21/07/2020

Pandemic Shows Climate Has Never Been Treated As Crisis, Say Scientists

The Guardian

Letter also signed by Greta Thunberg urges EU leaders to act immediately on global heating

A climate protest in Duesseldorf, Germany, last week. Photograph: Sascha Steinbach/EPA

Greta Thunberg and some of the world’s leading climate scientists have written to EU leaders demanding they act immediately to avoid the worst impacts of the unfolding climate and ecological emergency.

The letter, which is being sent before a European council meeting starting on Friday, says the Covid-19 pandemic has shown that most leaders are able to act swiftly and decisively, but the same urgency had been missing in politicians’ response to the climate crisis.

“It is now clearer than ever that the climate crisis has never once been treated as a crisis, neither from the politicians, media, business nor finance. And the longer we keep pretending that we are on a reliable path to lower emissions and that the actions required to avoid a climate disaster are available within today’s system … the more precious time we will lose,” it says.

Greta Thunberg calls for immediate action on 'existential crisis' of climate emergency – video

The EU unveiled its green new deal proposal this year, aiming to transform the bloc from a high to a low-carbon economy without reducing prosperity and while improving people’s quality of life, through cleaner air and water, better health and a thriving natural world.

But the authors of the letter dismiss its target of net zero emissions by 2050 as dangerously unambitious. “Net zero emissions by 2050 for the EU – as well as for other financially fortunate parts of the world – equals surrender,” they say.

They add that the target is based on a carbon budget that gives only a 50% chance of limiting global heating to 1.5C above pre-industrial levels, the figure set out in the 2015 Paris agreement.

“That is just a statistical flip of a coin, which doesn’t even include some of the key factors such as the global aspect of equity, most tipping points and feedback loops, as well as already built in additional warming hidden by toxic air pollution. So in reality it is much less than a 50% chance.”

The letter also argues that the climate and ecological emergency can only be addressed by tackling the underlying “social and racial injustices and oppression that have laid the foundations of our modern world”.

It says the EU, with its political and economic clout, has a moral obligation to lead the fight to create a fair and more sustainable world.

“We understand and know very well that the world is complicated and that what we are asking for may not be easy. The changes necessary to safeguard humanity may seem very unrealistic. But it is much more unrealistic to believe that our society would be able to survive the global heating we’re heading for, as well as other disastrous ecological consequences of today’s business as usual.”

Thunberg and the other signatories – including the scientists Michael Mann and Johan Rockström – call on EU leaders to immediately halt all investments in fossil fuel exploration and extraction and end subsidies. They say the EU must advocate to make ecocide an international crime and establish annual, binding carbon budgets.

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(AU) Federal Environment Law Review Calls For Independent Cop, But Morrison Government Rules It Out

ABC NewsMichael Slezak

The review flagged legally enforceable "national standards" to stop the decline of Australia's natural environment.(Supplied: Paul Fahy)

Key Points
  • The 124-page interim report comes 20 years after the laws were first implemented by the Howard government
  • The report's author has called for a "strong, independent cop" on the environment beat
  • The Federal Government has accepted some recommendations, but rejected the report's call for an independent regulator
A landmark review into Australia's national environment laws has called for a major overhaul, including establishing an "independent cop" to oversee them.

The independent review into the 20-year-old Environment Protection and Biodiversity Conservation Act (EPBC), released this morning, also flagged legally enforceable "national standards" to stop the decline of Australia's natural environment.

"The foundation of the report was that there is too much focus on process and not enough focus on outcomes and that should be changed entirely," Graeme Samuel, the review's independent author, said.

He concluded that Australia's environment was getting worse under the laws designed to protect it.

"Australia's natural environment and iconic places are in an overall state of decline and are under increasing threat," he said.
"The current environmental trajectory is unsustainable."
Environment Minister Sussan Ley immediately moved to rule out an "independent cop", which was policy taken to the last federal election by the Opposition.

But the Federal Government accepted the recommendation for national standards, which she said would form the basis of agreements with states, allowing federal approvals to be devolved to the states.

If brought into law it would establish a "one-stop shop" or "single-touch approvals".

Sussan Ley said the Government would not "support additional lawyers of bureaucracy". (ABC News: Ian Cutmore)

The devolving of federal approval powers to states has long been the aim of the Federal Government.

The report calls for the Government to maintain the power to step in on any decisions it deems important, or when a failure of state processes has been identified.

The 124-page interim report comes 20 years after the laws were first implemented by the Howard government.

"Not surprisingly, the statutory review is finding that 20-year-old legislation is struggling to meet the changing needs of the environment, agriculture, community planners and business," Ms Ley said.

"It is time to find a way past an adversarial approach and work together to create genuine reform that will protect our environment, while keeping our economy strong," she said.

