20/08/2019

Iceland's Okjokull Glacier Issued With 'Death Certificate' To Sound Climate Change Warning

ABC NewsAP

Key points
  • After about 100 people made a two-hour hike up a volcano, children installed a memorial plaque to the glacier
  • The plaque, which notes the level of heat-trapping carbon dioxide, warns "we know what is happening and what needs to be done"
  • Iceland's PM says climate change will be a priority when Nordic leaders meet in Reykjavik on Tuesday
With poetry, moments of silence and political speeches about the urgent need to fight climate change, Icelandic officials, activists and others bade goodbye to what once was a glacier.
Okjokull glacier was pronounced extinct about a decade ago by Icelandic geologist Oddur Sigurdsson.
On Sunday, Dr Sigurdsson brought a death certificate to the made-for-media memorial.
About 100 people made a two-hour hike up a volcano, where children installed a plaque to commemorate the glacier, now called just "Ok", minus the "jokull" — Icelandic for glacier.
The glacier used to stretch 15 square kilometres, Dr Sigurdsson said.
Residents reminisced about drinking pure water thousands of years old from Ok.



"The symbolic death of a glacier is a warning to us, and we need action," said former Irish president Mary Robinson, who attended the plaque ceremony alongside Icelandic Prime Minister Katrin Jakobsdottir.
Dr Sigurdsson sounded a further warning, saying all of the nation's ice masses would be gone in 200 years.
"We see the consequences of the climate crisis," Ms Jakobsdottir said. 
"We have no time to lose."
Ms Jakobsdottir said she would make climate change a priority when Nordic leaders and German Chancellor Angela Merkel met in Reykjavik on Tuesday.
"I know my grandchildren will ask me how this day was and why I didn't do enough," said Gunnhildur Hallgrimsdottir, 17.
The plaque, which notes the level of heat-trapping carbon dioxide, also bears a message to the future: "This monument is to acknowledge that we know what is happening and what needs to be done. Only you know if we did it."
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China And Japan See The Future, And It’s Not Coal: Why Australia Will Be Stranded

