pressure from some super funds to adopt strict emissions targets.

Moreover, these subsidies produce very few direct jobs in fossil fuel extraction.

According to the Australian Bureau of Statistics, coal, oil and gas extraction create just 64,300 direct jobs. Only around 10% of coal industry employees are women.

If we divide the IMF subsidy figure by the number of direct jobs, the governments of Australia spend A$730,000 each year for every direct job in the coal, oil and gas industry. That equates to A$1,832 for every Australian.

Where are the profits?

Setting aside the madness of this support for fossil fuels given the climate crisis, the subsidies make no financial sense.

With so much government support, you’d think the industry would be full of profitable companies filling the government’s coffers with taxes. But this is not the case.

Australian Taxation Office data for 2016-17 show eight of the ten largest fossil fuel producers in Australia paid no tax. That’s despite nine of these companies having revenue of about A$45 billion for that period.

Not all of these benefits go to these big producers, but many of them do.

If Prime Minister Scott Morrison really wants to lessen the impact of the coronavirus on Australians and save jobs, then this gross level of subsidies must be phased out.

Given the scale of the climate crisis, the Morrison government’s fossil fuel subsidies don’t make sense. AAP

Money needed elsewhere

Subsidies paid each year to the fossil fuel industry could be used far better elsewhere.

It could help retrain or provide generous redundancy packages for the relatively small number of workers in fossil fuel industries and their communities.

The subsidies are unconscionable when you consider the resources so desperately needed now for health and the broader economy. The coronavirus must force us as a country to re-evaluate how we distribute taxpayer funds.

As International Energy Agency head Fatih Birol notes, we now have an “historic opportunity” to use stimulus to transition to clean energy.

Directing funds to companies that have had 30 years to prepare for their demise is simply throwing away public money. It could be put to so much better use.

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(AU) Australia’s Water Is Vanishing

Bloomberg Green - Matthew Campbell | Photographs Adam Ferguson

Scorched by climate change and drained by industrial farms, the country’s most important river system is nearing collapse.

Rob McBride walks along the Darling River. Photographer: Adam Ferguson for Bloomberg Green

The early afternoon sun was pounding the parched soil, and Gus Whyte was pulling on his dust-caked cowboy boots to take me for a drive. We’d just finished lunch—cured ham, a loaf of bread I’d bought on the trip up, chutney pickled by Whyte’s wife, Kelly—at his house in Anabranch South, which isn’t a town but rather a fuzzy cartographic notion in the far west of New South Wales, a seven-hour drive from Melbourne and half as far again from Sydney. I’d been grateful, as I pulled off the blacktop of the Silver City Highway to cover the last 10 miles or so, that I’d rented the biggest 4x4 Hertz could give me. I was on a dirt road, technically, but the dirt was mostly sand, punctuated with rocks the size of small livestock and marked only by the faintest of tire tracks.

We climbed into Whyte’s pickup, and I reached instinctively over my shoulder. “Don’t worry about seat belts,” he said, amiably but firmly. “I know it’s a habit.” His Jack Russell terrier, Molly, balanced herself on his lap as he drove.


Why Is Australia Drying Up? Source: Bloomberg

Whyte, who has reddish-brown hair, sheltered his ruddy, sun-weathered face beneath a battered bush hat. He raises livestock, mostly sheep and some cattle, on nearly 80,000 acres. Normally he’d run about 7,500 sheep, but he was down to 2,000. There wasn’t enough water for more. “I can’t remember it being this dry,” he said. “It’s disheartening to see a landscape like this. You hate it. This is where I was born and grew up, and it means the world to me.”

He kept driving, rattling off statistics about rainfall (down) and temperatures (up). Every so often he’d stop and get out to check on one of the storage tanks dotting the property, which held what little water he had. After a while we pulled onto the crest of a small hill, and Whyte pointed out Yelta Lake, a kidney-shaped landmark that’s colored, on maps, in a reassuringly cool blue. In real life it was the same dun color as everything else. “It hasn’t had any water in it since 2014,” he said.

