11/05/2017

A Parable From Down Under For U.S. Climate Scientists

New York Times

John Church in Hobart in September 2010. He is known internationally for helping to bring statistical and analytical rigor to longstanding questions about sea level rise. Credit Peter Boyer 
HOBART, TASMANIA — John A. Church, a climate scientist, did not look or sound like a man who had recently been shoved out of a job.
Speaking softly and downing coffee at an outdoor cafe in this old port city, he sounded more like a fellow fresh off a jousting match. “I think we had a win — a bigger win than I ever anticipated,” Dr. Church said in an interview last month.
Australian climate science went through an upheaval last year, one that engaged the press and the public in defending the importance of basic research. In the end, Dr. Church did indeed lose his job, but scores of his colleagues who had been marked for layoffs did not. Some of them view him as having sacrificed his career to save theirs.
What happened in Australia shows the power of an informed citizenry keeping watch on its government. And it may turn out to be a precursor to an attack on fundamental climate research in the United States.
Australian climate science is important not just for Australia, a country of 24 million people, but for the world. Australia is the most scientifically accomplished nation in the Southern Hemisphere, which has expanses of ocean and relatively little land.
In effect, this small country is keeping an eye on half the planet for the rest of us.
Much of the necessary work is done by scientists on the payroll of the country’s principal research agency, known as the Commonwealth Scientific and Industrial Research Organization. It was within that agency that last year’s controversy unfolded.
Budgets at the agency had been under pressure for years, much as scientific budgets have been in the United States. Then in 2015, a new boss, Larry R. Marshall, took over at the behest of the conservative government, controlled by a party known here, oddly, as the Liberals, and led now by Malcolm Turnbull. (Actual liberals join the Labor Party.)
The issue can be overwhelming. The science is complicated. We get it. This is your cheat sheet.
Though Dr. Marshall is Australian, he made his name as a scientific researcher and entrepreneur in the United States. He went back to Australia with the goal of sprinkling some Silicon Valley pixie dust on the agency, doing more to turn its fundamental research into jobs and start-up companies to benefit the economy.
Studying the agency’s costs, Dr. Marshall and his aides decided that too many people were working on basic questions about the climate. If he laid off scores of them, he reasoned, he would have money to reinvest in other priorities. Those would include looking for ways to reduce emissions, and to adapt to climate changes that could no longer be avoided.
When they found out about the plan, though, the agency’s scientists were dumbfounded. They were entirely in favor of research on solutions, but the notion that basic climate monitoring and analysis could be scaled back struck them as preposterous.
While the world’s scientists have established that the planet is warming, that human activity is the main cause and that continued high emissions will pose profound risks, they are still far from having a complete understanding of the planetary climate.
When Dr. Marshall’s plan was unveiled, Australian researchers hit the panic button. Among those who swung into action was Dr. Church.
He is an oceanographer and climate scientist with decades of experience. Working from one of the research agency’s offices in Hobart, the capital of Australia’s island state of Tasmania, he had become known internationally for helping to bring statistical and analytical rigor to longstanding questions about sea level rise. With a colleague, Dr. Church was the first to establish that the rise had accelerated during the 20th century, a strong indication that the pace is linked to emissions of greenhouse gases.
He also had extensive contacts in the Australian press. Dr. Church said that by the time he reached Peter Hannam, a top environmental journalist with The Sydney Morning Herald, Mr. Hannam was already sniffing out the story of the cutbacks. Once he broke it, the situation developed into an international brouhaha.
A flood of internal documents leaked. Thousands of scientists weighed in from abroad, pleading with the Australian government to reconsider. People marched in the streets. Hearings were convened.
Dr. Church stuck his neck out farther than his colleagues. In an open letter to Dr. Marshall, he urged that the cuts be rolled back and accused his boss of being “disrespectful and insulting” toward the agency’s employees.
Trying to allay suspicion about his motives, Dr. Marshall took pains to make clear that he accepted the basic findings of climate research. The climate “absolutely is changing,” he declared before a committee of the Australian Senate. “It is changing, and we have to do something about it.”
Explaining the origins of the controversy, Dr. Marshall said in a recent telephone interview from Canberra, the national capital, “Unfortunately, with a finite funding envelope, you’ve got to make choices where you fund.”
Despite the government’s efforts to quell the controversy, the proposed layoffs became an issue last summer in a hard-fought election campaign, part of a larger argument about the perceived weakness of Australia’s climate policies.
The Liberal-led conservative coalition narrowly beat Labor, but lost seats in Parliament and returned to Canberra in a weakened position. Almost as soon as the election was over, the government partly backed down, with a new science minister, Greg Hunt, declaring that climate analysis would be a “bedrock function” of the research agency.
Originally, scores of scientists and staff members at a research center outside Melbourne had been marked for layoffs, but in the end only 20 or so left, many of them near or past retirement age. The center is now recruiting additional scientists, and may wind up larger than before the fight.
In the interview, Dr. Marshall said he wished he had communicated more effectively with the agency’s employees about the reasons for the shift in priorities. “We are a learning organization, and there are definitely things we’d do differently,” he said.
As the controversy unfolded, Dr. Church was implacable in public, but he said in our interview that he had wrestled with major doubts.
“I had sleepless nights for months,” he said. “I thought, am I doing the right thing by my colleagues? Am I looking after their positions, or am I making it worse for them and for the Australian public?”
The end, he said, came as no great shock. He was on a research ship in the middle of the Southern Ocean when the word came down that his job would not be one of those being saved.
“I’m still angry, in some sense,” he said, citing certain colleagues in the agency who he felt had not defended the integrity of science at a critical moment.
But he was able to take full retirement benefits. His reputation as a man of honor was burnished by the episode, and the University of New South Wales offered him a position that will allow him to continue his work. He expressed gratitude to that institution.
As Dr. Church and I were finishing our coffees, I noted that President Trump had offered a budget outline for the United States that, if enacted, would almost certainly require huge cuts in the basic scientific enterprise of monitoring and analyzing the climate.
Congress will have the last word after Mr. Trump presents a more detailed outline, so there is no way to know how that fight will end. But over two weekends in April, tens of thousands of Americans marched in the streets to defend science and to demand action on climate change.
That means the citizenry in the United States, just as in Australia, is alert and watching. You can bet a lot of American scientists are thinking these days about how they will respond if the government starts gutting climate research.
“I guess somebody in the United States,” Dr. Church said, “has to step out into the public and do what I did.”

