28/12/2021

(Singapore: Business Times) Weather Disasters Cost US$20b More Than Last Year: NGO

Business Times - AFP

The most expensive disaster in 2021 was Hurricane Ida, which lashed the eastern United States and caused around US$65 billion in damages. PHOTO: REUTERS

The ten most expensive weather disasters this year caused more than $170 billion (150 billion euros) in damage, $20 billion more than in 2020, a British aid group said Monday.

Each year, UK charity Christian Aid calculates the cost of weather incidents like flooding, fires and heat waves according to insurance claims and reports the results.

In 2020, it found the world's ten costliest weather disasters caused $150 billion in damage, making this year's total an increase of 13 percent.

Christian Aid said the upward trend reflects the effects of man-made climate change and added that the ten disasters in question also killed at least 1,075 people and displaced 1.3 million.

The most expensive disaster in 2021 was hurricane Ida, which lashed the eastern United States and caused around $65 billion in damages. After crashing into Louisiana at the end of August, it made its way northward and caused extensive flooding in New York City and the surrounding area.

Spectacular and deadly flooding in Germany and Belgium in July was next on the list at $43 billion in losses.

A cold snap and winter storm in Texas that took out the vast state's power grid cost $23 billion, followed by flooding in China's Henan province in July that cost an estimated $17.6 billion.

Other disasters costing several billion dollars include flooding in Canada, a late spring freeze in France that damaged vineyards, and a cyclone in India and Bangladesh in May.

The report acknowledged its evaluation mainly covers disasters in rich countries where infrastructure is better insured and that the financial toll of disasters on poor countries is often incalculable.

It gave the example of South Sudan where flooding affected around 800,000 people.

"Some of the most devastating extreme weather events in 2021 hit poorer nations, which have contributed little to causing climate change," the report's press release noted.

In mid-December, the world's biggest reinsurer, Swiss Re, estimated natural catastrophes and extreme weather events caused around $250 billion in damage this year.

It said the total represented a 24 percent increase over last year and that the cost to the insurance industry alone was the fourth highest since 1970.

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(BBC News) Business Review Of 2021: Climate Change And Covid

BBC News - Martin Webber

Extreme weather: Flooding in Bangladesh has taken a huge toll in lives and economic damage in recent years. Getty Images

Over the past year governments all over the world told businesses to radically step up their strategies for going green and shifting away from fossil fuels.

The Glasgow COP 26 Climate Conference in November saw the host, UK Prime Minister Boris Johnson, setting out why humanity had to "act now".

Mr Johnson declared: "If we don't get serious about climate change today, it will be too late for our children to do so tomorrow".

After the two weeks of talking in Glasgow, a draft deal pledging to "phase out" use of the dirtiest fuel, coal, was rejected by the biggest coal users, China and India.

But climate experts welcomed the fact that a reference to coal did stay in the final agreement, with a commitment instead to "phase down" coal use.

COP26 President Alok Sharma speaking at the close of the summit. Getty Images

Many established business leaders have already got the message and some have already completely changed what they do.

The Australian mining entrepreneur, Andrew Forrest, the CEO of Fortescue Metals Group, told the BBC how his firm's large iron ore trucks and trains were being converted to so-called "green hydrogen".

To make "green hydrogen", renewable energy - like wind power - is used to create electricity that then splits water into oxygen and hydrogen. That hydrogen is captured to use as a fuel. In a hydrogen engine, the main emission is harmless water vapour.

"This is the day the fossil fuel industry has denied would come. There are huge sources of green hydrogen - if the world bothers to make the transition. My own company is making the transition right now," he said.

The entrepreneur said he took a four year PhD to study the environment and had learned that "global warming is frighteningly real."

Fortescue Metals CEO Andrew Forrest with Australian Prime Minister Scott Morrison (left). Getty Images

In April he took Australian Prime Minister, Scott Morrison, to his vast mining operations that dig out iron ore to make the world's steel.

Mr Forrest described how the prime minister faced "big beefy Australian workers" who would put an arm round Mr Morrison, saying "come on ScoMo we're all going green, what's taking you so long? Green is the future mate".

A few months after that visit, Scott Morrison committed to making Australia "net-zero" by 2050 in line with the US, Japan, the EU and UK.

"Net zero" means that any climate damaging emissions are offset by emissions that are removed from the environment.