Sydney Morning Herald - Martina Linnenluecke

Solar PV panels in China's Fujian province. Credit: AP
Martina Linnenluecke
Professor Martina Linnenluecke is Macquarie Business School’s head of the Centre for Corporate Sustainability and Environmental Finance.
Scott Morrison was a lone voice at the Pacific Islands Forum in Tuvalu this week as his government  warned that any condemnation of coal, or calls for a ban on new mines, were a ‘‘red-line issue’’. It may be that Beijing sees things differently.
The fact is, Australia might only have a decade left to wean itself off coal if the latest international efforts to decarbonise are anything to go by.
The demand for coal from some of Australia’s main thermal coal export markets, specifically China and Japan, is in decline. Both major economies are rapidly transitioning to clean technology.
The International Renewable Energy Agency (IRENA) reports that China is taking the lead in the clean energy race to become the world’s largest producer, exporter and installer of solar panels, wind turbines, batteries and electric vehicles.
Despite forecasts that China will continue to consume about half the world’s coal until 2023, the country has spent more on renewable energy than any other country and led a campaign to burn gas instead of coal in its battle against pollution. It has already promised to launch a series of solar and wind projects that can provide electricity at the same price as coal-fired power.
China’s investment from January to March this year in thermal power plants, which mostly consist of coal-fired generators, slumped 30 per cent from a year earlier. In contrast, spending on hydro-power and wind-power projects rose 48 per cent and 30 per cent respectively. Most of the capital expenditure planned by coal-fired power companies will be in renewable energy.
A push to a cleaner economy is also visible in Japan.
With a traditional high reliance on coal-powered generation, Japan is shifting away from new coal-fired projects. Several large utility companies, Osaka Gas, Kyushu Electric Power, Tokyo Gas, Idelmitsu Kosa and Chugoku Electric Power, are scrapping their plans for coal-fired power.
These cancellations come as renewable energy is on the rise in Japan and as the government brings in stricter regulations on new coal-fired power plants as part of its energy outlook. Coal power generation is expected to fall to 281 billion kilowatt hours in the 2030 financial year, down from 346 billion kWh in 2017.
Mitsubishi UFJ Financial Group, one of Japan’s largest banks, is reviewing its lending policies for coal-fired power generation. It is said to be guided by OECD standards to lend only to “high-efficiency, ultra-supercritical” coal-fired power plants.
As one of Japan’s biggest suppliers of thermal coal, this fall in demand will significantly hit Australia’s coal export market in the long-term.
There is certainly a reason to continue to rely on coal in the short term to ensure the reliability of power supplies. Given China’s enormous power needs, it is allowing 11 provinces and regions to resume building coal power plants. And the closure date of AGL’s Liddell power plant in NSW’s Hunter Valley has been pushed back by four months.
However, a Macquarie Business School research paper, “How markets will drive the transition to a low-carbon economy”, shows that the long-term business case for new coal projects no longer exists, domestically or globally.
Our research shows the total global wealth creation by 2050 through the development of clean technology patents in areas such as bio-fuels, fuel cells, hydro energy, wind energy, solar energy, and geothermal energy is $13.69 trillion to $20.87 trillion.
China has a clear lead in terms of the underlying technology with over 150,000 renewable energy patents as of 2016. This amounts to 29 per cent of the global total. The next closest country is the US, which has a little over 100,000 patents. Japan and the EU have closer to 75,000 patents each.
While not all patents are useful or valuable, these figures give an indication of how much investment different countries have been putting into clean technology.
The point to realise is that the global transition to renewables means our investments in coal are likely to become “stranded” and eventually these will need to be written down.
But such transitioning takes time, leadership and policy.
Germany’s transition to a low-carbon economy with its “Energiewende” has taken 30 years. It will decommission all its coal plants by 2038. Beijing has stated its intention to clean up its polluted cities, so it will increasingly turn to cleantech for its power supply to improve air quality.
Countries such as China ad Japan – our significant coal customers – see the future, and it’s not coal.

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Australia Is Third Largest Exporter Of Fossil Fuels Behind Russia And Saudi Arabia

The Guardian

Australia Institute says claim Australia is only responsible for 1.2% of emissions hides real contribution to climate crisis
Greenpeace activists attempting to disrupt coal loading at Newcastle, the world’s largest coal port. Australia is the third biggest exporter of hydrocarbon fuels. Photograph: EPA
Australia’s role as a leader in the global fossil fuel trade is underscored by a report that finds it is the world’s third biggest exporter and fifth biggest miner of fossil-related emissions.
While political debate sometimes emphasises that Australia is responsible for 1.2% of global emissions at home, the analysis by progressive thinktank the Australia Institute says it trails only Russia and Saudi Arabia in exporting fossil fuels.
When exports and what is burned at home are combined, Australia ranks fifth behind China, the US, Russia and Saudi Arabia in responsibility for carbon dioxide from extractive fossil industries.
The premise of the report – that Australia plays a greater role in the climate crisis than global greenhouse accounting rules suggest – is not new, but it goes further than some previous analyses in comparing exports emissions from different countries.


Its release follows the prime minister, Scott Morrison, facing criticism at the Pacific Islands Forum in Tuvalu over Australia’s limited response to the climate crisis and refusal to commit to a rapid transition away from coal.
The government and opposition both stress the importance of the coal export industry to the economy and employment. The institute’s report, by the senior researcher Tom Swann, challenges this, finding Australia’s economy is more diverse and less reliant on fossil fuels than that of most carbon exporters. It says Australia ranks 24th for carbon intensity across all exports, reflecting the broad range of goods it trades in.
Australia is responsible for 7% of global fossil fuel exports based on their carbon dioxide potential. Its coal exports doubled between 2000 and 2015 and now make up 29% of the global coal trade. Liquefied natural gas exports tripled over the same timeframe to 6% of trade, and continue to increase.