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Laws To Tackle Climate Change Exceed 1,200 Worldwide: Study

Reuters - Alister Doyle

Protesters throw up a globe-shaped balloon during a rally held the day before the start of the 2015 Paris World Climate Change Conference, known as the COP21 summit, in Rome, Italy, November 29 2015. REUTERS/Alessandro Bianchi/File Photo
Nations around the world have adopted more than 1,200 laws to curb climate change, up from about 60 two decades ago, which is a sign of widening efforts to limit rising temperatures, a study showed on Tuesday.
"Most countries have a legal basis on which future action can be built," Patricia Espinosa, the U.N.'s climate change chief, told a webcast news conference of the findings issued at an international meeting on climate change in Bonn, Germany.
She said the findings were "cause for optimism", adding that laws were one yardstick for tracking action on global warming alongside others such as investment in renewable energy or backing for a 2015 climate agreement, ratified by 144 nations.
The study, by the London School of Economics (LSE), reviewed laws and executive policies in 164 nations, ranging from national cuts in greenhouse gases to curbs in emissions in sectors such as transport, power generation or industry.
Forty-seven laws had been added since world leaders adopted a Paris Agreement to combat climate change in late 2015, a slowdown from a previous peak of about 100 a year around 2009-13 when many developed nations passed laws.
U.S. President Donald Trump doubts that climate change has a human cause and is considering pulling out of the Paris Agreement but legislation is often complicated to undo.
If you have that big body of 1,200 laws it is hard to reverse," Samuel Fankhauser, co-director of the LSE's Grantham Research Institute on Climate Change and the Environment, told the news conference.
The study said that developing nations were legislating more but there were many gaps. Nations including Comoros, Sudan and Somalia had no climate laws.

"We don't want weaklings in the chain," said Martin Chungong, Secretary General of the Inter-Parliamentary Union. He urged all countries to adopt laws that help limit downpours, heatwaves and rising sea levels.