China, Russia and Saudi Arabia are focussing on a 2060 "net zero" target. India's target is 2070.

These Danish wind turbines are being used to produce so-called green hydrogen

Meanwhile, in Denmark, green hydrogen is being created at a site at Brande in Jutland in the west of the country, using rows of dedicated wind turbines that tower over the countryside.

The hydrogen is then used to fuel the vehicles of a nearby green taxi firm called DRIVR, which have chosen the hydrogen option over battery electric taxis.

"In the taxi industry, the most important thing is time," Haydar Shaiwandi, chief executive of DRIVR told us.

"We can't charge electric vehicles fast. The hydrogen vehicles actually act like regular diesel vehicles because for recharging a hydrogen vehicle is a maximum of five minutes."

The hydrogen is being used by nearby taxi firm, DRIVR, to power some of its vehicles

But while change is happening, many say it is not happening fast enough.

One big concern is that the green option is usually still the more expensive one, so most businesses still put their cash into cheaper but polluting investments.

The fear is that without more decisive government action to change economic incentives, business and investors won't be able to deliver on the pledges set out by their nation's political leaders.

Among those worried is Tariq Fancy, a former high flyer in the world of sustainable investing. He used to work as chief investment officer for sustainable investing at Blackrock, one of the world's largest asset managers.

Mr Fancy says that - by law - managers like Blackrock need to maximise future retirement income for their investors.

He argues that managers can look at environmental considerations but "can't lose any money by investing in something that's good for the world" because they are legally prohibited from doing that.

Protesters at the COP26 summit demonstrating against the use of fossil fuels. Getty Images

"Little to none of what any of the financial services industry is doing is actually - in any meaningful way - doing anything to fight climate change," he says.

Because of this, he argues that the sector is therefore slower to enact reforms "that experts are telling us we need to".

Mr Fancy concludes: "All of this is what I call a deadly distraction."

The International Energy Agency, which is funded by governments of major western nations, made headlines in 2021 with a stark declaration.

The IEA said that to meet governments' goal of limiting warming for the planet to an extra 1.5C, then there should be no development of any new fossil fuel fields.

Many climate action groups have taken to the streets to protest for real progress to be made to reduce carbon emissions. Getty Images

The IEA's chief energy economist Tim Gould says the world got closer to that scenario at Glasgow but "we're not there yet", he says.

"In our view COP26 was all about setting ambitions. The acid test will be how quickly these are implemented. The time now is to really roll up the sleeves and put these pledges into practice."

For many years, Irwin Stelzer from the conservative US think-tank, the Hudson Institute, has supported a tax on carbon to encourage the private sector to invest more in green technology.

"Having waged this battle for a decade now and emerging bloody but unbowed, I would say a straight carbon tax will not pass," he tells me.

But he is watching closely EU plans for a "border tax" on imported goods produced using "dirty fuels" - such as steel produced in China.

Will the EU and US impose so called "border taxes" on goods such as steel, that are made using coal and other polluting fuels? Getty Images

"The EU may turn out to be one of the engines of progress, which is not its usual role. When they have border taxes, that tax imports for their carbon content, other nations will have to respond with similar taxes that will have the same effect."

The US will end up with its own border tax as well, Irwin Stelzer says: "The politics is now falling in place to have some form of carbon pricing - directly or indirectly."

While policymakers were focussing on the long term in 2021, they also had a major job shoring up spending in the short term as the Covid pandemic hit activity for a second year.

Most of the worst forecasts for the impact of Covid on jobs and incomes did not materialise. Indeed most economies saw output return to levels seen before the pandemic.

And by the end of 2021, there was growing concern about inflation set off by governments and consumers spending too much.

Prices in the US are now 7% higher than a year ago - the fastest inflation rate since 1982.

US consumer prices rose in November a rate not seen in nearly 40 years. Getty Images

Ken Rogoff, former chief economist at the IMF, blames Covid-related supply chain issues in part, but says poor US government policy is also to blame.

"The stimulus - the American Rescue Plan - that the government put into place just after President Biden took office was just not well thought out or well designed. It was throwing money at the economy - too much, too late," he says.

"Frankly what they are doing now with infrastructure and social infrastructure would have done better to do back then."

For the big tech giants, it was another profitable year. Shares of the electric car firm, Tesla, rose 40%. Shares of Facebook (now known as Meta) were still up 20% despite a deluge of bad publicity after a former employee released internal documents.

