15/10/2021

(SMH) ‘A Matter Of Survival’: What’s COP26?

Sydney Morning HeraldNick O'Malley

What is a “COP”? How did we get here? And what needs to be achieved at Glasgow?

It was the NASA scientist James Hansen who introduced the wider world to the threat of climate change. His testimony before a US Senate committee in 1988 shook Washington and became a driving force of the global movement to address the threat.

That same year, the United Nations formed the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC). It was to provide the world with detailed assessments of the science of climate change, to chart the risks and lay out possible responses. Its assessments of global warming were to become the largest scientific peer review process in history. Based on the IPCC’s advice, the world negotiated the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), which was launched in Rio in 1992.

Today, the UNFCCC has 195 national signatories, whose representatives normally gather annually at what is now known as the COP, or Conference of the Parties. COP1 was held in Berlin in 1995. This year COP26 will be held in Glasgow from October 31 to November 12, the event delayed for a year due to the pandemic. The meetings are usually attended by around 10,000 diplomats and negotiators, scientists, activists and people from civil society groups. The particularly significant COPs such as those held in 1997, 2009, 2015 and this year – those at which key commitments are to be renegotiated – generally attract world leaders as well. Prime Minister Scott Morrison has announced he will be going to Glasgow.

James Hansen in 2018, 30 years after his historic warning on global warming. Credit: AP

This year’s meeting will resemble something like a UN General Assembly crossed with the Davos meeting of the World Economic Forum. The COP has not yet said which leaders have confirmed their attendance, but organisers expect more than 100 will be there, along with members of the British royal family, corporate heavyweights and celebrities.

To many observers, COP26 is the most crucial yet because it will test whether the framework for co-operative emissions reductions agreed to in Paris can, in fact, curb climate change. According to the IPCC, the world has warmed more than 1 degree over pre-industrial levels. Under the Paris Agreement, the parties to the COP undertook to hold warming to under 2 degrees. The same assessment says that to limit warming to 2 degrees we must achieve net zero emissions by 2050, and around 50 per cent by 2030.

Thirty years on from Hansen’s famous testimony in Washington, The New Yorker magazine asked him if he had a message for the next generation. His response was blunt. “The simple thing is, I’m sorry we’re leaving such a f---ing mess.”So, how did we get here? And what needs to be achieved at Glasgow?


How did we get here?

The first major climate treaty was thrashed out at the second Earth Summit in Rio de Janeiro in 1992 – the meeting at which the Conference of the Parties was also created. The central aim of the UNFCCC was to stabilise greenhouse gas concentrations “at a level that would prevent dangerous anthropogenic (human-induced) interference with the climate system”.

While this aim has not been realised so far, the COPs were the forums to try to make it happen.

The first agreement made under the auspices of the UNFCCC was the 1997 Kyoto Protocol, in which 36 developed nations agreed to reduce greenhouse gases during a set period (2008 to 2012) by 5 per cent compared to 1990 levels. Acknowledging that developed nations had already benefited from the process of industrialisation, it allowed for poorer nations to continue to build their carbon-intensive economies. As a result, while signatories to Kyoto managed to reduce their emissions in keeping with the agreement, global greenhouse gas emissions continued to rise, jumping by 32 per cent between 1990 and 2010, according to a 2019 IPCC report.

A new approach was needed.

Have other COPs succeeded?

By the most crucial measure – the rate at which the world is warming – the process has not yet worked, but it has seen the world agree on the scale of the problem and a course of action.

Some meetings, such as the gathering in Copenhagen in 2009, have been standout failures. There, divisions between developed and developing nations became even more entrenched, with the former declining to set concrete reduction levels by 2020 and the latter insisting on their right to carbon-intensive growth.

In the dying hours of two weeks of negotiations, the US delegation couldn’t even find key players from the major developing nations bloc, let alone negotiate with them. At the last moment US president Barack Obama, still as much a global superstar as politician after his election victory the year before, flew in, hoping to force a useful outcome.

In her memoir, then secretary of state Hillary Clinton recounts discovering that China was hosting a secret meeting attended by leaders of high-emitting emerging economies including India, Brazil and South Africa.

She and Obama decided to crash it.

She recounts racing down long corridors with Obama, their staff in tow, before ducking into the meeting room as White House press secretary Robert Gibbs tangled himself up with Chinese security guards at the door. Those inside were stunned. Despite her breezy description of diplomatic derring-do, all that came of the Copenhagen COP was a political statement affirming the need to keep warming to 2 degrees, with no attendant commitments as to how that might be done.