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More Countries Are Backing Their Paris Pledges With National Laws

Grantham Research Institute on Climate Change and the Environment


Summary Climate Change Laws
  • There are now over 1,200 climate change or climate change-relevant laws worldwide, a twentyfold increase over 20 years: in 1997 there were about 60 climate laws in place.
  • The rate at which new laws are passed has decreased from over 100 new laws per year in 2009– 13 to around 40 new laws in 2016. This reflects the large amount of ground that existing climate laws already cover.
  • The challenge for the future lies in strengthening existing laws and filling gaps, rather than devising new frameworks. Most (but not all) countries have the legal basis on which further action can build.
  • Low-income countries are progressively active on climate change legislation. Reflecting their circumstances, the focus of low-income countries is on climate resilience rather than emissions.
  • Climate change needs to be integrated better into mainstream development strategies. Only four in 10 countries have factored climate change explicitly into their development plans.
  • The courts are complementing the actions of legislators, ruling on the implementation of existing climate laws or providing a basis for the regulation of greenhouse gas emissions. Outside the United States, there have been over 250 court cases in which climate change is a relevant factor.
  • Two-thirds of court cases challenging regulation have either strengthened or maintained climate change regulation. In one-third of cases, policies have been weakened. However, the evidence base on court cases is less complete than that on climate change legislation. 
A rise in the number of countries that have introduced legislation to support their 'nationally determined contributions' (NDCs) to the Paris Climate Change Agreement, is unveiled in a new analysis presented today by experts and the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC).
Analysis by the Grantham Research Institute on Climate Change and the Environment at the London School of Economics and Political Science shows that 14 new laws and 33 new executive policies related to climate change have been introduced since the Paris climate change summit in December 2015. 18 of the new laws and policies mainly focus on climate change and 4 specifically relate to NDCs. The analysis relies on a new online database of global climate change legislation developed by the Grantham Research Institute and the Sabin Center for Climate Change Law at Columbia Law School. The database is available at http://www.lse.ac.uk/GranthamInstitute/legislation/.
The new laws add to the over 1,200 climate-related laws that have been enacted globally since 1997, now in 164 countries and including 93 of the top 100 emitters—up from 99 countries in 2015.
Patricia Espinosa, Executive Secretary of the UNFCCC, said:
"We are witnessing serious and significant support for the Paris Agreement from across countries and Continents and from cities and businesses to civil society. Some point to new, green investment flows and others to the growing penetration of clean energies as evidence of remarkable positive change. Today we present further evidence from the world of policy-making that shows how countries are starting to add and to tailor existing legislative framework to respond to the aims and ambitions of the new Agreement—clearly there is a lot more to do, but it is a further encouraging development."
A previous analysis showed that 7 G20 nations, including the EU as a whole, France, Germany, the UK, Japan, Mexico and South Africa, have emission reduction targets in domestic legislation or policy which are entirely consistent with their Paris pledges.
However the 2016 study also pointed out that in the 13 other G20 countries there was a gap between the emissions reductions signatories' pledged to the Paris Agreement and the legal frameworks they have in place to make those cuts.
Those G20 countries will need to make some adjustments to their existing legislation and policies to bring the level and timeframe of targets in consistency with the NDCs, or make more significant changes to translate the level and scope of their pledged emissions cuts into domestic frameworks, for example by upgrading targets from sectoral to economy-wide.
The new analysis released today provides an update on the progress some G20 countries have already made since November when the Paris Agreement came into force.
In Canada the Pan-Canadian Framework on Clean Growth and Climate Change has been introduced and Argentina has decreed on the Creation of the National Climate Change Cabinet, whose main tasks will be to prepare a National Plan for Response to Climate Change and Sectoral Action Plans at ministerial level for mitigation and adaptation in key and most vulnerable sectors. China has announced a new 5 year plan which sets emission peak targets and energy efficiency targets. It is not yet clear how new developments in the United States might affect its NDC.
Professor Samuel Fankhauser, Co-Director of the Grantham Research Institute on Climate Change and the Environment said:
"These developments in climate legislation and policies since Paris should be taken in context. The 14 news laws and 33 policies add to a stock of more than 1,200 climate change or climate change-relevant laws worldwide: a twentyfold increase in the number of climate laws and policies over 20 years when compared with 1997 when there were just 60 such laws in place. This reflects the large amount of ground that existing climate laws already cover. Most countries now have the legal basis on which further action can build."
Since the Paris Agreement came into force many Least Developed Countries (LDCs) have also taken their first steps to consolidate their approach to climate change. For example, Malawi has passed its National Climate Change Management Policy, which makes explicit connection to its NDC and to the Paris Agreement.
However, legislative gaps remain. The analysis shows that only 42% (20 LDCs) have factored climate change into their development plans and that as a group LDCs have fewer laws and policies compared to the global average (5.5 per country compared to 7.7).
The analysis will be formally launched at an official side event at the UNFCCC intersessional in Bonn today on the Implementation of the Paris Agreement and NDCs – new tools for developing climate legislation. Experts will highlight that it is vital that legislation and policies not only embed NDCs as targets but also create the means by which to achieve those targets. For example by creating institutions, incentives and ratchet mechanisms.
Martin Chungong, Secretary General of the Inter-Parliamentary Union said:
"The database of global climate legislation is a very valuable resource for parliamentarians. It enables them to know what types of laws exist in the world and to look for ways to translate them into the realities of their countries. In other words, this tool facilitates the law-making process which is a first critical element for ensuring that the Paris Agreement translates into national legislation."
Professor Michael Gerrard, Faculty Director of the Sabin Center for Climate Change Law said:
"This new resource brings together important databases related to climate change legislation and will help lawyers, judges and advocates around the world navigate the complex emerging legal regimes that govern this vitally important issue, and envision new ones."
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10/05/2017