The laws were first introduced by the Howard government in 1999 in an attempt to modernise environmental protection. (Greg Wood: AFP)

The report was boiled down to 10 "key reform directions", which Professor Samuel said would improve the laws he described as "ineffective", "complex" and "costly".

Those reforms included:
  • No expansion to regulate additional environmental matters, including no new "climate trigger" argued for by many conservationists
  • New national environmental standards, which ensure development is conducted in an ecologically sustainable manner
  • Devolution of assessment, approvals, compliance and monitoring to states, reducing duplication
  • A focus on environmental restoration, resulting in habitat growing, rather than declining
Independent cop call

In his review, Professor Samuel, the former chair of the Australian Competition and Consumer Commission, said a "strong, independent cop on the beat is required".

Professor Samuel rejected calls for a federal environment agency, but instead called for an 'independent cop'. (AAP: Julian Smith)

"An independent compliance and enforcement regulator, that is not subject to actual or implied political direction from the Government Minister, should be established," he said.

"The regulator should be responsible for monitoring compliance, enforcement and assurance. It should be properly resourced and have available to it a full toolkit of powers."

The call echoes Labor Party policy from the last election, which called for a federal environmental protection agency — a move backed by the Australian Conservation Foundation (ACF).

ACF chief executive, Kelly O'Shanassy, said at the moment protecting nature was "optional".

Regardless, Ms Ley moved quickly to rule out any new regulator.

"The Government will take steps to strengthen compliance functions and ensure that all bilateral agreements with states and territories are subject to rigorous assurance monitoring," she said.

"It will not, however, support additional layers of bureaucracy such as the establishment of an independent regulator."
Australia's bushfire crisis, itself an environmental disaster, delayed the report's findings. (ABC News: Brendan Esposito)

Speaking after the release of the report, Shadow Environment Minister Terri Butler said the Opposition would look at it carefully before "commenting in depth".

"We're in an environment crisis," Ms Butler said.

"We [need] robust decision making, high quality decision making and strong and robust environmental protection to actually stand up for our iconic native species, for our native places and for our native environment."

Funding cuts and approval delays

The review began in November 2019 but its findings were delayed by the bushfires and then the coronavirus crisis.

While the report was being prepared, the Auditor General released a report finding 80 per cent of approvals under the laws were non-compliant or contained errors.

Federal Labor analysed those findings and concluded that since the Coalition came to power, there had been a 510 per cent blowout in the number of environmental approvals delayed beyond time frames indicated in the laws.

The delays came as the government cut funding to the environment department, which Labor said was now 40 per cent lower than it was before the Coalition came to power.

The Government has argued its attempts to speed-up the process — including by giving states the rights to approve projects under federal law — were blocked by Labor.

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Book Review: Are We Overreacting On Climate Change?

New York Times - Joseph E. Stiglitz

Joseph E. Stiglitz was chief economist of the World Bank from 1992 to 2000 and was awarded the Nobel Prize in Economic Science in 2001.
The thesis of Bjorn Lomborg’s FALSE ALARM How Climate Change Panic Costs Us Trillions, Hurts the Poor, and Fails to Fix the Planet is simple and simplistic: Activists have been sounding a false alarm about the dangers of climate change.

If we listen to them, Lomborg says, we will waste trillions of dollars, achieve little and the poor will suffer the most. Science has provided a way to carefully balance costs and benefits, if we would only listen to its clarion call.

And, of course, the villain in this “false alarm,” the boogeyman for all of society’s ills, is the hyperventilating media.

Lomborg doesn’t use the term “fake news,” but it’s there if you read between the lines.

Credit...Jonathan Nackstrand/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images

As with others in Lomborg’s camp, there’s the pretense in this book of balance and reference to careful studies. Yes, climate change is real. Yes, we should do something about it. But, goes his message, let’s be real, there are other problems, too. Resources are scarce. The more money we spend on climate change, the less we have to grow the economy; and as we all know (or do we?) everybody benefits from growth, especially the poor. And besides, there’s not much we can do about climate change.

He’s not completely fatalistic. He urges imposing a carbon tax and investing much more on innovation, both good ideas, although neither is a panacea, especially since the carbon price he suggests is far too low.

 Among the many contradictions within the book is that while he seems to say that innovation may be our savior, he also suggests that the model he relies on shows that we’ve invested all we wisely can in innovation. We’ve done all we should. Evidently, we’re supposed to pray that nature be more forgiving as it bestows good fortune on our research efforts.

Credit...Charlotte Carlberg Bärg

Somehow, missing in his list of good policy measures are easy things like good regulations — preventing coal-burning electric generators, for example. Lomborg, a Danish statistician, exhibits a naïve belief that markets work well — ignoring a half-century of research into market failures that says otherwise — so well, in fact, that there is no reason for government to intervene other than by setting the right price of carbon.

