18/12/2020

(AU) The Paris Agreement 5 Years On: Big Coal Exporters Like Australia Face A Reckoning

The Conversation

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On Saturday, more than 70 global leaders came together at the UN’s Climate Ambition Summit, marking the fifth anniversary of the Paris Agreement. Prime Minister Scott Morrison was denied a speaking slot, in recognition of Australia’s failure to set meaningful climate commitments. Meanwhile, the European Union and the UK committed to reduce domestic emissions by 55% and 68% respectively by 2030.

As welcome as these new commitments are, the Paris Agreement desperately needs to be updated. Since it was passed, the production and supply of fossil fuels for export has continued unabated. And the big exporters — such as Norway, Canada, the US, Russia, Saudi Arabia and of course Australia — take no responsibility for the emissions created when those fossil fuels are burned overseas.

It’s time this changed. Australia is the world’s biggest coal exporter. And in 2019, emissions from fossil fuels exported by this nation, as well as the US, Norway and Canada, accounted for more than 10% of total world emissions, according to calculations from a research project on Australia’s carbon budget at the University of NSW, which I run. Exporting nations are not legally responsible for these offshore emissions, but their actions are clearly at odds with the climate emergency.

Business as usual

A 2019 UN report notes governments are planning to extract 50% more fossil fuels than is consistent with meeting a 2℃ target and an alarming 120% more than a 1.5℃ target, by 2030. Coal is the main contributor to this supply overshoot.

UN Secretary-General António Guterres urged all leaders to declare a climate emergency.

But rather than reducing their production of fossil fuels, many countries are doubling down and actually increasing supply. For example, in Australia, government figures show the greenhouse gas emissions from Australia’s exported fossil fuels increased by 4.4% between 2018 to 2019.

Australia is the world’s largest coal exporter and approved three new fossil fuel projects in recent months: the Vickery coal mine extension, Olive Downs and the Narrabri Gas Project

This is a worldwide trend. Let’s take Norway as another example. Norway gets the bulk of its electricity from hydropower and has partially divested its Government Pension Fund from some fossil fuels. Yet it’s also one of the largest exporters of greenhouse gases through its gas exports, behind Qatar and Russia.

The situation is mirrored in the corporate world. Many large fossil fuel companies are trumpeting their emissions reductions targets while continuing to push for new fossil fuel mining projects. BHP, one of the world’s biggest miners, stated it is reducing its emissions, yet in October the company increased its stake in an oil field in the Gulf of Mexico.

Responsibility doesn’t stop at the border

What underpins this situation is an outdated “territorial” model of responsibility for climate harms. Governments and companies seem to think responsibility stops at the border, not with the overall livability of the global climate. Once the coal, oil and gas products are loaded onto ships, they are no longer our problem.

Unfortunately, the accounting rules of the United Nations, under the Paris Agreement, currently allow exporters to pass on responsibility for fossil fuel emissions.

We must move from this territorial model of responsibility to one that considers the whole chain of responsibility for climate harms.

So what should Australia, Canada, the US, Norway and other exporting countries do to address the over-supply of fossil fuels?

First, they need to acknowledge their responsibility, at least in part, for the emissions and associated harms caused by their exports. Allowing compensation and funding for mitigation to track the role played in the causal chain better attributes responsibility and places mitigation burdens back on the exporting countries.

Future climate negotiations, such as in Glasgow in 2021 (COP26), need to adjust the scope of their targets to include robust reductions in the supply of fossil fuels in the next round of agreements.

Instead of just focusing on reducing demand, the process needs to function as a kind of “reverse OPEC” (the Organisation of the Petroleum Exporting Countries), where exporting countries are given ambitious phase-out targets for their fossil fuel exports.

Drastic emissions cuts needed

The 2020 Production Gap report notes global fossil fuel production will have to decrease by 6% a year between 2020-30 to meet a 1.5℃ target.

Scott Morrison was denied a speaking slot at the Climate Ambition Summit at the weekend. AAP Image/Mick Tsikas

For Australia, this must mean we include the reduction in “exported emissions” as part of any net-zero target. Australia’s exported emissions are double our domestic emissions – a situation that cannot continue.

Top of the list of what’s needed, is the phasing out of generous subsidies for fossil fuel producers. The billions of dollars currently spent annually in Australia on subsidising and encouraging fossil fuel exports are simply not compatible with the aims and spirit of the Paris Agreement.

Phasing out the supply of fossil fuels also needs to occur in a way that doesn’t just pay the current big suppliers to stop. Governments implementing a transition ought to think very carefully about how to fairly deploy scarce resources to ensure a just transition.

Last but not least, governments need to accept that the strong influence fossil fuel corporations wield over the political process is hindering global efforts to address climate change. The donations , rotation of industry staff to government positions and influence of fossil fuel lobby groups cannot lead to good decisions for the climate.