After Copenhagen, crucial years were lost as emissions continued to rise. COP meetings rolled on and something like a consensus formed that the replacement for the expiring Kyoto Protocol would be negotiated in Paris in 2015.

Then French president Francois Hollande, centre, shakes hands with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi as then US president Barack Obama looks on at COP21 in Paris in 2015. Credit: AP

What was agreed in Paris (and what’s the ‘ratchet effect’)?

Two principles were made central to the talks in Paris, both designed to help overcome the critical gulf between richer and poorer nations: all nations would commit to voluntary emissions cuts, but wealthier countries would help pay for the developing world to meet their targets and adapt to a warmer world. Developed nations agreed to make their emissions peak as soon as possible, and then decline to net zero by 2050.

To achieve the goal, all nations would set “ambitious” reductions targets that would be updated and increased over time. This is often described as the agreement’s ratchet effect.

The president of this year’s COP, British cabinet minister Alok Sharma, has noted that the Paris summit put the world on track for a rise of global temperatures of just under 4 degrees. Commitments made since, should they be met, have put us on course to 2.4 degrees.

President of COP26, Alok Sharma, during a press conference at UNESCO headquarters in Paris in October. Credit: AP

This level of warming would be catastrophic, and to critics it is evidence of a failure of the process. But the decline is the point.

Loose language in the Paris agreement has also prompted criticism.

The financial commitment of the developed nations was absolutely crucial to any agreement being secured at all. But the language of the Paris accord was deliberately muddy. Under the agreement, rich nations would create a Green Climate Fund to “mobilise” $100 billion for mitigation and adaptation projects by poorer ones. But what did “mobilise” mean? And which countries would be donors and which recipients? In order to secure agreement, negotiators were not clear on these points.

“Mobilise,” one of Australia’s former top climate diplomats Howard Bamsey has said, “is one of those UN verbs, so you have to parse it very carefully.”


Even the goalposts set by the IPCC shifted in Paris. Tony deBrum, a former president of the Marshall Islands (halfway between Australia and Hawaii), believed that while a 2-degree goal might be tolerable in some parts of the world, it would lead to the complete destruction of many small island nations. He quietly set about forming a bloc of nations that eventually became known as the High Ambition Coalition, which appeared as if out of nowhere moments before the talks’ final session.

Demonstrating the power of smart negotiators from small nations equipped with little more than moral authority and a sense of urgency, deBrum secured 90 votes and reshaped the Paris accord. The agreement’s intent would now be to limit global warming to “well below 2, preferably to 1.5 degrees Celsius, compared to pre-industrial levels”.

The water off Taro in the Solomon Islands. Pacific island representatives are a strong presence at COPs. Credit: Penny Stephens

So, what’s on the table at Glasgow?

When the world met in Paris in 2015, nations accepted the IPCC’s advice that it must massively reduce emissions to keep it on a path to holding warming to beneath 2 degrees, and as close to 1.5 degrees as possible. In Glasgow, they must reset their reductions targets to make that goal possible.
As Sharma puts it, Paris promised, Glasgow must deliver.

For around two years, Sharma has travelled the world pressing the need for nations to bring to the Glasgow conference emission reductions commitments in line with that target. For vulnerable countries, Sharma said in his last major speech before the conference, “‘1.5 to stay alive’ is not a hollow slogan. It is a matter of survival.”

Future Power

Sharma and British Prime Minister Boris Johnson have been unequivocal about their terms for success. They say COP26 must result in nations committing to new emissions reductions targets that close the gap between our current warming trajectory and the 1.5-degree goal raised in Paris. To get to that point, the science suggests, most nations must not only commit to net zero emissions by 2050, but agree to 2030 reductions targets that collectively add up to 45 per cent.

This would be a significant feat.

It would mean securing increased ambitions from more than 70 countries accounting for 41 per cent of global emissions. They include China, Russia, India, Indonesia, Brazil, Mexico and Australia, which has so far neither committed to net zero nor raised its 2030 target beyond the 26 to 28 per cent reduction it committed to in Paris.

There is also debate about the mushy language of the agreement. Some nations interpret the prime Paris goal to be 1.5 degrees warming, others 2 degrees.

Former French prime minister Laurent Fabius, who was president of the Paris talks, recently told Politico the 1.5-degree goal was aspirational and that the Paris Agreement would survive even if it was not met. (He and Laurence Tubiana, the former diplomat who was France’s lead negotiator in Paris, warned Sharma over a breakfast not to allow the issue to turn his COP26 presidency into a battle, Politico reported.)

