25/12/2021

(US MIT) The Rare Spots Of Good News On Climate Change

MIT Technology Review (Review Senior Editor)

It looks increasingly clear that we'll at least sidestep the worst-case scenarios.

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The deadly consequences of climate change only grew clearer this year, as record-shattering heat waves, floods, and wildfires killed thousands and strained the limits of our disaster responders.

In the closing days of 2021, scientists warned that the eastern ledge of a Florida-size glacier is about to snap off of Antarctica and US legislators found they may have flubbed their best chance in a decade to enact sweeping climate policies.

But amid these stark signs, there were also indications that momentum is beginning to build behind climate action. Indeed, there’s good reason now to believe that the world could at least sidestep the worst dangers of global warming.

Princeton energy researcher Jesse Jenkins accurately, and colorfully, pinpointed the weird moment we’ve arrived at in a recent tweet: “We’re no longer totally f$%@ed. But we’re also far from totally unf$@%*ed!”

To be sure, the limited progress isn’t nearly enough. We’ve taken far too long to begin making real changes. World events and politics could still slow or reverse the trends. And we can’t allow a tiny bit of progress in the face of a generational challenge to ease the pressures for greater action.

But it’s worth highlighting and reflecting on the advances the world has made, because it demonstrates that it can be done—and could provide a template for achieving more.

Momentum

So what are the signs of progress amid the climate gloom?

The grimmest scenarios that many fretted about just a few years ago look increasingly unlikely. That includes the 4 or 5 °C of warming this century that I and others previously highlighted as a possibility.

The UN climate panel’s earlier high-end emissions scenario, known as RCP 8.5, had found that global temperatures could rise more than 5 °C by 2100. Those assumptions have been frequently included in studies assessing the risks of climate change, delivering the eye-catching top-end results often cited in the press. (Guilty.)

Some argue that it wasn’t all that plausible in the first place. And the scenario seems increasingly far-fetched given the rapid shift away from coal-fired power plants, initially to lower-emitting natural gas but increasingly toward carbon-free wind and solar.

Global emissions may have already flattened when taking into account recent revisions to land-use changes, meaning updated tallies of the forests, farmlands, and grasslands the world is gaining and losing.

Today, if you layer in all the climate policies already in place around the world, we’re now on track for 2.7 °C of warming this century as a middle estimate, according to Climate Action Tracker. (Similarly, the UN’s latest report found that the planet is likely to warm between 2.1 and 3.5 °C under its “intermediate” emissions scenario.)

If you assume that nations will meet their emissions pledges under the Paris agreement, including the new commitments timed around the recent UN summit in Glasgow, the figure goes down to 2.4 °C. And if every country pulls off its net-zero emissions targets by around the middle of the century, it drops to 1.8 °C.

Given the increasingly strict climate policies and the plummeting costs of solar and wind, we’re about to witness an absolute boom in renewables development. The International Energy Agency, well known for underestimating the growth of renewables in the past, now says that global capacity will rise more than 60% by 2026. At that point, solar, wind, hydroelectric dams, and other renewables facilities will rival the worldwide capacity of fossil-fuel and nuclear plants.

Sales of new electric vehicles, bumping along in the low single digits for years, are also taking off. They’ll reach around 5.6 million this year, leaping more than 80% over 2020 figures, as automakers release more models and governments enact increasingly aggressive policies, according to BloombergNEF.

Electric vehicles climbed from 2.8% of new sales in the first half of 2019 to 7% during the first half of 2021, with particularly large gains in China and Europe. Zero-emissions vehicles will make up nearly 30% of all new purchases by 2030, the research firm projects.

Progress

Meanwhile, there are plenty of signs of technological progress. Researchers and companies are figuring out ways to produce carbon-free steel and cement. Plant-based meat alternatives are getting tastier and more popular faster than anyone expected. Businesses are building increasingly large plants to suck carbon dioxide out of the air. Venture capital investments into climate and clean-tech startups have risen to levels never before seen, totaling more than $30 billion through the third quarter, according to PitchBook.

And here’s an important and counterintuitive finding: While dangerous, extreme weather events are becoming increasingly common or severe, the world seems to be getting a lot better at keeping people safer from them. The average number of deaths from natural disasters has generally dropped sharply in recent decades.

“We have better technologies to predict storms, wildfires, and floods; infrastructure to protect ourselves; and networks to cooperate and recover when a disaster does strike,” noted Hannah Ritchie, head of research at Our World of Data, in an recent Wired UK essay, citing her own research.

This provides additional hope that with the right investments into climate adaption measures like seawalls and community cooling centers, we’ll be able to manage some of the increased risks we’ll face. Rich nations that have emitted the most greenhouse gases, however, must provide financial assistance to help poor countries bolster their defenses.