Placing a ban on such influence, particularly at future climate negotiations, would go a long way towards addressing the undue influence of the fossil fuel industry.

Until the fossil fuel export industry is subject to demanding targets, and made to accept responsibility for the emissions associated with their products, Earth will continue on its highly dangerous global warming trajectory.

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Australia, The Climate Laggard, Could Lead The World: Over To You, PM

Sydney Morning HeraldJohn Hewson

Author
Dr John Hewson AM is an honorary professor at the Crawford School of Public Policy, Australian National University, and is a former leader of the Liberal party.
Joe Biden’s new climate czar, John Kerry, said recently: "Every day we lose ground debating alternative facts. It’s not a 'he said/she said' – there’s truth, and then there’s Mr Trump."

Kerry warned: "Future generations will measure us by whether we acted on facts, not just debated or denied them. The verdict will hang on whether we put in place policies that will drive the development and deployment of clean technologies, re-energise our economies, and tackle global climate change. Every day that goes by that we’re paralysed by the Luddite in the White House is a day in the future that our grandchildren will suffer. That’s not hyperbole — that’s science."

The demolition of the Hazelwood power station in May. Credit: Joe Armao

Substitute “Mr Trump” and “White House” with “Mr Morrison” and “Lodge” and you summarise the Australian government’s stance on the climate challenge.

Australia is an embarrassing global laggard, with a Prime Minister who has proudly defined himself by coal and gas. While the United Nations calls a “climate emergency”, and while 71 countries submitted more ambitious emissions plans to the Climate Ambition Summit last week, Scott Morrison sticks with our modest target for 2030, about half that recommended by Australia's Climate Change Authority.

The renewed global commitments and targets are welcome, but they still fall well short of the needs of the planet. To get even net-zero emissions by 2050, they basically need to be halved by 2030, and halved again by 2040. Some, such as former coal executive Ian Dunlop, fear the world is at its “tipping point” and needs to reach net-zero by 2030.

Morrison is still burdened with the image of carrying a lump of coal into Parliament, and still he allows his henchmen – Craig Kelly, Matt Canavan, Barnaby Joyce and George Christensen – to campaign for a new coal-fired power station or two, ignoring the fact that renewables are much cheaper, while he advocates a gas-led recovery.

Morrison's ministers are out there attacking banks such as ANZ for embracing a climate strategy in their lending, and calling for an inquiry into why banks, investors, and insurers won’t support coal projects, and attacking the NSW Coalition government’s clean energy roadmap as “anti-coal”. Without evidence, they claim, it is likely to drive away private investment and put up power prices.

Morrison was obviously miffed at not being allocated a speaker's spot at the Climate Ambition Summit (because Australia's policy response failed the ambition test). Then he demonstrated his hubris by claiming to be defending our “sovereignty” and “national security”, ignoring the fact that climate is the major threat to both.

In Morrison's speech to the Pacific Islands Climate Forum, delivered when he wasn’t invited to speak at the Climate Ambition Summit, he arrogantly and dishonestly boasted of Australia's climate record, yet he ignored an open letter sent to him, published in The Sydney Morning Herald a few days earlier, from high-profile Pacific political and religious figures. Among their pleas: for Australia to commit to net zero by 2050.

Morrison is squandering a significant opportunity to build a COVID-19 recovery strategy around a climate transition – indeed, to lead rather than lag the world. That would require ditching the Coalition's ideological obsessions.

It would mean bringing forward the closures of coal-fired generators, but with adequate transition planning that could avoid the pain at Victoria’s Hazelwood and South Australia's Northern stations. In transport, a transition to electric or hydrogen-powered vehicles needs to be encouraged and vehicle charging and other infrastructure must be provided.

We need a national program of regenerative agriculture, reafforestation and carbon credits to supplement farm incomes. Greener building codes and focused industry policy can spur the new economy, from recycling waste into power, fuels and bio-plastics to mining graphite and lithium, even developing a lithium-ion battery industry.

Morrison has improved his poll standing in managing COVID-19, largely on the back of the states. This will be ephemeral if he fails to confront the climate challenge and seize the sustainable jobs and growth that it can deliver.

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(VIDEO) Climate Change: The Facts - Sir David Attenborough

 ABC iview

Sir David Attenborough

Host
David Attenborough
Cast
Michael E. Mann, Greta Thunberg, Naomi Oreskes, Sunita Narain
After one of the hottest years on record, Sir David Attenborough looks at the science of climate change and potential solutions to this global threat. 

Interviews with some of the world’s leading climate scientists explore recent extreme weather conditions such as unprecedented storms and catastrophic wildfires.

They also reveal what dangerous levels of climate change could mean for both human populations and the natural world in the future.


Climate Change: The Facts - Summary
You can watch the full program here until 8:42pm, 12 Jan 2021

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