The Whytes run an almost 80,000-acre operation near Wentworth, New South Wales Photographer: Adam Ferguson for Bloomberg Green

This area, the Murray-Darling Basin, is supposed to be Australia’s agricultural heartland. It’s named for two of the continent’s most important rivers, which converge at the border of New South Wales and Victoria before flowing west and south to the sea. Three million people drink from the system every day, and locals like to boast that another 40 million rely on it for food—Australia’s population of 25 million plus many more across Asia.

The region has also long been at the vanguard of the Australian economy. Along the Darling, 19th century settlers made and lost fortunes from wool, one of the continent’s first global export commodities. The town of Broken Hill, near the basin’s western boundary, was a cradle of Australia’s labor movement and its all-important mining industry, lending its initials to what’s now the world’s largest miner, BHP Group.

Today the Murray-Darling is at the leading edge of  something very different: a series of crises that could soon envelop river systems in Africa, South Asia, and the American West, as temperatures rise and economies compete for strained supplies. The area has spent most of the past several years in a drought so savage that it completely dried out sections of the Darling for months at a time. In some areas residents rely on boxed water from the supermarket. Unable to afford water, farmers have resorted to pulling out once-profitable crops and pumping illegally from depleted stocks.

The Murray-Darling Basin
Data: Natural Earth, Geoscience Australia

The basin’s weather has always been marked by extremes, but scientists say what’s happening now is utterly different: an historic shift driven by man-made climate change, with less-predictable rainfall reducing the amount of water flowing into the system and higher temperatures rapidly evaporating what does arrive. Australia’s hottest and driest year on record was 2019, and 9 of its 10 hottest have occurred since 2005—a significant reason the continent was ravaged earlier this year by some of the worst wildfires in its history. Although the Murray-Darling received welcome rain in recent weeks, long-term predictions indicate that, as the planet warms, the basin’s droughts will only grow longer and more severe.

That would be an environmental and economic disaster, caused in no small part by the fossil fuels Australia, the world’s second-biggest coal exporter, produced itself. The country also has some of the highest per-capita carbon emissions on the planet, and its last Prime Minister, Malcolm Turnbull, was ousted by his own party after trying to pass more ambitious emissions targets. His replacement, Scott Morrison, once brandished a lump of coal on the floor of Parliament to demonstrate his support for the stuff.

The situation in the Murray-Darling has become one of the bitterest subjects in Australian society, pitting family farmers, agribusiness tycoons, community activists, scientists, and politicians against one another in a cycle of mutual recrimination. The core of the problem, many say, is the reluctance of political leaders to address what’s happening to the climate, let alone to have an honest conversation about how citizens should use water as a result. And if Australia—rich, democratic, and with fewer people to supply than some Asian megacities—can’t manage this challenge, there may not be much hope for anyone else.

As we ranged around Whyte’s property, he spotted a few dozen sheep migrating slowly across the plain. One, an older ewe, had fallen away from the rest and lay prone in the dirt as the group ambled away. Whyte stopped the truck and walked over, helping her up and nudging her toward the others. She seemed all right as she shuffled off, but Whyte doubted she’d last much longer. “When it’s dry like this,” he said, “death’s in the air.”



I visited the Murray-Darling in late February, the tail end of summer, landing in Mildura, a midsize town that serves as the region’s commercial center. From the air it was easy to see how settlement had followed the water’s path. A narrow band of verdant farms flanked the Murray, dotted with groups of houses. Virtually all these patches of green had straight, sharp borders where the irrigation systems ended. Beyond them the land was pancake-flat and beige to burnt orange.

Although the basin is rugged by almost any standard, it has been profoundly shaped by human activity. The Murray’s first weir—a low dam that regulates the flow of water—was built in 1922, the initial piece of a dense network of locks, dams, and pumping systems. The goal of all this engineering was, essentially, to smooth out the natural variations in the rivers’ flows, keeping more water upstream for farming and storing the excess. The result was a bounty that today accounts for more than a third of Australia’s food supply, with agricultural production worth A$22 billion ($14.4 billion) a year.