A realistic baseline

Some folks have seized on these improving signs to argue that climate change isn’t going to be all that bad. That’s nonsense. The world is, by any measure, still dramatically underreacting to the rising risks.

A planet that’s nearly 3 °C hotter would be a far more dangerous and unpredictable place. Those temperatures threaten to wipe out coral reefs, sink major parts of our coastal cities and low-lying islands, and subject millions of people to far greater risks of extreme heat waves, droughts, famines, and floods.

In addition, we could still be underestimating how sensitive the atmosphere is to greenhouse gases, as well as the spiraling impacts of climate tipping points and the dangers that these higher temperatures bring. And there’s no guarantee that nations won’t backtrack on their policies and commitments amid economic shocks, conflicts, and other unpredictable events.

But to be sure, a 3 °C warmer world is a much more livable place than a 5 °C warmer one, and a far more promising starting line for getting to 2 °C.

“The point isn’t to say that that’s a good outcome,” says Zeke Hausfather, director of climate and energy at the Breakthrough Institute. “The point is, that’s the baseline we’re working with now. And it’s easier to imagine much more rapid declines from there.”

In some ways, it’s especially notable that the world has made this much progress without sweeping climate policies in many nations, and despite all the poisoned, partisan politics surrounding climate change.

The shifts to natural gas, then solar and wind, and increasingly EVs were all aided by government support, including loans, subsidies, and other policies that pushed the underlying technologies into the marketplace. And the business-driven scale-up process rapidly cut the costs of those technologies, helping them become ever more attractive.

Increasingly competitive and business-friendly clean alternatives promise to simplify the politics of further climate action. If more and more nations enact increasingly aggressive policies—carbon taxes, clean-energy standards, or far more funding for research and demonstration projects—we’ll drive down emissions ever faster.

The world isn’t ending

There are other reasons to take note of the modest progress we are making.

Progressive US politicians now casually repeat the claim that climate change is an “existential threat,” suggesting it will wipe out all of humanity. After a 2018 UN report noted that global warming could reach 1.5 °C between 2030 and 2052, climate activists and media outlets contorted that finding into versions of “We have 12 years to save the planet!”

If so, it would now be down to nine. But 1.5 °C isn’t some scientifically determined threshold of societal collapse. Though the world will miss that goal, it remains crucial to fight for every additional half-degree of warming beyond it, each of which brings steadily higher risks.

Meanwhile, climate research does not suggest that the 3 °C of warming we’re now roughly on target for would transform the entire planet into some uninhabitable hellscape.

So no, climate change is not an existential threat.

But that sentiment has certainly taken hold. Earlier this year, researchers at the University of Bath surveyed 10,000 young people, aged 16 to 25, in 10 countries to assess the levels of “climate anxiety.” More than half, 56%, agreed with the statement “Humanity is doomed.”

It’s standard stuff for politicians and activists to overstate dangers and demands, in the hopes of pushing toward some compromise solution. And the growing climate fears and the increasingly influential climate activist movement have undoubtedly put greater pressures on politicians and business to take these issues more seriously, helping to drive some the policy changes we’ve seen. They deserve real credit for that.

But insisting that the world is at the edge of collapse, when it’s not, is a terrible message for young people and carries some real risks as well. It clearly undermines credibility. It could lead some people to simply lose hope. And it could compel others to demand extreme and often counterproductive responses.

“It’s time to stop telling our children that they’re going to die from climate change,” Ritchie wrote. “It’s not only cruel, it might actually make it more likely to come true.”

When people don’t see a “reasonable path forward,” they begin to rationalize unreasonable ones.

Among those I hear with surprising frequency: We must shut down all fossil-fuel infrastructure, and end oil and gas extraction now. We must fix everything with today’s technologies and reject the “predatory delay” tactic of continued investment in clean-energy innovation. We have to halt consumption, construction, and economic development. Or even: We must smash the global capitalist system that caused all the problems!

Balancing the trade-offs

None of that strikes me as somehow more politically feasible than fixing our energy systems.

We do have to shut down fossil-fuel plants, replace vehicles, and switch to new methods of producing food, cement, steel, and other goods—and relatively quickly. But we have to do it by developing alternatives that don’t pump greenhouse gases into the atmosphere.

If we adjust the goalpost back to 2 °C, which is regrettable but only realistic at this point, we have several decades yet to carry out the transformation required. Under a modest emissions scenario, the world won’t exceed that threshold until around 2052 as a middle estimate, Hausfather’s analysis of latest UN climate report suggests.

What we can’t do is just shut down the infrastructure that drives the global economy—not without massive damage to jobs, food, health care, and safety. We’d sacrifice the economic resources we need to develop a more sustainable economy, as well as to make our communities more resilient to the coming climate dangers.

Those in rich countries, especially, have no business telling poor countries that they must halt development, perpetually locking billions of people in economic and energy poverty.