Australian Push May Open More Doors For Batteries On Power Grids

ReutersSonali Paul

Battery makers worldwide are watching to see whether Australia's most wind power-dependent state can keep the lights on by installing grid-scale batteries by December, which could help drive the growth of renewable energy across Australia and Asia.
A decade-long political stalemate in Australia over energy and climate policy has effectively led to power and gas shortages and soaring energy prices threatening industry and households.
If batteries help solve Australia's problems by storing surplus electricity generated by wind and solar power, countries like Indonesia, the Philippines and Chile, could follow suit.
"I call South Australia the 'perfect storm' opportunity for energy storage," said Ismario Gonzalez, global sales director for AES Energy Storage, an arm of U.S. firm AES Corp, which has installed or is working on battery projects in seven countries, including Australia.

South Australia's ambitious energy plan
Premier Jay Weatherill announces a six-point plan to ensure South Australia's energy future. (Courtesy ABC News 24)

The more dependent the grid is on intermittent sources like wind and solar, the more flexible the back-up sources need to be. That's the appeal of battery storage. It can be switched on and off easily, responding faster than a gas peaking plant.
The state of South Australia, where wind and rooftop solar make up 44 percent of power sources, urgently needs to install big batteries after suffering blackouts over the past year.
It has little back-up as coal-fired power plants in the state have shut due to the rapid expansion of renewable energy. That has made it more dependent on power from neighboring Victoria, its only link to Australia's national electricity market.
The state government plans to spend A$150 million ($115 million) supporting the installation of 100 megawatt hours of battery capacity this year, which would be the world's second-largest battery system behind one installed by AES for California's San Diego Gas & Electric Co [SDGE.UL] in February.
South Australia has yet to name a shortlist of bidders, after having received 90 expressions of interest from more than 10 countries. So by the time it signs contracts, the winner or winners will have only six months to meet a December deadline.
At the same time, the state of Victoria is tendering to support construction of 100 MWh of battery capacity to be delivered in two stages by 2018.
AES says lessons learned in South Australia could be applied in Victoria, which is facing the loss some coal-fired power, and elsewhere, like Chile, where solar power is growing rapidly and will need to be combined with energy storage to avoid outages.