John Kerry, here at COP21 in 2015, is back for COP26. Credit: AFP

The potential failure of the $100 billion Climate Fund could be used as an excuse for any number of reluctant nations to abandon the agreement, experts have warned. Sharma has confessed that the thought of the financial target being missed keeps him up at night.

“We are now within touching distance of the $100 billion … please step forward now in these few days before COP,” he said.

Since President Joe Biden was elected in the US, Sharma has been joined by the US State Department – the world’s largest diplomatic machine – and US climate envoy John Kerry, an infamously relentless negotiator, in cajoling world leaders to commit to greater efforts.

But success is far from assured.



Well, what would success look like?

“The measure of success at Glasgow is we will have the largest, most significant increase in ambition [on cutting emissions] by more countries than everyone ever imagined possible. A much larger group of people are stepping up,” Kerry said in a recent interview with The Guardian.

But there are or markers of success. There is a push for the meeting to deliver an even faster “ratchet” mechanism, with Denmark and Grenada tasked by Sharma to pursue an agreement for reductions targets to be reset annually rather than every five years.

Global warming
And some key decisions will be made on the sidelines of the meeting, with Johnson making it clear he wants nations to agree to “consign coal to history” by laying out a rapid phaseout of the world’s dirtiest source of energy. That effort is being championed by a push known as the Powering Past Coal alliance.
The cost of failure in Glasgow is unthinkable, says Sharma.

“At 1.5 degrees warming, 700 million people would be at risk of extreme heatwaves,” he said in his recent speech. “At 2 degrees, it would be 2 billion.

“At 1.5 degrees, 70 per cent of the world’s coral reefs die. At 2 degrees, they are all gone.

“If temperatures continue to rise we will step through a series of one-way doors, the end destination of which is climate catastrophe.”

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(AU The Guardian) Andrew Forrest Urges Scott Morrison To Commit To Net Zero Even If It Means Splitting Coalition

The Guardian

The mining magnate has been lobbying Nationals ahead of Cop26 and also wants clarity on Australia’s 2030 emissions target

Fortescue chairman Andrew Forrest told the National Press Club his advice to the PM is to proceed to a net zero emissions target even if there are ‘holdouts in the National party’. Photograph: AAP

The mining magnate Andrew “Twiggy” Forrest has advised Scott Morrison to proceed with committing Australia to a net zero emissions target before the Cop26 summit in Glasgow, even if that means splitting the federal Coalition.

Forrest has been personally lobbying Nationals as Morrison attempts to persuade the junior Coalition partner to accept new climate commitments ahead of the Glasgow climate conference.

Asked what Morrison should do in the event the Nationals refused to support the target – should the prime minister proceed with that commitment, even if that meant splitting the Coalition – Forrest told the National Press Club on Thursday: “My advice to our prime minister is to proceed” even if there are “holdouts in the National party”.

As well as the advice to crash through on the net zero target, Forrest also urged Morrison to provide clarity about the 2030 target. Guardian Australia understands Morrison has told colleagues that as well as securing a 2050 commitment, he wants to increase Australia’s existing 2030 emissions reduction target before Glasgow.

New emissions projections to be released shortly are expected to forecast Australia will beat the current target of a 26-28% cut by 2030 compared with 2005 levels.

But with some Nationals openly hostile to signing up to a mid-century net zero commitment, and others on the fence, it is unclear whether Morrison will have the political capital to be able to take the extra step and increase the 2030 target.

Forrest, who made his fortune in fossil fuels but is now championing green hydrogen, said if the government didn’t nominate a clear 2030 target, “all of us in business don’t know what to aim for”.

“It’s like having an Olympics without medals,” he said. “I mean, you can talk all you like, but unless you’re gonna aim to win the race, you’re probably not gonna win it.

“The worst thing we can have to make investment decisions and business decisions is uncertainty. Remove the uncertainty, nominate a target for 2030, and let Australia crack on and go for it.”

Forrest also argued countries needed to champion future fuels like green hydrogen – an energy source made with renewable energy – if they wanted to land the transition to net zero.

He said “clean” hydrogen, which is sometimes championed by the Morrison government, was a carbon-based product. Clean hydrogen, he said, was “a sound bite covering the fact it’s made from carbon-emitting fossil fuel – it has carbon all through its supply chain”.

Forrest likened “clean” coal and “clean” hydrogen to “cancer-free tobacco”.

“It all adds up to the same thing – misleading sound bites put out by industries wishing to continue a duplicitous social licence to operate,” Forrest said on Thursday.

“Australia has thousands of times, thousands of times more renewable energy than fossil fuel has reserves.