If we’re worried about climate change because of the suffering it will impose on people, then we have to care about the human trade-offs entailed in how we address it as well. Weighting those properly requires dealing honestly what with the science does and doesn’t say, recognizing the limited progress we are making, and not resorting to hyperbole simply because we think it will spur the actions we hope to see.

It’s a cruel and dangerous fantasy that we’ll ever halt climate change by counting on or forcing people to live impoverished lives, forgoing food, medicine, heating, or air conditioning in an increasingly erratic and menacing world.

We need more activist pressure and more aggressive climate policies to confront the threats of climate change. But ultimately, we must invent and build our way out of the problem. And the rare bright spot of good news is that we’re beginning to see evidence that we can.

Links - Recent articles by James Temple

(AU ABC) Beetaloo Basin Fracking Grants Ruled Invalid, 'Legally Unreasonable' In Court Challenge Brought By Environment Groups

ABC NewsKate Ashton | Jacqueline Breen

Gas company Empire Energy won the funding to fast-track exploration in the Beetaloo Basin. (Supplied: Empire Energy)

Key Points
  • The court found the government's move deprived the Environment Centre NT of its legal rights in the court challenge 
  • The grants were awarded to help fast track exploration activity in the gas-rich Beetaloo Basin
  • Both sides of the court challenge claimed the decision as a win
A judge has ruled a $21 million grant to speed up fracking in the Beetaloo Basin invalid because of the federal government's "unreasonable" move to quietly award the money while a court challenge was underway.

Gas company Empire Energy entered a trading halt just before Thursday morning's decision about the grant, awarded as part of the Coalition's $50 million subsidy program to fast-track development of the basin.

Lawyers for the Environment Centre NT (ECNT) had argued Resources Minister Keith Pitt failed to consider the climate risks associated with his decision to award Imperial Oil and Gas, which is fully owned by Empire Energy, three grants totalling $21 million in July this year. 

Justice John Griffiths declared the contracts invalid and void because of the minister's decision to suddenly execute the grant agreement in September while the court challenge was underway and without notifying the ECNT.

He said the environment group had made repeated requests for an undertaking from the minister that no agreement would be signed until the case was finalised and that it was "reasonable" for them to expect a response. 

Justice Griffiths said the minister's decision deprived the ECNT of the "opportunity and right" to seek an injunction.

He said the Commonwealth "apparently … took a considered forensic decision" not to give evidence about the reasons for the move and he was not prepared to infer that it had tried to "stymie" the court challenge.

Resources Minister Keith Pitt signed the grant agreements now ruled invalid. (ABC News: Matt Roberts)

"No evident and intelligible justification is evident for the Commonwealth's decision to enter into the Imperial Contracts on 9 September, 2021," Justice Griffith's wrote in his judgement.

"I find that, having regard to the circumstances and context in which it occurred, the Commonwealth's decision to enter into the [contracts] was unreasonable in the legal sense."

But Justice Griffiths rejected the ECNT's challenge to the validity of the grants program as a whole, which means the grants can be remade and further funding awarded.

He also found there was no requirement for the minister to consider the potential climate impacts of exploration of the basin in this case.

He said this was because there was no evidence the exploration and appraisal activities related to the grants would "contribute to climate change risks, of the kind identified by the applicant".

Both sides claim victory in court decision

ECNT co-director Kirsty Howey said even though the climate change grounds were refused, the decision left the door open for future legal challenges on fossil fuel grants.

"It's really a win for the rule of law," she said.
"The court was frankly scathing, that the conduct of the minister in these proceedings was unacceptable.
"Fossil fuel subsidies are not a reasonable use of public money. Under Australia's commitment to the global Glasgow climate pact, we need to phase out funding of new oil, gas and coal projects."

In a statement issued after the decision was handed down, Mr Pitt's office said the ruling gave a "green light to Beetaloo Basin gas development."

The statement did not acknowledge the findings relating to the government's conduct or the contracts signed with Empire Energy.
"The instrument under which the grant program was written and the approval decision to award grants to Imperial Oil and Gas were both valid and we welcome that decision so that we can move forward with the program," Mr Pitt said.
"The Beetaloo Basin has enormous potential to deliver the gas Australia needs for the future. Our resources and energy sector are vitally important to the Australian economy and are forecast to generate a record $379 billion this financial year."

Empire Energy to negotiate 'replacement' grants

A spokesperson for Empire Energy said the decision would not impact its work program, which has already paused for the Top End wet season.

Empire says it had already paused drilling work for the wet season. (Supplied: Empire Energy)

The spokesperson said the company would work with the Commonwealth to negotiate "replacement agreements".

Imperial had joined the legal proceedings as a party to argue it should be granted financial assistance if the contracts were found to be invalid, given that it was not responsible for the way the Commonwealth conducted itself during the lawsuit.