The area’s administrative infrastructure is equally complex. The Murray-Darling includes four states—New South Wales, Queensland, South Australia, and Victoria—that all influence its management and sometimes disagree angrily. In theory, overarching decisions are made by the Murray-Darling Basin Authority, a federal body charged in 2008 with answering two basic questions: What, or whom, should a river be for? And how can it be managed to achieve the desired ends?

The plan the MDBA is implementing has several key components. One of the most important is to treat water as a commercial good, allocated to the highest bidder. The trading system that carries this out evolved from previous, less formal arrangements to become arguably the world’s most sophisticated water market, complete with options and forward contracts. Its defining feature is the separation of use and ownership; asset managers and hedge funds take positions in Australian water, betting they can profit by selling it on to farmers or industrial operations that need it.

The MDBA also seeks to reduce overall withdrawals by setting aside “environmental water,” which is then protected from human use and channeled to recharge wetlands and fish habitats. But environmentalists and scientists have argued that the authority’s environmental targets are much too modest—and therefore too generous to big water users—to keep the Murray-Darling healthy, and that it didn’t take sufficient account of climate change in projecting how much water would be available.

“Every ecological indicator you can think of has been in decline” in the basin, including fish stocks and the health of bird habitats, Maryanne Slattery, a water consultant in Canberra, told me. “Socially and economically it’s in major decline as well.” She blames the trend in part on the trading system, which has allowed deep-pocketed farmers of a few lucrative, water-intensive products—above all, nuts and cotton—to accumulate water at the expense of other agriculture. “On the current trajectory we’ll be growing just these two crops,” she said. “I would just urge every other country not to follow what Australia’s done.” (The MDBA’s chief executive, Phillip Glyde, said in an interview that the agency has proceeded “based on the best science we could find” and will adjust its usage assessments as research evolves. “You don’t turn around 100 years of overallocation overnight,” he said.)
“Markets are good at allocating scarce resources to the most profitable use. Making sure that towns have water is not the most profitable use of water”
The most obvious signal that something unprecedented was occurring in the Murray-Darling came near the Menindee Lakes, which share their name with a small town a short distance from their shores. The lakes are natural features, but they were extensively altered in the 1950s to serve as reservoirs—absorbing water from upstream, sequestering it, and supplying farms and towns down the Darling as needed. When full, they hold 1,731 gigaliters, more than three times the volume of Sydney Harbour, across 50 square kilometers (about 19 square miles) of surface area.

As important as the lakes are, most Australians had barely heard of Menindee until December 2018, when residents began finding scads of dead cod, perch, and other fish floating belly up in a part of the Darling normally fed by the lakes. The culprit was a phenomenon called thermal stratification, which followed from a chain of environmental calamities. First, a lack of flowing water, extremely hot weather, and intense sunlight had created ideal conditions for algae to thrive. Then, when the algae died, they sank to the bottom and were consumed by microbes that also drastically reduced the quantity of oxygen available at depth. When the weather suddenly cooled—from a searing 49C (120F) to 23C during one fish kill event—the top layer of water sank, mixing with lower layers and reducing the overall oxygen levels too low for survival. The December 2018 event killed tens of thousands of fish, according to the Australian Academy of Science. Two more the following month eliminated millions.

A little more than a year later, water and its absence were Menindee’s central preoccupations. Outside the Maidens Hotel bar—the town has no stoplights but two pubs—a hand-painted sign thanked patrons for donating water. The fluid that comes out of the taps, drawn partly from what remains in the Darling, is sometimes pungent and brown, and residents avoid drinking it.

Then there are the lakes themselves. They were mostly empty by the time the fish started dying, thanks to scant rainfall and withdrawals for irrigation. When I visited, they were vast, scrubby plains, roamed by scattered livestock that kept close to the patches of liquid that remained. It was as if some deity had parted the waters and forgotten to release them back.

