30/06/2020

(AU) Climate Change Is The Next Health Crisis We Face

The Canberra Times - Dr Beau Frigault


Dr Beau Frigault is an Obstetrics and Gynaecology Resident on the Gold Coast and Queensland State Chair of Doctors for the Environment Australia.
As a healthcare worker, I've been proud of the response Australian citizens have demonstrated to the COVID crisis.

We listened to the health experts and practised social distancing, only completed essential travel, worked from home, and practised good hand hygiene.

It's one of the reasons why Australia flattened its curve better than most nations and why we're able to begin easing restrictions already.

It proves that when we are in a crisis, we rise to the occasion and do what is right to protect all of us.

I wish we would have a similar response to the critical issue of climate change.

In this regard, I've seen our governments ignore the science and disregard the health experts, opting to continue to pursue investments in the fossil fuel industry, an industry that has proven to negatively impact the environment and our own health.

On a federal level, our government is pushing forward with its Technology Road Map, which relies on gas, a highly polluting fossil fuel. Gas is a major cause of the greenhouse gas emissions that fuel climate change.


Investing in polluting fossil fuels counteracts our desire to keep global carbon emissions low enough to limit our global temperature rise to 2 degrees above pre-industrial levels.

Gas releases methane, a potent greenhouse gas that adds to the serious health risks of climate change. The process of unconventional exploration and extraction also poses many health risks to workers and people living nearby.

We must remember that while the COVID-19 health crisis begins to ease, our climate crisis continues to brew and reach critical, irreversible impacts. We will see more extreme weather events such as heatwaves, prolonged drought and deadly bushfires which will impact our respiratory, mental and physical health.

Due to COVID-19, we now know what it feels like to have the freedom of a healthy life taken away to the point where it no longer feels safe to live our normal lives.

As Australia looks to recover from the current health and economic crisis a choice must be made. We can continue our unsustainable, polluting "business as usual", or we can embrace a progressive, responsible, and healthy strategy for energy production and land preservation. I'm praying we opt for the latter.

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(AU Witnessing The Unthinkable

The MonthlyJoëlle Gergis

New climate modelling suggests planetary crisis is coming much sooner than previously thought



Joëlle Gergis

Dr Joëlle Gergis is an award-winning climate scientist and writer from the Australian National University.

She is an internationally recognised expert in Australian and Southern Hemisphere climate variability and change based in the Australian Research Council (ARC) Centre of Excellence for Climate Extremes.

Her research focuses on providing a long-term historical context for assessing recently observed climate variability and extremes.

In August 2018 she was appointed to the Climate Council, Australia's leading independent body providing expert advice to the Australian public on climate change and policy.

Her book, Sunburnt Country: The future and history of climate change in Australia, is now available through Melbourne University Publishing.
It’s 3am and I’m awake – again. It’s no exaggeration to say that my work as a climate scientist now routinely keeps me up at night.

I keep having dreams of being inundated. Huge, monstrous waves bearing down on me in slow motion. Sometimes I stop resisting and allow myself to be sucked in. Other times, I watch as a colossal tsunami builds offshore. I panic, immediately sensing that I don’t stand a chance. I watch the horizon disappear, before turning to bolt to higher ground. Around me, people are calmly going about their business.

High water is menacing my subconscious, trying to help me grapple with the overwhelm I feel in my waking life. My teeth ache from the nocturnal grinding that my dentist now just acknowledges with a sigh.

As one of the dozen or so Australian lead authors involved in writing the physical science basis of the “Sixth Assessment Report” of the United Nations’ Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), it’s no wonder I’m on edge. Before the coronavirus pandemic swept the world, the scientific community was reeling from the most catastrophic bushfire season in Australian history.

We all watched on in horror as the fires savaged our country, releasing more carbon dioxide in a single bushfire season than the country emits in an entire year.

An arc of destruction tore through our native forests; from the subtropical rainforests of Queensland, through the temperate forests of southern New South Wales and eastern Victoria, all the way across to the coastal bushland of South Australia.

A terrifying amount of Australia’s World Heritage areas were burnt – at least 80 per cent of the Blue Mountains protected area and 53 per cent of the ancient Gondwana rainforests network.

These are the “last of the last” of such precious places. Areas that have clung on since the age of dinosaurs, forced to contend with the processes of evolution playing out in fast forward. Instead of adapting gradually over thousands or millions of years, ecosystems were radically transformed in the space of a single summer, not even a nanosecond in geologic time.

The urgent national conversation we needed to have about climate change following this collective trauma never happened; instead, we were all forced to retreat into our boltholes as a deadly plague took hold. We abandoned the global common, and life shrunk to an intensely personal scale.

And there we have remained, in suspended animation, waiting for the health crisis to pass, for some air of normality to return to our lives.