Under the now invalid contracts, the first government payment was scheduled for December 31.

Justice Griffiths said he had some sympathy for Imperial's position but said the company was aware of the lawsuit and had entered into the contracts while being aware of the commercial risk.

He found "the public interest in ensuring that the Commonwealth is properly accountable for its executive conduct and actions," was most important in this case.

"I consider that compelling private interests would be necessary to outweigh that central public interest … I am not persuaded that Imperial's private interests reach that level," he said.

The parties have been ordered to negotiate about costs.

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(UK The Guardian) At Last I Have Good News On The Climate Crisis: All Of Us Really Can Do Something About It

The Guardian - (Guardian Columnist)

Like most people, I was daunted by the scale of the emergency, but I now think the lifestyle changes needed to make progress are not that difficult

‘Conservatives committed to arresting the climate crisis wouldn’t have talked about ‘green crap’, or wasted five years on Brexit.’ Photograph: Dylan Martinez/Reuters

A change is desperately needed. I know it and you know it, but someone in this citizenry – most likely you – isn’t ready to make a vast adjustment to their lifestyle.

This is a common fallback position among progressives. I’ve always felt comfortable in this territory and simultaneously aggravated by it. Nowhere is this position more routinely applied than in relation to the climate crisis.


The argument goes like this: people across the political spectrum broadly agree on the fundamentals and the urgency of the climate crisis, and yet we probably won’t do what we need to do because we’re just too useless.

Society is too fractured for people to make altruistic choices; poverty is too endemic for many to be in a position to make changes; financialisation has subverted democracy, so even if the demos was able to make a good, collective decision, it would be thwarted.

Even if, by some miracle, the UK managed to overcome these obstacles to make good on its net-zero pledges, the same problems would play out on a global scale to prevent other nations from doing the same.

But this year I changed my mind about this position. It wasn’t because of Cop26, which left most campaigners disappointed. It was because of what Cop26 couldn’t undo.

The first two components of reaching net zero are basically in the hands of the government: cleaning up the energy supply, and becoming more efficient in the energy we use. Throughout the 2010s, we assumed that both the major parties were equally committed to tackling the climate emergency and merely differed on whether the state or the market should pay for it.

This seemed like a reasonable assumption – the Conservatives in opposition, after all, were behind the Climate Change Act, an inspiringly strong piece of legislation – except for the fact that it was plainly not true. Conservatives committed to arresting the climate crisis wouldn’t have talked about “green crap”. Nor would they have wasted five years on Brexit, or wanted to leave the EU in the first place.

The price of entry to the grownups’ conversation was to pretend that all politicians wanted broadly the same thing, by a different route. This was a peculiarly low point for common sense, and it squandered time, fostering a sense that even when those in power wanted to tackle the climate crisis, still nothing constructive could be achieved.

Even as recently as September, when Rachel Reeves described at her party’s conference the state spending a Labour government’s green new deal would entail, it was still normal in climate policy circles for people to describe the parties as equally committed to constructive, large-scale change.

But it is no longer necessary to pretend that the Conservative government means well, keeps promises or has any long-term plan for tackling the climate crisis. Removing it from power has become more urgent than ever. Accepting these facts is now, paradoxically, less daunting than the effort of papering over reality.

The third plank towards net zero has always been behavioural – are people prepared to stop flying and eating meat, and change to bikes and electric cars? And even if you are personally committed to these things, what about those who don’t care, or can’t afford to make adjustments, and what about young people and their fast fashion, and didn’t Greta Thunberg once buy a salad wrapped in plastic?

There is a tendency to respond to every climate aspiration with a darting list of the insufficiencies of humankind.

Yet the granular work done by the Climate Change Committee shows the lifestyle changes this crisis will ask of us are in fact pretty manageable. The most demanding will probably be the switch to battery-powered cars (60% of vehicles by 2035). Otherwise, the number of miles per driver will need to reduce by 4%; plane kilometres per person by 6%; meat and dairy consumption by 20%.

Arguably, this is the time to start new conversations – is net zero, in this time frame, ambitious enough?

Can the disproportionate carbon usage of the affluent somehow be reflected in redistributive policy, so everyone has an allocation of plane miles and those who can’t afford to use theirs can sell them instead?

Would it make sense to subsidise meat and dairy alternatives in the same way renewables were initially supported?

Is it feasible to make a carbon budget, as a nation, that doesn’t take into account the footprint of your imports? (Not really.)

What is now unarguable is that all this is within our grasp.

Radicals and progressives may maintain the longterm goal of bringing down capitalism and re-evaluating what life is for, but that doesn’t mean there’s nothing constructive that we can do in the short term.

I’m not sure that I would make a different or more certain prediction of what life will look like in 30 years’ time.

But the idea that the changes required are too radical or the people who need to make them too timid, I’ve completely put aside.

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