About 45 kilometers (28 miles) south of town, I met a farmer who’s become, for better or worse, the face of the Menindee area’s problems. Rob McBride is the owner of Tolarno Station, a sprawling ranch that dates to the early years of European settlement. He divides his time between Adelaide and the spacious Tolarno homestead, a whitewashed, slightly ramshackle pile so perfectly evocative of colonial Australia that it could illustrate a children’s picture book. Overnight visitors, McBride told me with complete seriousness, sometimes make the acquaintance of the house’s longest-tenured resident, a French-speaking ghost named Christine.

McBride. Photographer: Adam Ferguson for Bloomberg Green

McBride is well over 6 feet tall, with thinning gray hair and lanky limbs. He came to prominence during the fish kills when his daughter, Kate, filmed him and another local standing up to their knees in the stagnant Darling, holding giant cod—stiff, bloated, and very much dead. McBride called it “a man-made disaster.” The video got millions of views online and media coverage across the country. He became a local celebrity, an advocate for what he portrays as a community failed by decision-makers at all levels of government and business. “It’s become a travesty, what’s actually happening in our river system,” McBride told me in the homestead’s dining room. At one end of the table stood a detailed model of the Rodney, a paddle steamer that once plied the river a few meters from the front door. “I’ve never seen this country look worse.”

Endurance in the face of volatile conditions has long been celebrated in rural Australia. My Country, an early 20th century poem by Dorothea Mackellar that’s widely taught in schools, reads, in part, “I love a sunburnt country / A land of sweeping plains / Of ragged mountain ranges, / Of droughts and flooding rains.” McBride is convinced the time for stoicism has passed. Temperatures in the basin have been consistently above the long-term average since the 1990s, while rainfall has declined. Those changes, which most scientists who’ve studied the issue say will only become more pronounced, are scrambling old assumptions about water use.

In particular, McBride said, industrial farming needs to be restrained. “Australia’s bringing in vast amounts of almonds and cotton because that’s about profit,” he complained. “Overextraction of water is creating an absolute disaster. … We’re at the precipice now. Literally within the next five years you could have the whole Murray-Darling Basin system collapse.”

If that happens, he fears, the family farms that have defined the region for generations will disappear, along with most of the wildlife, as whatever water remains is siphoned up for one or two export crops. In his scenario, all manner of citrus orchards, vineyards, and dairy farms would no longer be viable, depriving the country of an agricultural fortress that ensures access to “the best-quality food in the world”—an asset whose value has been underscored by the coronavirus pandemic. “Unless we protect our rivers and our lake system, we will have less for our children,” he said. “Who’s going to feed Australia?”

At times, McBride gets carried away. In our interview he claimed that people profiting from the current state of affairs were conspiring with the media to suppress stories about the drought, and at one point he attributed the actions of pro-agribusiness figures to a “1933 brownshirt mentality.” But it was hard to argue with his contention that a slow-motion disaster is unfolding. After our interview we walked down to the river. It was almost entirely dry, a banked ditch shaped like a skateboard halfpipe, with just a few disconnected, greenish pools of liquid. You could wander far without getting your feet wet. A long-forgotten fishing net lay in the sand near a half-dozen freshwater mussels the size of small fists, their shells bleached white by the sun.

About a three-hour drive from Tolarno, by a hairpin bend in the Murray just upstream from a town called Euston, there’s a small, windowless building clad in corrugated green metal. From its lower level, thick buried pipes extend to the riverbank, a stone’s throw away. There are no people inside, only four industrial pumps that roar away for 18 hours a day during irrigation season, pulling as much as 330 liters (87 gallons) of water from the river each second.

The pump building is probably the single most important structure at the Bunargool orchard, which is operated by Select Harvests, a Melbourne-based company that grows almonds in several locations around the Murray-Darling Basin. Until relatively recently, almonds were a niche product in Australia, their exports a tiny fraction of traditional staples such as beef and wheat. Then came surging demand from India and China, along with the rise of plant-based diets in more developed economies. In 2006 almond orchards accounted for a little more than 17,500 hectares of land; in 2018 they covered more than 45,000 hectares, sustaining annual exports in excess of A$500 million.

Rising sales have let almond growers afford sufficient water rights in Australia’s trading market to keep their operations thriving even as other farms run dry. To advocates, this demonstrates the system’s efficiency and its assurance that water is used for the highest economic return. To critics, it shows how the market distorts agriculture and punishes those without the capital and expertise to navigate its complexities.