The report says exports are often downplayed in climate change policy as treaties focus on demand for carbon-intensive products rather than supply. This ignores that increasing supply and supply infrastructure can “lock in” emissions increases.
“The scale of exports from countries like Australia bring into stark relief why efforts to reduce emissions must limit both demand and supply,” it says.
In terms of domestic emissions, the report says Australia is the 14th biggest emitter despite having just 0.3% of the global population. It emits more greenhouse gas than 40 countries with bigger populations. While the government promises to cut carbon dioxide, national emissions have increased year-on-year since the abolition of a carbon price scheme in 2014.
As a member of the Pacific Islands Forum, Australia last week backed a call for countries to develop and release long-term low emissions development strategies by next year. The forum communique said this may include commitments and strategies to reach net zero emissions by 2050.

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19/08/2019

The Making Of An Emergency

U.S. News - Cecelia Smith-Schoenwalder

Mostly non-binding climate emergency declarations are drawing some concern.
People watch waves break against a floodwall along the shore of Lake Pontchartrain after the area flooded in the wake of Hurricane Barry on July 13, 2019 in Mandeville, Louisiana.
LAWMAKERS IN THE TEXAS city of Austin voted last week to declare a "climate emergency" that calls on city officials to identify innovative approaches to address the crisis and for immediate emergency mobilization to "restore a safe climate."
"The first step in solving any problem is to name it," city council member Alison Alter said in a statement after the vote. "The climate crisis is an emergency. We must treat it like one."
Austin is not the first city to make such a sweeping declaration, and grassroots environmental groups hope it isn't the last.
Twenty-four U.S. cities and counties have instituted climate emergencies in less than two years, including in New York City and Santa Cruz, California. Some 900 jurisdictions across the world have also declared them. The swell coincides with a growing frustration in some places over a Trump administration climate agenda that is seen at best as inadequate and at worst as nonexistent.
In most cases, the declarations are non-binding. Sometimes, they are accompanied by goals or benchmarks or strategies. But supporters say their greatest utility is that they instill urgency and represent a new way of thinking about the problem.
Most of the declarations fall along the same lines – detailing a string of global or region-specific facts about climate change before an appeal for an emergency. Some governments, including Amherst, Massachusetts, and Boulder, Colorado, took additional steps on emissions-reduction goals or created committees to explore the issues deeper.
The first U.S. county-wide climate emergency declaration came in December 2017 from Maryland's Montgomery County, an affluent suburb of 1 million people that borders Washington, D.C. It cited a "strong consensus among scientists that greenhouse gas emissions must be eliminated in a decade at most" and "cataclysmic changes to Earth" due to climate change.
For now, the declarations are gaining support in mostly liberal-leaning jurisdictions. But the movement isn't random, and it is also not without criticism from some climate change experts.
A grassroots environmental advocacy group called The Climate Mobilization has had a guiding hand in the effort from the get-go.
Founded in 2014, the organization aims to "initiate a WWII-scale mobilization to reverse global warming and the mass extinction of species in order to protect humanity and the natural world from climate catastrophe," according to its website.
Margaret Klein Salamon, founder and executive director, says that when she decided to work on climate change issues, she went looking for a non-governmental organization to join. She says she didn't see any that she thought were telling the full truth about the climate emergency, so she founded an organization to advocate for a paradigm shift from "business as normal into an emergency mode."
Klein Salamon says her background as a psychologist frames her thinking for her current work. She argues in her strategy for shifting the public's perception that climate change is like having a fire in your home.
"You do whatever you can to try to put out the fire or exit the house. You make a plan about how you can put out the fire, or how you can best exit the house. Your senses are heightened, you are focused like a laser, and you put your entire self into your actions. You enter emergency mode," she wrote.
Events across the world indicate a climate emergency, she says. Scientists say the globe is on track for the past five years to be the hottest ever documented. Heat waves like the ones that blasted much of Europe this summer and made June 2019 the hottest June on recordand July the hottest month ever recorded. Record-breaking ice sheet melting in Greenland, flooding in the U.S. and wildfire seasons in the Arctic are just some of the challenges people are already facing thanks in part to climate change, according to experts.
The Climate Mobilization lobbied for the first resolution, introduced in Maryland, and the latest one adopted in Austin. It scored a big win last month when progressive lawmakers, including Democratic Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez of New York, introduced a bicameral bill that the group helped draft declaring a national climate emergency.
"It cannot be understated scientifically what needs to be done politically," Ocasio-Cortez told reporters.
Like the declarations that came before it, the measure would be largely symbolic. It states that climate change "demands a national, social, industrial, and economic mobilization" of U.S. resources and labor.