Through it all, scientists across the world have been working around the clock to progress the IPCC’s monumental assessment of the global climate – a cycle that typically takes around six years to complete.

As part of this effort, a group of Australian scientists published an analysis of the latest generation of climate models, assessing what they are telling us about Australia’s future. After years of refinements, the new models now contain significant improvements in the simulation of complex physical processes associated with clouds and convection, essentially the transfer of heat through the fluid motion of the atmosphere and ocean. These updates have influenced estimates of what is termed “climate sensitivity”, a measure of the relationship between changes in carbon dioxide in the atmosphere and the corresponding level of warming.

The results have provided an alarming revision of the temperature increases we thought possible. It is something IPCC scientists are grappling to understand and communicate, as it has dire implications for the feasibility of achieving the Paris Agreement targets for reducing global emissions.

The current goal is to keep global warming to well within 2°C above pre-industrial levels, and as close to 1.5°C as possible. This is to avoid instabilities in the planetary processes that have kept our climate steady for close to 12,000 years. That is, for all of modern human civilisation.

According to this new study, led by scientists at the CSIRO and Bureau of Meteorology, the worst-case scenario could see Australia warm up to 7°C above pre-industrial levels by the end of the century. On average, the results from 20 models show a warming of 4.5°C, with a range of between 2.7°C and 6.2°C.

As two of the study’s authors, Michael Grose and Julie Arblaster, noted in The Conversation, “the new values are a worrying possibility that no one wants, but one we must still grapple with”. They quoted the researchers of another recent climate study, who said, “what scares us is not that the models’ [equilibrium climate sensitivity] is wrong … but that it might be right”.

Another profoundly significant result is buried 16 pages deep into the paper. The scientists show that this revision now means that 2°C of global warming is likely to be reached sometime around 2040 based on our current high-emissions trajectory. The implications of this are unimaginable – we may witness planetary collapse far sooner than we once thought.

I was so disturbed by the new model results that I found it impossible to get back to my work. How can we not understand that life as we know it is unravelling before our eyes? That we have unleashed intergenerational warming that will be with us for millennia? If this really is the end of days, how can a climate scientist like me make best use of the time I have left?

In recent years, I’ve looked to brave colleagues who are becoming increasingly vocal about the climate emergency. One of the scientists I admire most is Professor Terry Hughes, one of the world’s leading experts on coral reefs, and our foremost authority on the Great Barrier Reef.

In late March, just before the national lockdown took effect, Terry and his colleagues rushed to conduct an aerial survey of the third mass-bleaching event to strike the reef since 2016. It is the first time that severe bleaching impacted upon virtually the entire range of the Great Barrier Reef, including large parts of the southern reef spared during the 2016 and 2017 events. It’s hard to hide from the reality that the entire system is in an advanced state of ecological collapse.

In desperation, Terry took to Twitter, sharing his experience of surveying the carnage: “It’s been a shitty, exhausting day on the #GreatBarrierReef. I feel like an art lover wandering through the Louvre… as it burns to the ground.” By the end of his fieldwork he was a broken man: “I’m not sure I have the fortitude to do this again.”

The honesty of his despair allowed my own to crystallise into a visceral sense of dread that is deepening by the day. We have arrived at a point in human history I think of as “the great unravelling”.

Recently, I shared a statistic with my climatology students as I explained the latest mass-bleaching event: 99 per cent of the world’s tropical coral reefs will disappear with 2°C of global warming. This future no longer feels impossibly far away, it’s happening before our eyes.

Looking around the room, I couldn’t help but feel sorry for them. They have inherited a planetary mess, yet are more distracted and disconnected from each other, themselves and the natural world than any generation that has ever lived.

As each season passes, it’s painfully clear that we are witnessing the destabilisation of the Earth’s climate. There are things we can still save, but it’s now too late for some areas such as the Great Barrier Reef and tracts of ancient rainforests.

In Australia we wear our badge of resilience with a hefty dose of national pride. But scientists on the frontline of the climate crisis understand that some things in life, once gone, can never be replaced. If the new models turn out to be right, there is no way we can adapt to the catastrophic level of warming projected for a country like Australia.

Even placing the new models aside, the 2019 UN Environment Programme’s “Emissions Gap Report” shows that a continuation of current global emission reduction policies could see the Earth’s average temperature rise a staggering 3.4 to 3.9°C by 2100.

If we continue along our current path, by any measure, we will sail past the Paris Agreement targets in a handful of decades.

Some of our most precious ecosystems will never recover, including some of what was destroyed in Australia during our Black Summer. Gutted landscapes will struggle on, trying to regain some semblance of an equilibrium. But the truth is the destruction we have unleashed will reverberate throughout the ages.