Select Harvests’ managing director, Paul Thompson, had agreed to show me around Bunargool, so we headed out in his 4x4. Few people were around. Although almonds’ closest cousins include peaches and nectarines—technically they’re seeds—they don’t require the delicate handling orchard fruit does, so their growth and harvest is highly mechanized. What they do need is water, and lots of it: more than 6.4 liters per almond, according to a 2018 study of growing conditions in California. Partway into the orchard we passed a storage pool, surrounded by an earthen embankment, that looked about the size of a hockey rink. “That’s a day’s water,” Thompson said.

A shaker truck reaps almonds at Select Harvests near Robinvale, Victoria. Photographer: Adam Ferguson for Bloomberg Green

It was harvest time, and things were looking good. As we traveled down a row of neatly planted trees, each watered by a drip-feed from a small irrigation pipe, Thompson pointed out one that had partly split, leaving a large bough on the ground. “Crop so big it broke a branch,” he said approvingly. We soon caught up to a canary-yellow vehicle called a Shockwave, which had an operator’s cab on one side and a ferocious-looking clamp on the other. At each tree the driver stopped to secure the grips to the base of the trunk. He then activated the clamp, shaking the trunk from side to side with remarkable violence. Almonds rained down, kicking up little clouds of red dust as they hit the ground.

Later they’d be gathered for shelling, sorting, and packaging at Select Harvests’ local plant. Some would go out intact, others as paste, in huge plastic drums for use in almond butter or almond milk. The operation is spotless, high-tech, and, as Thompson is eager to point out, designed to avoid waste. Among other measures, the company burns almond hulls in an on-site co-generation facility, producing electricity it can sell into the grid. (This is preferable to having the hulls combust spontaneously, as they’re liable to do when left in large piles—one of the reasons the factory has its own fire trucks.)

At the plant office, which had the look of an accounting firm trying to seem hip, Ben Brown, the general manager for horticulture, gave me an overview of Select Harvests’ efforts to increase yields. It’s using an Israeli-designed analytics platform, Phytech, to measure orchard conditions, attaching sensors to individual trees to help determine water and other requirements. Another system draws on high-resolution photos of the tree canopy to identify areas of stress that might not be visible on the ground. The goal is efficiency, getting more almonds out of every unit of input. Water is, of course, the most important. Including ancillary costs such as electricity to run pumps, it accounts for more than 50% of expenses, Brown told me.
A drought “means the more efficient farmers survive and the less efficient farmers don’t, and that’s not a bad thing”
Even at maximum productivity, there’s no question that, as they continue to expand, Select Harvests and other almond growers will need more and more water, leaving less for everything else. The company’s orchards grew in size by 43% between 2014 and 2019, to 7,696 hectares, and more than a third of its plantings are considered “immature” and have yet to reach their full output.

Thompson described water as “a critical national resource” that needs to be managed accordingly, and he agreed with farmers like McBride that Australia needs to maintain a diversity of food sources. But he and others in the almond industry argue that, in the Murray-Darling, the water is flowing to the uses that generate the highest economic returns—in this case, a successful export that generates plenty of profit and tax revenue, if not much employment. A drought “means the more efficient farmers survive and the less efficient farmers don’t, and that’s not a bad thing,” Thompson said. “If my dry cleaner at the end of my road is inefficient, nobody writes him a check to help him out.”

I asked whether, as the climate warms and there’s less water to go around, an almond industry that consumes such a great share is really sustainable. Thompson prefers to view the problem differently. “Some people will say, ‘Are you using less water or more water?’ That’s the wrong question. The question is, ‘Are you producing more per megaliter?’ And we are.” That means more cash, which can be used to innovate further. “We will be more inventive,” he said. “We’re wonderful beasts.”