Ocasio-Cortez said the bill, which likely won't find enough support in the Republican-controlled Senate, "acknowledges the scale of the problem." Its goal is to express "the sense of Congress that there is a climate emergency which demands a massive-scale mobilization to halt, reverse, and address its consequences and causes."
But the declarations haven't skated by without some skepticism.
Alex Trembath, the deputy director of the Breakthrough Institute, told VICE News that he is concerned the efforts could be "meaningless."
"They're sort of declaring an emergency for declaration's sake," Trembath said.
They're not the only front on which the terminology about climate change is being debated. The U.K.-based Guardian newspaper, for example, earlier this year announced a change to its style guide that clarified the preferred terms going forward would be "climate emergency, crisis or breakdown" and that "global heating" is favored over "global warming." It stopped short of banning the original terms.
"We want to ensure that we are being scientifically precise, while also communicating clearly with readers on this very important issue," editor-in-chief Katharine Viner said. "The phrase 'climate change,' for example, sounds rather passive and gentle when what scientists are talking about is a catastrophe for humanity."
The Canadian Broadcasting Corp. took a cautious step in that direction, telling its journalists in a language guide that "climate crisis" and "climate emergency" are "OK in some cases as synonyms for 'climate change.'"
"But they're not always the best choice... For example, "climate crisis" could carry a whiff of advocacy in certain political coverage," the broadcaster said.
Ann Carlson, an environmental law professor at the University of California, Los Angeles School of Law, says the declarations don't appear to hold much legal weight. She suggests they could be used to push back against policies that don't line up with addressing climate change, like fossil fuel projects.
Carlson says she doesn't want to discourage the effort but adds that she is concerned that the term "emergency" could scare people and result in the very opposite of what supporters want.
"The idea that climate change is an emergency, I worry, sends a signal that if we don't immediately act, we are doomed and we just throw our hands up," Carlson says.
That concern arose as early as 2006, when the Institute for Public Policy Research, a left-wing British think tank, warned that language that heightens the magnitude of the problem might be counterproductive by making it seem unsolvable.
"In this awesome form, alarmism might even become secretly thrilling – effectively a form of 'climate porn,'" the institute said in a report. "It also positions climate change as yet another apocalyptic construction that is perhaps a figment of our cultural imaginations, further undermining its ability to help bring about action."
But Klein Salamon defends the word choice, saying anything less would be underplaying the risks involved.
She acknowledges that the declarations aren't a cure-all. While the declarations have symbolic importance, "they must signal a shift into a new mode of governance," she says. That's why The Climate Mobilization plans to roll out a policy framework geared toward addressing the climate emergency, Klein Salamon says. One of its first suggested steps will be banning construction on any new fossil fuel infrastructure, like pipelines.
Carlson says she sees parallels between the declarations and the Paris Agreement. Neither has an enforcement mechanism, but the Paris Agreement, Carlson says, has more "meat on its bones" through its nation-specific commitments. Still, very few nations are on track to meet their Paris Agreement goals, according to Climate Action Tracker.
Just as the Paris Agreement doesn't hold nations legally accountable for their commitments, climate emergency declarations don't require localities to act on climate change.
For example, a day after declaring a climate emergency, Canada's Prime Minister Justin Trudeau approved a massive expansion of the Trans Mountain pipeline that could transport an additional 590,000 barrels of oil per day.
Klein Salamon calls the move "totally hypocritical" but defends the declaration. "Without one, it would have been business as usual," she says.
"Some declarations are the strongest statements we've seen from governments, period," Klein Salamon says.
Both Carlson and Klein Salamon acknowledge a shift in how people are talking and thinking about climate change, especially in the political sphere.
"I would say that climate politics right now is the most rapidly changing transformation I've ever seen on any political issue," Klein Salamon says. "For the first time ever, we're seeing political candidates trying to outcompete each other on who is best for climate."
Polls show that voters are interested in climate change discussions. Pew Research Center found in a public priorities poll that 44% of Americans said climate change should be a top issue for Congress and the president. Another poll found that likely 2020 Democratic primary voters in California, Iowa, New Hampshire, Nevada and South Carolina ranked climate change as the second most important issue behind universal health care.
Mounting demand for addressing climate change in 2020 presidential campaigns has led CNN and MSNBC to schedule climate change town halls and the Democratic National Committee to reconsider hosting a debate on the subject.
While Klein Salamon hopes the swell of climate emergency declarations continues, actions from jurisdictions are only marginally beneficial, experts say, because most of the power to fight climate change lies with the federal government.
To Carlson, the declarations show an "incredible frustration" from a lack of action from the federal government that she calls "close to criminal." She says she wonders if these shifts could mean that the U.S. is approaching a moment when public demand for action becomes so strong that politicians can no longer ignore it.