We are witnessing the unthinkable. Facing the unimaginable.

Psychologically, many people already sense it’s the beginning of the end. But is this the end of the era of fossil fuels, or life as we know it? As the planetary crisis accelerates, we must confront the reality that what we do now will forever alter the course of humanity and all life on Earth.

My dreams are warning me that a metaphorical tsunami is approaching, threatening to destroy all that we hold dear. We must wake up and rush to higher ground before it’s too late.

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(AU) Forgotten Farmers, Mining And Anti-Green Invective: How The Nationals Became A Party For Coal

The GuardianJudith Brett

In this extract from her Quarterly Essay, The Coal Curse: Resources, Climate and Australia’s FutureJudith Brett says mining has offered the Nationals a way to supplement their declining agricultural base

Nationals leader and deputy prime minister Michael McCormack (left) with Queensland Nationals senator Matt Canavan, whose brother is an enthusiastic investor in coal assets. Photograph: Mick Tsikas/AAP 


The Coal Curse: Resources, Climate and Australia’s Future

At the gala dinner in March this year to celebrate the centenary of the Nationals, federal president Larry Anthony boasted that the party played a key role in twice removing Malcolm Turnbull because of his climate change policy.

The Coalition had won the 2019 election against the odds, but not the seat of Richmond on the north coast of New South Wales, which had voted three generations of the Anthony family into parliament, including Larry.

The demography of this once predominantly agricultural area has shifted, with sea-changers and alternatives moving into the coastal towns, and the seat has been held by Labor since 2004 with substantial support from the Greens.

To survive, the Nationals needed new supporters and they were finding them in the coalminers of central Queensland.

Whatever the contribution Bill Shorten’s unpopularity, franking credits or negative gearing may have made to the Coalition winning in 2019, the brutal truth is that Labor lost the election in Queensland and it lost it in large part because of the Queensland Liberal National party’s successful weaponising of coal.

When he was forced to stand aside in mid-2017 because of doubts about his mother’s citizenship, Queensland Nationals senator Matt Canavan posted an extraordinary statement on Facebook: “It has been such an honour to represent the Australian mining sector over the past year. It is an industry full of fine, hard-working and innovative people. Mining and resources are a uniquely Australian success story. From the small, gambling explorers and prospectors to the large, world-beating multinationals, the industry provides rich and diverse experiences that can take you to the smallest towns of outback Australia to the biggest cities in the world.”

Nowhere did he mention the farmers his party was formed to serve, nor that many farmers are challenging mining’s social licence, fighting tooth and nail to protect their agricultural land from mining.
You can’t reason with them. It’s religion
Bridget McKenzie
The National party’s leadership has close links to the resources industry. Past leaders Mark Vaile and John Anderson made fortunes out of resources after leaving politics; Matt Canavan’s brother John is an enthusiastic investor in Queensland coal assets; Larry Anthony has lobbied for the Chinese mining giant Shenhua’s Watermark coalmine on the edge of the Liverpool Plains in NSWs, which is opposed by the local farming communities.

In March 2019, on Channel Ten’s The Project, Waleed Aly asked Nationals leader Michael McCormack: “Could you name a single, big policy area where the Nats have sided with the interests of farmers over the interests of miners when they come into conflict?” Off the top of his head, McCormack could not name one.

The National party has become the party of coal. Turnbull tells in his memoir A Bigger Picture of a meeting that included the Nationals’ George Christensen, Keith Pitt, Barnaby Joyce and Andrew Gee, who were arguing that a new coal-fired power station would deliver cheaper power.

“OK, I asked, what coal price are you assuming? They didn’t know. How much coal will the new coal plant use for each megawatt hour? Again they didn’t know. How much do you think the new plant will cost? No idea.

I was patient and polite as I explained the economics of a new coal-fired power station and how it was no longer competitive with renewables plus storage to deliver dispatchable power. They weren’t convinced.”

George Christensen (left) and Barnaby Joyce in the House of Representatives. Photograph: Mike Bowers/The Guardian

No doubt they were infuriated by Turnbull’s somewhat condescending interrogation, but, as Bridget McKenzie told him on the way out, “You can’t reason with them, PM. It’s religion. They don’t care about the numbers.” But they do care about electoral numbers.

The National party’s political power depends on the geographical concentration of its vote. At the 2019 election, it won a little less than 7% of first-preference votes, if we attribute to it a quarter of the vote of the Queensland Liberal National party (LNP), which was formed in 2008 from a merger of the Queensland branches of the two parties.