In Mildura I was eager to speak to Jane MacAllister, a councillor in Wentworth, right over the New South Wales line, who’s become an outspoken critic of how water is being managed in the region. We met at a cafe on the banks of the Murray, accessed through an attractively landscaped park. Flowing gently and reasonably high, the river looked like, well, a river. There was even a rowing club nearby. But MacAllister told me not to be deceived by the Murray’s natural appearance. “We’ve turned it into an irrigation channel,” she said, explaining that its behavior in Mildura and elsewhere was the result of intensive management. To see the reality, she suggested we take what by local standards was a short drive, a bit over an hour, to a citrus farm on the Darling called Jamesville Station.

Owner Alan Whyte—a cousin to Gus—wasn’t home when we arrived. Nor was there anyone else or, for that matter, more than a tiny number of citrus trees. Whyte is one of several local farmers who reached a deal with the federal government in 2019 to pull out their once-profitable crops, which had become uneconomical thanks to the drought. The farmers did well by the agreement, giving up water rights in exchange for what the Australian Broadcasting Corp. reported was more than A$30 million in compensation, but the aftermath was jarring to see. Jamesville’s fields, once planted with neat rows of oranges, were completely denuded, and the trailers that used to house workers for the harvest were empty. Dust clouds swirled overhead. Here and there I could see piles of blackened wood left over from the crop burn.

There was a bit of fetid-looking water in the river where it intersected the farm, and MacAllister spotted some fish in the shallows. They seemed to be floating more than swimming, their silvery bodies half-exposed to the baking sun. “This is really disturbing to me,” she said as she watched them struggle. “The water’s too warm, and the oxygen’s all wrong. They cook and suffocate all at once.”

MacAllister, who grew up in Mildura and lived in Darwin and Perth before returning to the area, is as Australian as they come. But she argued that the country, after building its identity partly on the conquest of nature, needs to realize what’s happening now is anything but natural. “There’s this almost nationalistic pride in adherence to the Dorothea Mackellar poem”—to the assumption, MacAllister said, that boom-bust cycles of drought and flood, among other extreme climatic patterns, are just a part of life to be overcome. This attitude was on display during the recent bushfires, notably when Prime Minister Morrison played down their connection to Australia’s climate record and emphasized instead the need for “resilience.” (His deputy, Michael McCormack, characterized discussions of a link as “the ravings of some pure, enlightened, and woke capital-city greenies.”)

A dry lake bed in Menindee, New South Wales. Photographer: Adam Ferguson for Bloomberg Green

What’s needed now, MacAllister said, is a broad discussion of how to move the Murray-Darling toward a sustainable balance. “Climate has not been considered at all,” she said. Among other steps, she wants the authorities to monitor withdrawals much more closely, to build a more comprehensive picture of how much water is being used: “We don’t know how much water is extracted, and we don’t know by whom or where.” There have been a few high-profile cases of theft. In 2018 a cotton farmer, Anthony Barlow, pleaded guilty to illegally pumping more than 150 Olympic-size swimming pools’ worth of water from the Barwon, another river in the basin, and was fined A$190,000.

MacAllister attributes much of the responsibility for this state of affairs to the National Party, traditionally the dominant political force in the region. Dedicated officially to representing the interests of rural areas, the Nats, as they’re known, are the junior partner in the coalition that’s ruled Australia for most of the past three decades, governing with the more genteel conservatives of the Liberal Party. Although they win far fewer votes than the Liberals or the opposition Labor Party, the Nats have outsize influence on policy. In recent years that’s meant emphatic support for industrial agriculture, oil-and-gas drilling, and mining—particularly of coal—along with deep skepticism about efforts to reduce emissions.

The National Party often receives cabinet positions with implications for rural areas, and it supplied the current minister for resources, water, and Northern Australia, Keith Pitt. A former sugar cane farmer who represents a coastal part of Queensland, he was named to the post by Morrison in February. He’d resigned from his last spell in a senior role, in 2018, citing his objections to the Paris Agreement on climate change. “I will always put reducing power prices before Paris,” he said at the time.