Costs dropping fast
Stiff competition for the two state battery projects, with all the big makers like South Korea's Samsung SDI and LG Chem, Elon Musk's Tesla Inc and U.S. firm Greensmith Energy in the running, will help drive down prices for energy storage, another factor that should speed the spread of batteries along with wind and utility-scale solar.
Elon Musk is in the running for the SA project. Photo: TED.com
"Combined renewable energy generation and storage solutions are becoming genuine competitors with fossil fuel base load generation. This will be the real game changer," said Josh Carmody, head of Australia for Equis Energy.
Equis Energy, a fund set up by former Macquarie bankers to invest in renewable energy projects around Asia, is building a large-scale solar farm in South Australia and is seeking state funding for batteries at the project.
Carmody said safety and performance problems as well as cost had limited the use of batteries in the energy supply system to date, but those challenges were being overcome rapidly.
For battery providers, the money making opportunity will come not only from energy storage but crucial extra services to manage voltage and frequency on grids, several energy storage executives said.
"Projects such as those in South Australia and California demonstrate that there is now significant growth to come in the grid support sector," said Bruce Cole, East Penn's senior vice president, industrial sales.
Costs have come down 90 percent over the past 10 years, AES Energy Storage vice president Brian Perusse said. Industry officials estimated 100 MWh of battery capacity could be supplied for $700 to $1,000 per kilowatt hour.
That's much higher than an offer made by Elon Musk on social media to supply batteries to South Australia for $250 per kilowatt hour. However that figure probably didn't include costs of equipment needed to hook the system up, like transformers, said AES's Gonzalez.
"The analogy I like to use is: that's a Tesla car with no wheels and no battery, no interconnection," Gonzalez said.
Asked for a response, a Tesla spokesman in Australia referred to the cost estimate tweeted by Musk and had nothing to add.

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Global Warming Could Accelerate Towards 1.5℃ If The Pacific Gets Cranky

The Conversation - Ben Henley | Andrew King | Malte Meinshausen

The tropical Pacific has a large say in how fast the world warms. GTS Productions/Shutterstock.com
Global warming is rapidly approaching 1.5℃, but according to our new research, conditions in the Pacific Ocean over the coming decades will determine how fast we get there.
In a paper published today in Geophysical Research Letters, we use climate model simulations to quantify how fast global average temperatures will reach 1.5℃ above the pre-industrial average – one of the crucial benchmarks of the Paris Climate Agreement.
The Paris deal calls for governments to pursue the aim of keeping global warming below 1.5℃. But our results suggest that we could hit that level before the end of the next decade if the Pacific Ocean moves into a state we have nicknamed the “cranky uncle” for its effects on global temperatures.

Faster warming
Global temperature records have tumbled in recent years: 2016 was the world’s hottest year on record, the third record-breaking year in a row.
Although human emissions of greenhouse gases are the primary driver of these rising temperatures, there are other factors at play. The climate system is an unwieldy beast, containing a variety of erratic feedbacks and complex mechanisms.
One mechanism with which many people are familiar is El Niño and La Niña, a see-sawing of warm waters across the tropical Pacific every two to seven years. Climate scientists were not at all surprised to see record global temperatures in 2015 and 2016, because of the large El Niño that ended last year.
Another, lesser-known cycle in the Pacific Ocean is the Interdecadal Pacific Oscillation (IPO). Since El Niño and La Niña are Spanish for the “the boy” and “the girl”, we have nicknamed their slower-moving relatives the “cranky uncle”, El Tío, and the “kind auntie”, La Tía.
Like El Niño, warm phases of the IPO provoke a temporary acceleration in global temperature, but over much longer periods, lasting between 10 and 30 years.
The cool La Tía phase of the IPO since around 2000, and its associated slowdown in the rate of global warming, may have lulled us into a false sense of security.
Scientists are now concerned that the next El Tío phase could be on its way, which might sustain the relatively rapid global warming seen over the past few years.

Our research
With this in mind, we decided to investigate how soon we are likely to surpass the 1.5℃ level, both with and without the influence of the IPO.
We used climate model simulations to project global temperatures. The models show temperatures varying significantly from year-to-year and decade-to-decade, as we see in the real world. The centre point of the model projections indicates that the 1.5℃ level would be reached just before 2030, with 75% of the model projections crossing 1.5℃ before 2032.
With the recent slowdown period in mind, we wondered how the next IPO phase, El Tío or La Tía, would influence global temperature. We found that the rate at which global average temperature approaches the 1.5℃ level is influenced significantly by the IPO.
The influence of the IPO on global temperatures towards 1.5°C. Author supplied

