02/09/2020

(UK) An Update On Climate Change Litigation – No Signs Of Cooling

Leigh Day Legal - Katharina Theil

Katharina Theil considers progress on legal moves around the world to bring companies to account for their contribution to climate change.



specialises in international human rights and corporate accountaiblity law.  
The COVID-19 pandemic has profoundly changed many aspects of our daily lives.

However, one issue that remains firmly on the agenda is the urgent need for action to mitigate the worst consequences of climate change.

As the UK emerges from lockdown, the UK Committee on Climate Change has urged the Government to tackle the climate emergency in its attempt to revive the economy and has called for 'a green, resilient COVID-19 recovery'.

Due to many governments' failures to take adequate action, individuals and communities have turned to the courts as one means of achieving change ('climate litigation').

Revelations that fossil fuel producers have known about the impact of carbon emissions since the 1980s, and possibly earlier, and have engaged in misinformation and deception campaigns have meant that not only governments, but increasingly also corporations have been subject to these lawsuits.

In October 2017, my colleague Jonny Buckley examined a number of US climate change lawsuits against major fossil fuel producers ('carbon majors'), and considered whether these could pave the way for litigation against corporates in the UK.

He concluded that although theoretically possible, the likelihood of similar claims being brought in the UK remained remote. This was primarily due to the difficulty in attributing specific damage to the carbon emissions of a particular company.

Update: Climate change lawsuits two years on

More than two years later, there has been much development in the global field of climate litigation.

Recent cases that have attracted particular attention include claims against states, such as Urgenda Foundation v the Netherlands ('Urgenda'), and Juliana v US.

In Urgenda, the Supreme Court of the Netherlands confirmed an earlier decision holding that the state had a duty to protect its citizens from 'dangerous climate change' in accordance with its obligations under the European Convention on Human Rights ('ECHR').

Even more recently, on 31 July 2020, in a case known as Climate Case Ireland, the Irish Supreme Court held that the Irish Government's National Mitigation Plan was defective and ordered the Government to produce a more ambitious strategy.

Juliana v US, a constitutional climate lawsuit brought on behalf of 21 young people in the US, however, was dismissed in January 2020.

The court held 'reluctantly' that the relief sought (an order requiring the US government to devise and implement a remedial plan) was beyond the court's constitutional power, as this would involve complex policy decisions.

Nevertheless, the claimants have noted that the judges were divided over the decision and requested a rehearing by a new panel of judges.

In the Californian cases filed by San Francisco and Oakland in September 2017, in state courts against five carbon majors, legal arguments have largely focused on whether the claims should be allowed to proceed in state or federal courts.

The cases, brought in public nuisance, allege that carbon majors are the 'proximate cause' of climate change and seek to reimburse taxpayers for associated adaptation costs such as sea walls to protect from rising sea levels. Similar cases are also ongoing.

In May 2020, the US Court of Appeals confirmed that San Francisco's and Oakland's claims could proceed in state courts. The carbon majors' request for a rehearing was denied.

Consequently, following an earlier dismissal, this most recent ruling appears to pave the way for the substance of the claims to be heard.

Climate attribution science has continued to expose the relationship between anthropogenic emissions and climate change.

An update to a study first published in 2014 suggests that the 20 largest oil, natural gas and coal companies are responsible for 35 per cent of the global fossil fuel and cement emissions between 1965 and 2017. The causal link between a specific company's carbon emissions and particular harm, however, is still one of the key issues for claimants to grapple with.

To date, climate litigation in the UK has largely targeted state entities, for example by challenging planning permissions or policies that pay insufficient regard to State commitments, such as the Paris Agreement. A case in point is Friends of the Earth's recent success in challenging the government's decision to expand Heathrow, represented by Leigh Day's environmental law team.

Corporate accountability after all?

Despite these difficulties, some recent cases indicate that courts around the globe are gradually becoming more receptive to engaging with corporates' responsibility for their contribution to climate change.

In Smith v Fonterra Co-Operative Group Limited [2020], for example, a court in New Zealand rejected Smith's arguments that the defendant companies had been negligent in emitting greenhouse gases or that their emissions constituted a public nuisance.

Nevertheless, the court held that the claim for a novel tortious duty to cease contributing to climate change should proceed to trial.

The court commented that "it may be that a novel claim such as that filed by Mr Smith could result in the further evolution of the law of tort. (...) I am not prepared to strike out the third cause of action and foreclose on the possibility of the law of tort recognising a new duty which might assist Mr Smith."

A Peruvian farmer's claim against RWE, a German energy company, was allowed to proceed in the German courts on appeal in November 2017. The farmer alleges that global warming has caused glacial retreat in the area near his village Huaraz, causing acute threat of flooding of his property.

The claimant is seeking payment of 0.47 per cent of the estimated cost of measures to protect the property from damage in case of flooding. The amount claimed is proportionate to RWE's contribution to global greenhouse gas emissions between 1965 and 2010 (see Particulars, §9).