With this vote, the Nationals won 15 seats. By contrast, the Greens’ nation-wide first-preference vote of more than 10% is diffused across electorates, and they have only one lonely representative in the House of Representatives. As another geographically concentrated activity, mining offers the Nationals a tantalising way to supplement their

In the weeks before the 2019 election, Bob Brown led a convoy to #StopAdani through central Queensland that was met with jeering hostility, enabling the LNP to mobilise regional loyalties. Shorten equivocated on whether or not Labor would review the coalmine’s environmental approval if it won government, sowing distrust among both supporters and opponents of the mine.

Making Adani a key electoral issue was the last thing Labor needed as it tried to reconcile environmentally concerned city voters with regional voters who believed their economic futures depended on coalmining. It couldn’t be done, so the best thing for Labor was to keep voters’ minds focused on issues like health and education. Instead, Shorten kept being asked where he stood on Adani and was never able to give a clear answer.

Clive Palmer, who has substantial coal interests in the Galilee Basin, spent $60m on advertising his United Australia party. Although the party won no seats, Palmer was well satisfied with the result. His Shifty Shorten ads, he said, had succeeded in preventing a Labor victory.

A ute drives past an election sign for mining magnate Clive Palmer’s United Australia party in Bowen, Queensland, on 3 May 2019. Photograph: Peter Parks/AFP/Getty Images

In all states and territories except for Queensland and Western Australia, Labor plus left independents won the majority of seats. In Western Australia, Labor won only five to the Coalition’s 11, the same as in 2016, but in Queensland it lost two seats, leaving it with only six of the state’s 30 seats. As well, sitting LNP members enjoyed massive swings. “I never expected numbers like these,” Michelle Landry told the ABC on election night. “Thank you, Bob Brown, is all I can say. He came up here trying to tell Queenslanders what we should and shouldn’t be doing, and it actually drew together the agricultural and mining sectors.”

Landry is the member for Capricornia, which stretches along the coast from Rockhampton in the south to the southern suburbs of Mackay. In the north and west it includes major mining centres such as the coalmining town of Collinsville, where the LNP wants a new coal-fired power station built. For most of its history, Capricornia has been Labor. Landry won the seat in 2016 with a margin of just 0.6%. In 2019, the margin was 12.4%. The miners had deserted Labor, and not just in Queensland, but also in the NSW coalmining electorate of Hunter, where the primary vote of the sitting Labor member, Joel Fitzgibbon, dropped by almost 15%.

In Queensland, said Canavan, there had been “a hi-vis workers’ revolution”, with the extreme demands of climate change activists “pushing what have otherwise been strong Labor-voting areas towards the conservative side of politics”.

Pro-mining protesters in Clermont, Queensland spill out of a pub after a rally held against the arrival of Bob Brown’s Stop Adani convoy in May 2019. Photograph: Matthew Netwon/Matthew Newton

When the Country Party was established to represent farmers and people living in country towns, it was informed by what the political scientist Don Aitkin called “country-mindedness,” the belief that country folk were more independent, hard-working and morally authentic than people living easy, pleasure-seeking lives in the cities. The self-indulgent Greens-voting inner city versus the hard-working regions is the most recent iteration of the opposition between city and country that has shaped Australian politics for at least 100 years.

Here is Canavan in February this year, a few days after he resigned from cabinet to support Joyce’s leadership challenge to McCormack: “Our wealth-producing industries, like farming, mining and manufacturing, have never been under greater attack. Farmers have had their land rights stripped off them, dams are stopped because of some snail or frog and mines get sabotaged by rich, city-based whingers who threaten and bully law-abiding businesses.”

Get it? Australia’s wealth is produced outside the cities and the cities are full of whingeing green bullies. This rhetoric is designed to pull regional voters back to the Nationals.

Canavan is fairly restrained. Fellow Queensland National George Christensen is the party specialist in anti-green invective. In 2014, he described environmentalists opposed to the expansion of Adani’s port at Abbot Point as “gutless green grubs”; in 2018, he posted a photo on Facebook of himself aiming a handgun with the caption, “You gotta ask yourself, do you feel lucky greenie punks.” Christensen draws on the anti-green invective in circulation since the battles in Tasmania over the forests.

As well as maintaining their political relevance, the Nationals’ specialisation in coal advocacy helps the Liberals, who can’t afford to be as openly hostile to environmentally concerned voters as the Nationals are. Like Labor, they are threatened by Greens and independents in city electorates. Independent Zali Steggall stood against Tony Abbott in Warringah on a platform of climate action and won.

The Queensland Nationals successfully weaponised coal in the 2019 election. Even though this was as much a strategy for the party’s political survival as it was a matter of conviction, it is further evidence of the fossil-fuel lobby’s success. Without Abbott, the Liberal party could not be relied on, but with the junior partner turning itself into the party of coal, fossil fuels could be sure of a seat at the cabinet table of a Coalition government.

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