17/03/2022

(NASA - Goddard Institute of Space Studies) GISTEMP Climate Spiral

NASA Goddard Institute of Space Studies

The visualization presents monthly global temperature anomalies between the years 1880-2021.


The GISTEMP climate spiral 1880-2021.

These temperatures are based on the GISS Surface Temperature Analysis (GISTEMP v4), an estimate of global surface temperature change.

Anomalies are defined relative to a base period of 1951-1980. The data file used to create this visualization can be accessed here.

(AU Canberra Times) Rural And Remote Australia Should Be The Heart Of The Nation When It Comes To Fighting Climate Change

Canberra Times - David Shearman

Governments can no longer ignore that the bottom line for much of our economy is the survival of our soil. Picture: Shutterstock

Author
Dr David Shearman AM MB, ChB, PhD, FRACP, FRCPE. is Emeritus Professor of Medicine at Adelaide University and previously held senior positions at Edinburgh and Yale Universities.
He is author of many books relating to climate change, its science, consequences, democratic and international and economic implications.
He served on the IPCC for two terms on health and scientific sections.
Dr Shearman has been President of the Conservation Council of South Australia and with the late Professor Tony McMichael he founded Doctors for the Environment Australia.
The ACM readers' election survey recently sought the views of non-city-dwellers from regional and rural Australia.

Their most important concerns were the environment, climate change, health and leadership, the absence of which is now palpably obvious from the ineffective preparation for extreme weather events, particularly the devastating east coast floods.

The Emergency Response Fund of $4 billion was established in 2019 in response to the bushfire crisis. As ACM's Voice of Real Australia newsletter put it,

"it seems we have a truckload of money set aside for disaster recovery, but the people affected aren't getting much of it. They also didn't get much of it for preparedness either."

Now, after decades of denial and prevarication, the new National Climate Resilience and Adaptation Strategy accepts that "as the global temperature rises and other changes to the climate increase, Australia will face more frequent and severe events, such as extreme weather, fires and floods ..."

Even this is an understatement, for our health and existence on this planet is threatened by damage to our life-support systems - a stable climate, clean water, clean air, biodiversity and the ecological services it provides, and land on which to grow food. All of these are under increasing threat.

Governments have yet to understand and offer leadership to protect these life supports, and to recognise that the rural sector is the beating heart of the nation without which the future is bleak for all.

Our crucial rural, regional and remote areas are home to one-quarter of Australia's population. The people that live there are known for their self-sufficiency, incredible resilience and fortitude, yet governments offer them little as they face the rapidly advancing extremes of global heating.
The national government is woeful, and rural representatives - mainly the Nationals - have failed to act successfully on these crucial issues.
They suffer from totally inadequate healthcare, communication, transport and other support services which rank well below those in the rest of Australia. This is the rural-urban divide, which is an indictment of government and the operation of democracy in this country.

Rural health services are mostly inadequate, as reflected in the regions' comparatively poorer mental health statistics, higher suicide rates, poorer life expectancy and higher prevalence of chronic illness.

Housing, the fundamental basis of good health and community stability, is lacking, despite it being a right under the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Adequate accommodation is also vital for seasonal workers, an integral part of the farming industry.

This human right is transgressed most by government with the appalling housing situation in many rural and remote Aboriginal communities.

Community resilience and our ability to adapt to change depends on these and many other services. But local banking, postal services and communications are also all withering under economic rationalism; all have an impact on whether health and agricultural workers are prepared to live and work in these communities.

Ultimately, our governments' greatest failure is in their understanding of biodiversity and ecological services. The bottom line is the survival of soil and land.

Increasing heat and falling rainfall are decreasing the thousands of species which make up the living soil, and agricultural yields are decreasing worldwide.

To date there has been increased productivity, but with some practices which harm the soil and biodiversity in general. In Australia farm income is falling, which encourages land-clearing and which has already made us amongst the world's biggest land-clearers.

All remaining wood and grasslands must be maintained for the shelter of pollinators and other ecological services. With declining production, economic rationalism may need to be ditched to introduce subsidies.

What action is needed? The national government is woeful, and rural representatives - mainly the Nationals - have failed to act successfully on these crucial issues. They remain conflicted over their support, together with state governments, for fossil-fuel developments which damage the environment.

Only independents have offered needed solutions - for example, Helen Haines promoting local renewable-energy security and micro-grids. This would deliver cheaper energy for farming, and the option for secure shelters from fire, flood and heat waves.

Responsibility must lie with a framework of local authorities - particularly farmers with a deep attachment and care for the land (and their organisations such as Farmers for Climate Action), the National Rural Health Alliance, scientists and planning experts. They should receive the truckload of federal funding.

As a doctor, this is my prescription for rural health and survival.

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(AU The Conversation) Disappointing Federal Court Decision Undoes 20 Years Of Climate Litigation Progress In Australia

The Conversation  | 

AAP Image/Dean Lewins

Authors
  •  is Director, Melbourne Climate Futures, The University of Melbourne
  •  is Research fellow, Melbourne Climate Futures, The University of Melbourne 
The federal court has unanimously decided Federal Environment Minister Sussan Ley does not have a duty of care to protect young people from the harms of climate change.