Considering RWE's submissions against the appeal, the court held that "[i]n this context, the alleged threat to the plaintiff's property is attributable to the defendant's actions, i.e., to the active operation of power plants by the subsidiaries controlled by the defendant."

RWE denies liability, arguing that a single company cannot be held responsible for the consequences of climate change. The court and parties are currently awaiting permission from the Peruvian authorities for a site inspection in Huaraz.

The case of Milieudefensie et al. v. Royal Dutch Shell plc. filed in the Netherlands in 2019, which builds on the arguments advanced against the government in Urgenda as regards a duty of care to take positive action, is likely to give further insight into a court's willingness to extend duties recognised for the state towards corporate actors in the area of climate change.

In addition to tort claims by affected individuals and communities or NGOs who represent them, shareholders have become more vocal in advancing climate-related causes, including in courts and non-judicial forums.

Over recent years, lawsuits have been brought against banks, pension and investment funds for failing to disclose information on climate-related risks or to incorporate these risks into their decision-making.

At the same time, some government institutions have relied explicitly on climate change related reasons when denying permission for mining or infrastructure projects.

Other routes have included complaints about misleading advertising by fossil fuel companies in breach of consumer protection legislation, such as a complaint to the UK Contact Point against BP for alleged violation of the OECD Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises.

Climate litigation continues to be pursued actively in many countries and new and old avenues are being explored and developed.

Recent successes have been achieved primarily in cases brought against governments, and significant barriers to litigating climate change against corporate actors in the UK remain.

US courts hearing the lawsuits against the carbon majors are yet to grapple with the issue of causation and attribution of liability.

Some pending cases from around the globe suggest that courts may become more receptive to holding corporates to account for their contribution to climate change.

In addition, it appears that other avenues, such as shareholder actions, have a significant role to play.

It is hoped that both judicial and non-judicial routes being developed around the world will be useful in holding corporates to account for the actions they take and that recent climate litigation successes against governments are indicative of what the future may bring.<

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(AU) A Bit Rich: Business Groups Want Urgent Climate Action, After Resisting It For 30 Years

The Conversation

Shutterstock

Author
Marc Hudson is Research Associate in Social Movements, Keele University.
Australia has seen the latest extraordinary twist in its climate soap opera. An alliance of business and environment groups declared the nation is “woefully unprepared” for climate change and urgent action is needed.

And yesterday, Australian Industry Group – one of the alliance members – called on the federal government to spend at least A$3.3 billion on renewable energy over the next decade.

The alliance, known as the Australian Climate Roundtable, formed in 2015. It comprises ten business and environmental bodies, including the Business Council of Australia, National Farmers Federation and the Australian Council of Trade Unions (ACTU).

Last week, the group stated:
There is no systemic government response (federal, state and local) to build resilience to climate risks. Action is piecemeal; uncoordinated; does not engage business, private sector investment, unions, workers in affected industries, community sector and communities; and does not match the scale of the threat climate change represents to the Australian economy, environment and society.
This is ironic, since many of the statement’s signatories spent decades fiercely resisting moves towards sane climate policy. Let’s look back at a few pivotal moments.

Preventing an early carbon tax

The Business Council of Australia (BCA) was a leading player against the Hawke Government’s Ecologically Sustainable Development process, which was initiated to get green groups “in the tent” on environmental policy. The BCA also fought to prevent then environment minister Ros Kelly bring in a carbon tax – one of the ways Australia could have moved to its goal of 20% carbon dioxide reduction by 2005.

AAP Image/Steven Saphore

And the BCA, alongside the Australian Mining Industry Council (now known as the Minerals Council of Australia), was a main driver in setting up the Australian Industry Greenhouse Network (AIGN).

Don’t let the name fool you – the network co-ordinated the fossil fuel extraction sector and other groups determined to scupper strong climate and energy policy. It made sure Australia made neither strong international commitments to emissions reductions nor passed domestic legislation which would affect the profitable status quo.

Its first major victory was to destroy and prevent a modest carbon tax in 1994-95, proposed by Keating Government environment minister John Faulkner. Profits from the tax would have funded research and development of renewable energy.

Questionable funding and support

The Australian Aluminium Council is also in the roundtable. This organisation used to be the most militant of the “greenhouse mafia” organisations – as dubbed in a 2006 ABC Four Corners investigation.

The council funded and promoted the work of the Australian Bureau of Agricultural and Resource Economics (ABARE), whose “MEGABARE” economic model was, at the time, used to generate reports which were a go-to for Liberal and National Party politicians wanting to argue climate action would spell economic catastrophe.

In 1997, the Australian Conservation Foundation (another member of the climate roundtable) complained to the federal parliamentary Ombudsman about fossil fuel groups funding ABARE, saying this gave organisations such as Shell Australia a seat on its board. The ensuing Ombudsman’s report in 1998 largely backed these complaints. ABARE agreed with or considered many of the Ombudsman’s recommendations.