When I met with Pitt at his Canberra office in early March, he sought to present the problems in the Murray-Darling as the most recent in a long chain of trials—really nothing new, despite many scientists’ confidence that Australia is facing an unprecedented climate crisis. “Water has been a challenge since Federation,” he said, referring to the 1901 union that created the modern Australian polity. “Australia has always had a history of droughts and floods. I don’t think that’s changed at all. …  Certainly when we’re in a prolonged drought, there are parts of the basin we can’t prevent from running out of water that is just not available.” Rather, Pitt said, Australians should be proud of their record managing their scarce supply. “We utilize it right down to the last teaspoon,” he said. “People come to us for our expertise in water management.”

He was eager to sidestep the subject that just about every scientific study identifies as a core problem. When I asked about the impact of a warming world, he replied, “My view is one of resilience. So we need to ensure that the basin is resilient from top to bottom.” I repeated my question. “Well, we all face challenges. … We do need to ensure we value the environment, that we ensure there’s water provided for its needs, as well as business and basin communities.” A third time: Australians have “always been conscious of water issues.” He didn’t, in the course of our conversation, use the term “climate change.”

As I left Parliament House, I passed a few protesters camped out on the lawn opposite. They’d erected a large black banner facing the main entrance. AUSTRALIANS DEMAND FEDERAL PARLIAMENT URGENTLY DECLARE AN ECOLOGICAL & CLIMATE EMERGENCY, it read. No one paid them any mind.

Last year the Murray-Darling Basin Authority published a discussion paper that summarized what’s coming. “Higher average temperatures will increase the amount of water lost to evaporation and reduce soil moisture,” it said. “This means more rainfall will be absorbed into the soil, resulting in less runoff, reduced river flows and less water being stored and regulated by dams.” It went on: “Longer periods of low flow with higher temperatures will also increase the likelihood of blue-green algal blooms, with potentially devastating effects on native fish and town water supplies.”

The basin’s future, in other words, is likely to look a lot like the past few years, but worse, with the economic pain for Australia exacerbated by expected declines in the market for fossil fuels. Other global river systems may not be far behind the Murray-Darling. In South Asia rising temperatures are shrinking the glaciers that feed the Indus and Ganges, primary water sources for hundreds of millions of people. In Africa the changing climate is making the flows of the Nile far less predictable—even as the population dependent on it surges. The Colorado, Mekong, and Yangtze all face their own climate challenges.

For many Australian environmentalists, the Murray-Darling stands as a cautionary tale, showing what happens when crucial river systems come under too much stress. “There are too many straws in the glass,” Chris Gambian, chief executive of the Nature Conservation Council of New South Wales, told me. And some of those straws are too wide. “Markets are good at allocating scarce resources to the most profitable uses,” he said. “Making sure that towns have water is not the most profitable use of water. Maintaining the connectivity of the rivers so fish can survive is not the most profitable use of water.”

Change might be coming, but not necessarily to the environment’s benefit. In December, New South Wales’s deputy premier and water minister, who both represent the National Party, published a series of “demands” on river policy, led by an exemption from plans to give up more water for conservation projects. “We simply can no longer stand by the Murray-Darling Basin Plan in its current form,” the deputy premier, John Barilaro, said. Alterations could also be coming to water trading. Australia’s competition watchdog is conducting an inquiry into the water market, intended to examine, among other topics, what’s driving prices and how investors are affecting its operations.

For half a decade, David Papps served as the Murray-Darling’s official defender in the Australian government. As Commonwealth Environmental Water Holder, he was in charge of efforts to direct flows to wetlands and fish habitats, allocating water acquired from the market or saved through efficiency efforts. That the office is even necessary speaks to how deeply climate change and overdrawing have disrupted the river system’s essential natural processes. Healthy wetlands, for example, reduce drought severity by absorbing and storing excess water during periods of steady rain; they can also serve as important carbon sinks—functions they can’t perform once they’re degraded.

Papps, who’s now retired, fears it will take dramatic action to save the basin—and that the country hasn’t grasped how much of its prosperity is at stake. “The principal concern we should have is ensuring that there’s enough water for the environment to get to some sort of basic level of health,” Papps said. Otherwise, “the equation doesn’t work. It will be the environment that suffers first, and then, when the river systems die, the economies will follow.”

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