Frances Haugen said Facebook's own research had shown evidence of Instagram's harmful effects on some teenagers, and that the firm prioritised "growth over safety".

Facebook said the leaks were misleading and said it had 40,000 people working on safety and security.

Toasting a healthy 2022: Cristina Caroli and partner Alessandro Galtieri, owners of the Aroma speciality coffee shop. Cristina Caroli

Thanks to Covid, small business owners had a bleak time for much of 2021. But many of those that have survived now feel optimistic.

The owner of the Aroma speciality coffee shop in Bologna in Italy, Cristina Caroli, was overcome with joy when tourists returned last summer.

"It was literally a dream when we saw the first tourist after so long," she says.

"Somebody speaking another language. It was very emotional. Americans! I couldn't believe it - then the English, the Swiss, the Germans - it was incredible it was fantastic!"

Cristina's enthusiasm for the future of her café remains undimmed, telling me: "Activities are starting again, the situation looks really better, it's a kind of renaissance after this bad period."

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(Atomic Scientists) The Case For Going To War Against Climate Change

Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists - Arnaud Boehmann

Iraq sandstorm. Image by David Mark from Pixabay

Author
Arnaud Boehmann is a German-French sinologist and security analyst who is also active as an advocate for climate action.
In early 2019 he joined Fridays for Future in Hamburg and has since served as a press speaker, campaign manager, and networker for the movement.
When I became a climate activist in early 2019, I focused on issues at the forefront of popular discourse: coal, cars, air travel, agriculture, and construction.

I also addressed shipping, because my hometown, Hamburg in the north of Germany, is home to one of Europe’s biggest ports.

But as climate protests grew bigger, peaking at 1.4 million people in Germany alone in September that year, the discourse did not evolve at the same pace.

The same basic facts are debated today; solution implementation is still just starting; and even the overdue COP26 climate conference in Glasgow did not bring about paradigmatic change. As a security analyst accustomed to working with soldiers of various backgrounds, I find the security perspective to be widely absent from the discourse.

The climate crisis is here, and security professionals like me now must fully grasp the extent to which we are affected by it, and what our role in solving it can be, because it directly intersects with our fundamental purpose.

Security, remember, is what this is all about. We are not protecting the climate. We are protecting ourselves.

The British military’s Climate Change and Sustainability Strategic Approach, published in March, and the US intelligence community reports released in late October offer a glimpse of how climate change will affect national security and what defense agencies must do in response.

But even with this growing awareness, many security professionals are still moving too slowly on climate change. Its impacts on their work will be so profound that they cannot afford to start shifting gears only when politicians do so.

They themselves must recognize the magnitude of the threat, advocate for adequate responses, and become agents of change.

I do not ask my colleagues—in or out of uniform—to join climate activists in the streets, though they are very welcome to do so.

But security professionals must reframe today’s hand-waving about climate and treat it as a military-style threat that requires immediate and decisive action.

US Army personnel assisted with disaster relief during flooding from Hurricane Harvey. Image by andrewtheshrew from Pixabay
The climate-security connection

In 2020, when I saw US National Guard helicopters rescuing people from California wildfires and Australian Navy vessels conducting amphibious evacuations from bushfire-ravaged beaches, I began to link my perspective as a climate activist to my work and education in the security field.

Climate security as a subfield of security studies traces its origins back to the 1970s but received little recognition until after the end of the Cold War. That’s because the threat of nuclear annihilation dwarfed everything else.

Bulletin readers are, of course, familiar with the conventional wisdom that a conflict between two nuclear powers is the worst danger imaginable.

Observers of the increasing tensions between China and the United States, including myself, tend to take every new warhead or submarine or strategic bomber very seriously, and we invest time and effort in getting the nuances right.

With China’s ever-increasing pressure on Taiwan, and a heated debate among Western scholars and politicians about whether or not defending Taiwan would justify it becoming a casus belli involving NATO, the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (the United States, Australia, India, and Japan), the AUKUS trilateral security pact (Australia, the United Kingdom, and the United States), or any other constellation of forces opposed to China, the ultimate threat has returned and overshadows a much more concrete danger.

The dangers of a great-power war, real as they may be, remain hypothetical until the first shots are fired. The carbon levels in our atmosphere, on the other hand, grow day by day. They are closely watched but remain unchecked, not for lack of information but for lack of leadership and willpower.