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‘Our People Are Dying’: Australia’s Climate Confrontation In The Pacific

The Guardian

Leaders at this week’s Pacific Islands Forum couldn’t disguise their anger over Canberra’s climate crisis ‘red lines’
Children symbolically representing climate change greet Australia’s prime minister, Scott Morrison, as he arrived at the Pacific Islands Forum in Tuvalu. Photograph: Mick Tsikas/AAP
It was always going to be a showdown on the climate crisis.As leaders from the Pacific gathered in Tuvalu for their annual Pacific Islands Forum, there was one subject destined to dwarf all others and which pitted Australia, with its increasing emissions and plans for new coalmines, against its small island neighbours.And PIF 2019 turned out to be exactly that: a reckoning on the climate emergency confronting the Pacific.
There were moving speeches from young Pasifika speaking of their fears for their future, tears in the leaders’ retreat, and accusations that Australia’s prime minister, Scott Morrison, had shown such disrespect toward his counterparts during their marathon 12-hour meeting, that the Fijian prime minister said Pacific countries may be driven further into the arms of China.
The choice of location for the forum was significant. Tuvalu, located about two hours on a plane north of Fiji, is one of the countries most at risk. The main island, where the capital, Funafuti, is located, is an ever-decreasing sliver of land, at its narrowest just 20m wide, and just 3m above sea level. It faces a host of problems including salinity of the water table, which makes growing crops extremely difficult, coastal erosion that is seeing islands crumble into the sea, storm surges and rising temperatures.
You are trying to save your economy, I am trying to save my people
Enele Sopoaga
The event was a huge undertaking for Tuvalu, which is designated as a “least developed country” and has a population of around 11,000 people. The convention centre, as well as about 75% of accommodation used for the event, was built specifically for the conference, and right up until people started arriving for the forum, Tuvaluans were laying electricity cables, painting, bringing in furniture – and working in shifts around the clock to get ready.
To feed delegates, different communities from Tuvalu’s outer islands took turns preparing and bringing in food, presenting lavish lunches and dinners of crab, lobster, fish, chicken, salads, taro and custard coconut cake. On several nights, large traditional dances or fateles were held, with the different islands taking it in turn to run the night’s entertainment.
Locals cook fish on an umu, or traditional earth oven, by the lagoon in Funafuti. Groups across the island helped feed the delegates during the foruem. Photograph: Mick Tsikas/EPA
Tuvalu’s prime minister, Enele Sopoaga, told the Guardian ahead of the conference that Tuvalu was seeing the event as an opportunity to showcase its culture – to show the world what would be lost, apart from land, if Tuvalu were to disappear.
From the opening speech of the climate crisis summit, delivered by Fiji’s prime minister, Frank Bainimarama, held the day before the forum officially opened, it was clear that Pacific leaders had their eyes on one forum member country in particular when it came to climate action.
“I appeal to Australia to do everything possible to achieve a rapid transition from coal to energy sources that do not contribute to climate change,” he said, adding that coal posed an “existential threat” to Pacific countries.
When Scott Morrison arrived on Wednesday afternoon, he was asked by Sopoaga, as all leaders were, to stop and consider the installation built at the entry to the airport – a model of an island in distress with a moat around it, in which young children sat.