John Faulkner’s vision for a price on carbon was thwarted. AAP Image/Alan Porritt

Meanwhile, Australian Industry Group was part of the concerted opposition to the Rudd government’s Carbon Pollution Reduction Scheme. In response to the July 2008 Green Paper on emissions trading, it complained:
businesses accounting for well over 10% of national production and around one million jobs will be affected by significant cost increases.
Australian economist Ross Garnaut was among many at the time to lambast this complaint, calling it “pervasive vested-interest pressure on the policy process.”

Back in July 2014, the Business Council of Australia and Innes Willox (head of the Australian Industry Group) both welcomed the outcome of then prime minister Tony Abbott’s policy vandalism: the repeal of the Gillard government’s carbon price. The policy wasn’t perfect, but it was an important step in the right direction.

In doing so, Australia squandered the opportunity to become a renewable energy superpower. With its solar, wind and geothermal resources, its scientists and technology base, Australia could have been world-beaters and world-savers. Now, it’s just a quarry with a palpable end of its customer base for thermal coal.

Tony Abbott derailed the carbon tax. AAP Image/Joel Carrett

What is to be done?

Given the build-up of carbon dioxide in the atmosphere, the global pandemic and the devastating fires of Black Summer, it would be forgivable to despair.

It shouldn’t have been the case that business groups only acted when the problem became undeniable and started to affect profits.

Somehow we must recapture the energy, determination and even the optimism of the period from 2006 to 2008 when it seemed Australia “got” climate change and the need to take rapid and radical action.

This time, we must do it better. Decision-makers should not look solely to the business sector for guidance on climate policy – the community, and the broader public good, should be at the centre.

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(AU) Australian Youth Feel Unprepared, Uneducated And Underappreciated On Climate Change: Report

Global CitizenMadeleine Keck

Young Australians want to learn less about volcanoes and more about bushfires.

The ‘Black Summer’ fires, which peaked between December 2019 and January 2020, killed 33 Australians and over 1 billion animals. Over 12 million hectares of land was destroyed. A report by the Australian National University showed 75% of all Australians were directly or indirectly affected by the fires. Unsplash

Young Australians say they are unprepared for future climate catastrophes because they are undereducated by schools and unappreciated by politicians, a new World Vision report reveals.

The Our World, Our Say report interviewed almost 1,500 young Australians aged between 10 and 24 on their experience of climate disasters in Australia, including how they are personally taking action against climate change and how they want schools and politicians to respond.

Almost 90% of respondents said they are not being taught enough by schools and not being heard by political leaders.

The report also showed 73% of young people are either concerned or extremely concerned about experiencing a climate disaster, 83% think there is a connection between climate change and natural hazards and 76% view air pollution as a significant climate change concern.

Almost 70% say Australian leaders are not doing enough to curb carbon emissions.

Surveys and research into the Our World, Our Say report were conducted in the wake of Australia’s recent bushfire season.

The ‘Black Summer’ fires, which peaked between December 2019 and January 2020, killed 33 Australians and over 1 billion animals. Over 12 million hectares of land was destroyed.

A report by the Australian National University showed 75% of all Australians were directly or indirectly affected by the fires.

“The 2020 bushfires demonstrated that you need not live in the bush to be affected by a bushfire. We are experiencing these persistent worries while having to contend with life, school, growing up and everything else that comes with being a young person in Australia,” survey respondents said in a statement.

“We anticipate that we will experience personal impacts from natural hazards in the future, whether we are living in capital cities, regional centres or rural areas.”

Maddie Canteri, a 17-year-old in Cairns, said young Australians “see the world in a different light.”

"The youth of Australia are future leaders of Australia, and we have new ideas on how to protect the environment,” she said in a World Vision media release. “Politicians need to start listening to us and taking action.”
Annette Gough, a professor of science and environmental education at RMIT University, and Briony Tower, a research fellow at RMIT University, agreed that schools are failing students when it comes to disaster risk knowledge and Australia-specific climate change education.

"Climate change-related topics in national and state curricula are found only in the senior secondary and secondary Humanities, Geography and Science learning areas, with many being optional,” Gough and Tower wrote for the Conversation. “We must ensure current and future generations of school students have the knowledge and skills to prevent, mitigate and adapt to this future.”

In 2016, Australia signed the Paris climate agreement, a landmark accord to address climate change globally.

According to Gough, Australia, therefore, has a “moral imperative and legal obligation” to teach climate change education.

The United Nations’ Sendai Framework for Disaster Risk Reduction, of which Australia is also a signatory, says disaster risk knowledge must also be incorporated into formal and non-formal education.

The framework likewise recognises young people as “agents of change” who should play an active role in shaping legislation and strengthening community resilience.

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