Planet Could Breach 1.5c Warming Limit Within 10 Years, But Be Aware Of Caveats

The Guardian

A new study shows how a switch in a major climate system could accelerate global temperatures to a 1.5C limit, but some scientists are challenging the assumptions
The 2015 United Nations climate talks in Paris delivered a historic climate agreement. Photograph: Francois Mori/AP 
In the Brazilian city of São Paulo, more than 80 experts, including dozens of climate scientists, gathered back in March for a giant planning meeting
As part of the United Nations Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), the group from 39 different countries were starting their work on a major report that will tell governments and policy makers what kind of impacts they can expect when global warming reaches 1.5C.
That report is scheduled to be ready in late September 2018 and will assess in detail what’s known about the impacts 1.5C of global warming could have on societies, ecosystems and how it will affect efforts to reduce poverty.
But new research just published in a leading scientific journal is suggesting that just eight years after that report is published, the world might have already reached that 1.5C target – or at least one definition of it (some senior scientists disagree with some of the assumptions in the paper - read on for those important caveats).
Published in the journal Geophysical Research Letters, the research looks closely at the influence of a mechanism in the climate known as the Interdecadal Pacific Oscillation (IPO).
“The IPO is like the long-term version of El Nino – it’s like El Nino’s uncle,” says Dr Ben Henley, of the University of Melbourne and the lead author of the research.
When heat gets trapped in deeper layers of the Pacific Ocean, this is known as a negative phase of the IPO.
Since about the year 2000, the IPO hit this negative phase, which tends to slow down the rise in global temperatures that’s being caused by humans burning too many fossil fuels and cutting down forests.
But around 2014, scientists say that this IPO started to shift, possibly towards a positive phase that would act like an accelerator on global warming.
Henley and his colleague Dr Andrew King, also at the University of Melbourne, wanted to know how quick global temperatures might reach 1.5C, relative to where they were between 1850 and 1900.
According to the paper, the “rate that global temperatures approach the 1.5C level is likely to be significantly quicker, or slower, depending on the IPO.”
After using the latest computer models of the climate and allowing for the added greenhouse gases in the atmosphere, Henley and King looked to see what the coming decades have in store depending on the phase of the IPO.
If the IPO turns positive, then the average across the models shows that global temperatures hit 1.5C in around 2026. If the IPO was to turn negative, then this delays the 1.5C threshold by five years or so.
Henley told me: “Policy makers have to aware of just how quickly we are approaching this level. But that doesn’t mean that the target is not a sensible thing to have.
“While we might overshoot 1.5C, stabilising global temperatures at that level still remains a worthwhile goal.”
Past inaction means we will exceed 1.5C no matter what we do. The key issue, however, is what we do next.
Ove Hoegh-Guldberg
The paper also gives other projections for breaching 1.5C based on different assumptions and different models.
For example, if you wait until global temperatures go above 1.5C over a five-year average period, then some models suggest that if the IPO stays negative for longer, the 1.5C breach doesn’t happen until around the year 2040 (but this is an outlier in the paper).
Associate Professor Julie Arblaster, a climate scientist at Monash University, and who was not involved in the research, told me the research “highlights the role of natural or internal variability in the climate system in hitting climate targets.”
Arblaster pointed to one study published last year in the journal Nature Communications that suggested the switch to a positive phase of the IPO might have already happened.
She added: “Other things also may also impact the timing of course, such as a large volcanic eruption, but this study helps by providing an estimate of the contribution of the climate system’s internal variability in hitting that target.”
Henley told me a key motivation for doing the sums on the 1.5C target was to help policymakers understand what kind of timeframe they have to work with.
When countries were negotiating for a new global deal to cut greenhouse gas emissions and slow the impacts of climate change, many smaller and less developed countries were worried that a 2C global warming target was setting the bar way too high. Some scientists also shared this concern.
So, there was a push to have a 1.5C target included in the text of the deal.
Article 2 of the Paris Agreement states that countries agree to keep global warming “well below 2C above pre-industrial levels” but to also pursue efforts “to limit the temperature increase to 1.5C… recognizing that this would significantly reduce the risks and impacts of climate change.”