“So, let’s keep fossil fuel going but only as long as we need to, and let’s do everything we need to switch to a green future.”

Forrest intends to go to the Cop26 conference in Glasgow. The billionaire said on Thursday he had spoken to the deputy prime minister, Barnaby Joyce, and frontbencher Bridget McKenzie over the last couple of days in an effort to persuade them to back the transition.

He said Joyce had told him during a private conversation this week he “might be a cynic about the capacity to fix global warming, but I’m a believer in economic opportunities presented by it”.

The Nationals are not yet on board with the 2050 commitment. Cabinet discussed a policy roadmap and Treasury modelling underpinning the plan on Wednesday. No decision was taken. The Nationals party room meets on Sunday to consider the options.

Forrest’s forceful public lobbying is annoying some in the Nationals.

Some Nationals are deeply resentful about being corralled into a positive decision on net zero by Morrison, by business voices that have opposed carbon pricing in the past but are now backing the transition, and by the positive “Mission Zero” campaign launched this week by News Corp – previously a trenchant media opponent of climate action.

Given internal sensitivities remain acute, and resolving new climate policy is always dangerous for Australian governments, the treasurer, Josh Frydenberg, was cautious when asked for an update on the negotiations during a press conference on Thursday.

“We are going through internal discussions and conducting an internal process … I want to be respectful to that process and respectful to my colleagues,” the treasurer said.

“With respect to net zero and a low emissions future, what Australia chooses to do into the future will have a big impact on our economy in a positive way – that is what I am working towards.”

The Reserve Bank also warned on Thursday Australia faced an intensifying risk of global investors divesting bonds or equity if it does not join other nations in making a net zero emissions commitment for 2050.

The RBA deputy governor, Guy Debelle, told an investment conference that climate risk was raised in “most conversations I have with foreign investors – this is a marked change from a few years ago”.

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(AU ABC News) Scott Morrison To Attend COP26 Climate Change Conference In Glasgow, No Decision On Net Zero

 ABC NewsGeorgia Hitch

Scott Morrison has announced he will travel to Glasgow for the COP26 conference. 1min 26sec

Key Points
  • It was unclear whether Mr Morrison or another government representative would go to the conference
  • Prince Charles and other world leaders had urged him to attend in person
  • The government has still not struck a deal on whether Australia will commit to a net zero emissions target by 2050
Prime Minister Scott Morrison has confirmed he will attend the United Nations COP26 international climate conference in Glasgow in November.

Mr Morrison said the government's position on net zero would be outlined before he left for the conference.

"It is an important event," he said.

"The government will be finalising its position to take to the summit.

"We're working through those issues with our colleagues and I look forward to those discussions over the next couple of weeks."

His decision to join global leaders in Glasgow is his strongest indication yet that the government is likely to adopt the target.

Earlier this year, Mr Morrison said the government's goal was to reach net zero as soon as possible, "preferably" by 2050.

The Prime Minister had been urged to attend the conference by other world leaders, including UK Prime Minister Boris Johnson and US President Joe Biden — who are both attending.

Why do some Nationals fear
net zero by 2050?
Not for the first time, the 21 members of the Nationals party-room find themselves as the centre of Australia's climate change debate, with some adamant to refuse a net zero target regardless of what policy is behind it. Read more
More recently, Prince Charles also joined the calls, saying Mr Morrison and other world leaders should be there in person, describing it as a "last chance saloon" to save the planet.

A draft plan to meet the net zero target was put to Cabinet during the week.

The next step is for it to go through both the Liberal and National party rooms separately, before a joint meeting of both the party rooms before it is formally adopted.

The plan may also outline an interim 2030 emissions target as well.

The Nationals party room will meet on Sunday to discuss the target, with some senior members flagging they want assurances the plan will not come at the cost of jobs in regional Australia.

Climate policy has continued to be a contentious issue for the Nationals, with a handful of MPs, mainly Queenslanders, publicly adamant they will never support the target.

The government's plan on emissions reduction targets will be discussed by both the Liberal and Nationals party rooms next week. (ABC News: Michael Barnett)

But there are many others who are at least opening to consider net zero, as are some of the major advocacy groups for key Nationals constituents.

Both the Minerals Council and the National Farmer's Federation support Australia moving to a net zero economy by the middle of the century.

The Glasgow conference runs from October 30 until November 12.

Unlike previous overseas trips, Mr Morrison will not have to quarnatine on his return, after New South Wales announced it would scrap quarantine for fully vaccinated Australian travellers from November 1.

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