This is the dilemma of securitizing climate change—of making a security community that for the last 20 years fought a global war on terror and was busy watching China aware that it missed something big. This year, again, has seen heat records shattered and widespread destruction caused by extreme weather. Humanity’s desperate clinging to every drop of fossil fuel not only increases the frequency and intensity of such tragedies, but also ensures larger ones to come.

Some laughed at Greta Thunberg when she used the metaphor of humanity’s house on fire. Some said she exaggerated. Few are laughing as communities from California to Siberia, from Turkey to Australia, helplessly watch fires devour everything in their path.

A military mentality

In 2020 Prince Charles said, “We must now put ourselves on a warlike footing, approaching our action from the perspective of a military-style campaign.”

More recently, John Kerry, President Biden’s climate envoy, said the world needs a “wartime mentality” to fight climate change. They weren’t the first, but they are onto something.

Leaders could have reduced emissions while there was still time to limit global warming to the relatively safe level of 1.5 degrees Celsius above pre-industrial temperatures.

Their negligence led us to today’s predicament: a civilization that cannot function without fossil fuels and the massive exploitation of nature, which in turn threaten the very existence of civilization.

Instead of succumbing to a feeling of helplessness, we need a different mindset. A military mentality that can make uncomfortable but strategic decisions—based on ends, ways, and means, for the security of us all—and that can deploy in an effective way the resources at our disposal is the sensible approach.

Some of the biggest investments in history were made for security purposes. To fight World War II, the United States, United Kingdom, Soviet Union, and their allies refocused their entire economies, because political leaders recognized that they were facing existential threats.

Today the world once again faces existential threats, but political leaders have not yet stood up to the task. Multiple voices have called for a climate effort akin to the Manhattan Project.

I believe that idea has failed because it suggests an escape route—a miraculous technology that might change everything and allow for continued delay on climate action. The value of the Manhattan Project analogy is that it underlines the magnitude of effort needed.

But for such a massive effort to be put in motion, state-level actors would need to treat climate change as a security issue—the same way they treat war.

This can be done by rhetorical escalation that preempts “discourses of climate delay” and emphasizes the non-negotiability of the threat.

Once established as a war-like threat, climate change can be addressed with the gravity, urgency, and resources it deserves.

The recent US National Intelligence Estimate on climate change, Defense Department climate risk analysis, Department of Homeland Security climate action plan, and special White House report on climate migration do not contain any spectacular new information, but they show that climate change has gained a new position in the current administration’s security considerations.

Still, it is not yet being dealt with as a war-like threat.

Even under the Trump administration, the US Army took significant initiatives to securitize climate change, yet many current observers and actors within the field still focus on how climate change will affect the military’s traditional patterns of deployment.

They ask: “How can a security apparatus prepare for increased migration?” or “Where does climate change create new vulnerabilities for our forces?”

Few consider the role of the US, Chinese, and other armed forces as some of the world’s largest greenhouse gas emitters, and even fewer include the military as an actor expected to prevent global warming from exceeding the limits set by the Paris Agreement.

Reframing security

Globally, millions of men and women in the armed forces identify as security providers. With time running out and administrations proving to be bottlenecks, defense agencies must take the lead in reframing climate change as a security issue, a war-like threat that has already begun.

Society must come to the point where the installation of a solar panel by an army technician is considered a security provision. This is not to replace civilian initiatives, but to complement them with the military’s powerful workforce, equipment, and strategic thinking.

It is not to alienate soldiers from their role as fighters, but to give them an additional dimension required by circumstances.

To break it down: The question is not whether your tank needs better air conditioning, but what the military domain can do across the fields of research, development, logistics, intelligence, materiel, and personnel to increase the overall security of the population.

Security professionals cannot afford to dwell in climate denial. They must see climate change as a threat to the people, stability, prosperity, and territorial integrity of their countries.

Many of the officers I’ve spoken with, from various nationalities and backgrounds, already understand the magnitude of the climate threat.

It is difficult to maintain combat readiness when your helicopters are evacuating civilians from wildfires, your military installations are damaged by extreme weather, your army engineers are building bridges across flooded rivers, and your soldiers are shoveling sandbags to stop water, not bullets.

The resources currently being committed to maintaining and containing conflicts between great nations—which, not coincidentally, are also the biggest polluters—are the resources that are now required elsewhere to mitigate the climate crisis. Without them, we will not live to fight another day.

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