The ruling overturns a previous landmark win by eight high school students, who sought to stop Ley approving a coal mine expansion in New South Wales.

While the judge did not prevent the mine expansion, he agreed the minister did indeed have a duty of care to children in the face of the climate crisis.

Ley’s successful appeal is disappointing. As legal scholars, we believe the judgment sets back the cause of climate litigation in Australia by two decades, at a time when we urgently need climate action to accelerate.

So why was Ley successful?

The federal court’s 282-page judgment offers myriad reasons for why no duty should be imposed on the minister.

But what emerges most clearly is the court’s view that it’s not their place to set policies on climate change. Instead, they say, it’s the job of our elected representatives in the federal government.

Environment Minister Sussan Ley successfully argued she doesn’t have a duty of care to protect young people from climate change. AAP Image/Ethan James

What did the judges say?

In the original class action case filed in 2020, a single federal court judge decided Ley owed Australian children a common law duty of care when considering and approving the coal mine extension, under Australia’s Environment Protection and Biodiversity Conservation (EPBC) Act.

This required the minister to take reasonable care when exercising her powers to avoid causing Australian children under 18 personal injury or death from carbon dioxide emissions.

Ley appealed this decision in July last year. She also approved the coal mine extension, arguing her decision wouldn’t contribute to global warming because even if the mine was refused, other sources would step in to meet the coal demand.

And today, in a live-streamed proceeding, the full bench of the federal court ruled in her favour: the stated duty should not be imposed on the minister. While the outcome was unanimous, the three judges had separate reasoning.
One judge saw climate change as a matter for government, not the courts, to address, saying the duty would be an issue “involving questions of policy (scientific, economic, social, industrial and political) […] unsuitable for the Judicial branch to resolve”.

Another said there was insufficient “closeness” and “directness” between the minister’s power to approve the coal mine and the effect this would have on the children. But he left open the possibility of a future claim if any of the children in the class action suffered damage.

The third judge had three main reasons. First, the EPBC Act doesn’t create a duty-of-care relationship between the minister and children. Second, establishing a standard of care isn’t feasible as it would result in “incoherence” between the duty and the minister’s functions. Third, it’s not currently foreseeable that approving the coal mine extension would cause the children personal injury, as the law is understood.

The good news: climate science remains undisputed


In the original case, the judge made landmark rulings about the dangers of climate change, marking a significant moment in Australian climate litigation.

He found one million of today’s Australian children are expected to be hospitalised due to heat stress, they’ll experience substantial economic loss, and when they grow up the Great Barrier Reef and most eucalypt forests won’t exist.

According to the judge, this harm was “reasonably foreseeable”. This is important from a legal point of view, as courts have previously considered climate change to be speculative, and a future problem.

Luca Saunders, 16, Anjali Sharma, 17, Izzy Raj-Seppings, 15, and Ava Princi, 18, were among eight children behind the landmark court case. AAP Image/Dean Lewins

As part of her appeal, Sussan Ley argued that these findings, based on presented evidence, were incorrect and went beyond what was submitted to the court. Today, these arguments were unanimously rejected.

The federal court found all the minister’s criticisms on the evidence of climate change were unfounded and all of the primary judge’s findings were appropriate to be made. As Chief Justice Allsop concluded:
[B]y and large, the nature of the risks and the dangers from global warming, including the possible catastrophe that may engulf the world and humanity was not in dispute.
But while this reaffirms acceptance that climate science is unequivocal, it does nothing to prevent mounting climate change harms, most recently made clear by the devastating floods across NSW and Queensland.

Indeed, it only turns this responsibility back to the current federal government, which has policies increasingly at odds with what the science and concerned citizens say is needed.

Bucking the trend


This was a test case in Australian law, as it explored a novel legal argument. Its failure will likely put a dampener on innovative climate litigation in Australia.

Today’s judgment asserts that the courts are limited in what they can do to address climate change. It goes against the trend of successful climate change court rulings overseas, and the widespread mobilisation across community groups, business and local governments for action.

Just last year, for example, we saw a court in The Hague order oil and gas giant Shell to reduce carbon dioxide emissions by 45% by 2030, relative to 2019 levels, and a German court ruling that the government’s climate goals were not strong enough.
Today’s federal court finding that dealing with coal mine emissions is for governments alone seemingly reimposes barriers to climate litigation in Australia, carefully dismantled by the previous two decades of climate change cases.

We’ve seen a number of landmark climate cases in Australia. This includes the Rocky Hill verdict where a judge rejected a new coal mine on climate grounds, and the Bushfire Survivors case where the court found the NSW government had a legal obligation to take meaningful action on climate change.

These brought the glimmer of hope that where the federal government fails to act, the courts will step in. Today’s ruling suggests this is no longer the case.

In the lead up to the Australian federal election, the appeal outcome emphasises the importance of changing government policy if we’re going to get better outcomes on climate change in this country. Climate change certainly will not wait – the fight for a safe climate future continues.

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