Wrong assumptions?
Dr Bill Hare is an Australian climate scientist and founder of scientific consultancy group Climate Analytics. Hare is a veteran of the United Nations climate talks.
In an email, Hare said the paper showed “that very ambitious near-term mitigation is required to limit warming to 1.5°C and this analysis underscores this.”
But Hare and his colleagues also had some reservations about the paper’s conclusions.
Hare said the IPCC’s interpretation of when you can say that 1.5C target is breached was based on much longer time periods than the Henley and King paper.
He also said the assumption in the paper that greenhouse gas emissions would continue to rise under a “business as usual” scenario didn’t reflect how countries were taking action under the Paris agreement. Using more optimistic scenarios could bring temperatures down by as much as 0.2C by 2030.
Dr Joeri Rogelj, of the International Institute for Applied Systems Analysis in Austria, also pointed out that the convention in UN climate negotiations was to refer to targets in terms of longer time frames of 20 or 30 years.
He thought the paper’s assumptions that emissions would remain high were “not compatible” with the agreements countries had made in Paris, but he did agree that the paper demonstrated how urgent the issue was.
Professor Ove Hoegh-Guldberg, director of the Global Change Institute at the University of Queensland, is a senior lead author on a chapter of the special report that will look at the impacts of 1.5C global warming on humans and natural environments.
Hoegh-Guldberg, who was not speaking from an IPCC perspective, told me the research would “wake some people up to the fact that exceeding 1.5C will happen within the next decade, give or take a couple of years.”
“One unknown that’s associated with the study is the effect that anthropogenic climate change might be having on these long-term climate patterns themselves. Some research groups have provided compelling evidence that patterns associated with El Nino, for example, may actually be amplified by warming.”
He added: “Many scientists have increasingly pointed to the unmanageable ecological and human impacts as average global surface temperatures exceed 1.5°C, and great economic and environmental costs that are likely to be associated.
“Unfortunately, past inaction means that we will exceed 1.5C no matter what we do. The key issue, however, is what we do next.
“People speak of overshoots as being one of the scenarios that we are likely to face. This is not an escape clause as the overshoot is likely to be catastrophic.”

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09/05/2017

Investors Worth $20 Trillion Call For Climate Change Action

Fairfax

Some of the world's biggest investors have pleaded with governments of the world's largest economies, including Australia, to stick with their commitments to tackle climate change and to introduce carbon pricing to help achieve them.
There is strong speculation that American President Donald Trump could renege on his country's commitments under the Paris Accord signed in 2015, which aimed to hold temperature rises well below 2 degrees Celsius.

Now a group of investor organisations, committed to encouraging action on climate change has written to member nations of the G7 and G20 calling on all participants to move to implement the Paris agreement. The G7 is due to meet in Italy later this month and includes America, Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan and Britain.
Current signatories to the letter manage $20 trillion and in their letter also call for measures to encourage investments that will reduce climate change including carbon pricing, phasing out fossil fuel subsidies and introduce standardised international reporting rules for companies to disclose their climate risks.
It is expected that more investors will sign up the letter ahead of the G20 meeting in July.
"While the private sector can provide the investment required to build a secure, affordable and low emissions global energy system, we urge the G7 to set strong policy signals which provide the investment certainty needed to drive trillions of dollars into new clean energy investment opportunities," Emma Herd, chief executive of the Investor Group on Climate Change (IGCC) in Australia said.
Despite the vexed history of carbon pricing in Australia, Ms Herd said investors believed it would need to be part of the future policy response.
"Like it or not some form of carbon pricing need to be part of the policies that governments need to institute," she told Fairfax Media.
Investors want the governments of the world's largest economies to introduce clear plans to implement the Paris Accord. Photo: Jonathan Carroll
Ms Herd said the letter was a "clear and unambiguous" statement of support for the Paris agreement and their desire to invest in solutions.
"It also shows investors are prepared to participate in what is required to tackle climate change. They are prepared to be part of that response themselves," she said.
Barack Obama in Paris in 2015 with other leaders who signed onto the Paris climate accord. Photo: AP
The investors also call for the governments to introduce clear plans to implement the Paris agreements.
Investment managers that belong to the Australian group include AMP, AustralianSuper, BT Investment Management, Mercer and Cbus.
International investors that have supported the push include massive American pension funds CalPERS and CalSTRS as well as several large European investors.
The group argues that it is important other governments push on even if America pulls out of the Paris agreement.
"Regardless of what the US administration does, it's vital that every signatory across the G7 and G20 adopts policies that drive better disclosure of climate risk, curb fossil fuel subsidies and put in place strong pricing signals sufficient to catalyse the significant private sector investment in low carbon solutions," ​Institutional Investors Group on Climate Change chief executive Stephanie Pfeifer said.

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Lethal Heating is a citizens' initiative