Assessing how best to address climate change requires integrating analyses of the economy and the environment. Lomborg draws heavily on the work of William Nordhaus of Yale University, who came up with an estimate of the economic cost to limiting climate change to 1.5 to 2 degrees Celsius above preindustrial levels.

While Nordhaus seems to think it’s enormous, an international panel chaired by Lord Nicholas Stern and me (called the High-Level Commission on Carbon Prices), supported by the World Bank, concluded that those goals could be achieved at a moderate price, well within the range of what the global economic system absorbs with the variability of energy prices.

A second mistake — which biases the results in the same way — is Nordhaus’s and Lomborg’s underestimation of the damage associated with climate change. In early discussions of climate change the focus was often on global warming. It was natural for people to ask: “Surely a few degrees of temperature change couldn’t make that much difference? And besides, wouldn’t it be nice if we could swim in the ocean off Nova Scotia?”

But climate change is much more than that. It includes increasing acidification and rising sea levels (another aspect of climate change that Lomborg doesn’t mention is that Wall Street could be underwater by 2100 — a seeming benefit until one realizes that almost surely the bankers would find a way to force all of us to pay for their move to higher ground).

Climate change also includes more extreme weather events — more intense hurricanes, more droughts, more floods, with all the devastation to life, livelihood and property that accompanies them. In 2017 alone, the United States lost some 1.5 percent of G.D.P. to such weather-related events.

A third critical mistake, compounding the second, is not taking due account of risk. As the atmospheric concentration of carbon increases, we are entering uncharted territory. Not since the dawn of humanity has there been anything like this.

The models use the “best estimate” of impacts, but as we learn more about climate change these best estimates keep getting revised, and, typically, in only one direction — more damage and sooner than had been expected.

Economists emphasize the importance of avoiding bad outcomes. The whole multibillion-dollar insurance industry is predicated on risk aversion. If there were another planet we could all move to, that would be one thing. But there isn’t. So that means we have to be cautious.

And caution is especially warranted once we realize how bad things could get. Damages can increase disproportionally with increased carbon concentrations, and when those bad outcomes occur, our ability to weather the storm (metaphorically and literally) will be greatly diminished.

A fourth related concern is that those like Lomborg and Nordhaus who don’t believe we should take forceful action today discount the value of the environmental impacts of climate change on future generations. How do we trade off costs today with benefits in the future?

The Trump administration, for instance, has been using a 7 percent discount rate — which means that we shouldn’t spend more than 3 cents today to avoid a dollar of damage to our children in 50 years. This is ethically indefensible and economically nonsensical. But they’re the kinds of numbers spewed out by the models Lomborg loves, the same kinds of models that say we should blithely accept a 3.5 or 4 degree Celsius increase in global warming.

Bjorn Lomborg has long insisted that there is a consensus — what he calls the Copenhagen Consensus — around his do-nothing agenda, which he claims to be the reasonable scientific approach. Consider the mission of his Copenhagen Consensus Center, which says its focus is on “cost-effective solutions to the world’s biggest challenges. … Our analyses take into account not just the economic, but also health, social and environmental benefits.”

Who could object? He assembles expert panels to review the issue, to reach a consensus on what should be done, carefully weighing costs and benefits. Again, who could object? But when one looks at the list of “experts,” one sees the conservative bias — all distinguished economists, but most with a particular bent, and not including any of the true experts in climate science who might have raised an objection.

Anyone not familiar with the literature might think from his frequent quoting of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change that the panel, representing the scientific consensus, is on board with his ideas. Nothing could be further from the truth. In 2019 the I.P.C.C. put out a report explaining how much worse a 2 degree Celsius rise in temperature would be than a 1.5 degree Celsius rise.

It takes only a little care in reading beneath the surface of the plodding scientific prose to realize how worried these scientists are. Understandably so: We have not seen these levels of carbon dioxide concentrations in the atmosphere since the Pliocene Epoch about three million years ago, when the polar ice caps were much smaller and global sea levels were 10 to 20 meters higher than today. (Full disclosure: I was a lead author of the I.P.C.C.’s Second Assessment.)

Lomborg is correct that climate change is not the only problem the world faces. But he poses a false choice, because it is possible to walk and chew gum at the same time. As the advocates of the Green New Deal point out, investments that reduce climate change can usher in a new era of prosperity; as our commission emphasized, the green transition can promote economic growth — correctly measured.

As a matter of policy, I typically decline to review books that deserve to be panned. You only make enemies. Even a slight barb opens a wound the writer will seldom forget. In the case of this book, though, I felt compelled to forgo this policy. Written with an aim to convert anyone worried about the dangers of climate change, Lomborg’s work would be downright dangerous were it to succeed in persuading anyone that there was merit in its arguments.

This book proves the aphorism that a little knowledge is dangerous. It’s nominally about air pollution. It’s really about mind pollution.

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