Groups of children sang a welcome song: “We have a problem, we need to solve it, we need to start right now.” Before singing a version of Sopoaga’s famous statement on climate change: “Save Tuvalu to save the world.”
Children symbolically representing climate change greet New Zealand’s PM, Jacinta Ardern, as she arrives for the Pacific Islands Forum. Photograph: Mick Tsikas/AAP
Morrison’s announcement of $500m in climate resilience and adaptation for the Pacific region on Monday night, while welcomed by Pacific leaders, did not buy Australia much of a reprieve. The next day, Sopoaga said: “No matter how much money you put on the table, it doesn’t give you the excuse to not to do the right thing, which is to cut down on your emissions, including not opening your coalmines.”
The main event of the week, the leaders’ retreat, was held on Thursday, with leaders, in the customary matching shirts, sitting down to thrash out the language of a forum communique and climate change statement, that will be used as the basis of regional decision-making.At dawn on the morning of the retreat, as he stood watching an early-morning demonstration of traditional Tuvaluan fishing methods, Sopoaga said he was optimistic and thought negotiations would be wrapped up by lunchtime. 
Traditional fishing methods are used to round up fish during the forum. Photograph: Mick Tsikas/AAP
Sopoaga said the fishing method was a good metaphor for what the leaders were trying to do that day: a group of people walk out into the water and advance in a line, slapping and waving palm branches underwater, to frighten the fish which are herded toward the reef and then eventually surrounded by the group who hold hands and advance, trapping them with their bodies before they are scooped up with nets.
“You go in unison, you go like a human net. It’s a community thing, it’s a collective. I think that’s the way to address climate change. We must base it on a community approach,” Sopoaga said.
Tuvalu’s prime minister, Enele Sopoaga, told Australia’s PM, Scott Morrison: ‘You are trying to save your economy, I am trying to save my people.’ Photograph: Mick Tsikas/EPA
But that community was sorely tested throughout Thursday, in a meeting between the leaders that Vanuatu’s foreign minister described as “fierce at times” and almost broke down twice, due to Australia’s refusal to budge on certain red lines, including insisting on the removal of mentions of coal, limiting warming to under 1.5C and setting a plan for achieving net-zero emissions by 2050.Sopoaga said the next day he had told Morrison at one point during discussions: “You are trying to save your economy, I am trying to save my people.”Emotions ran high, with Sopoaga revealing that at one point during discussions, the Tongan prime minister, Akilisi Pohiva, cried as he reflected on a presentation given by two young women at the climate change summit earlier in the week about their fears for the future.
Pohiva cut a dignified but heartrending figure throughout the week. He attended the summit despite serious health concerns, which he told the Guardian meant this year’s PIF would likely be his last. His frailty was evident, but so too was his deep feeling for Tuvalu, with other leaders speaking of the enormous respect his presence, despite his illness, demonstrated for the region and its concerns.
An exhausted Sopoaga eventually emerged from the retreat venue on Thursday night, after almost 12 hours of negotiations, and told the waiting press that an agreement had been reached on the forum communique and climate change statement.
(L-R) Kiribati’s President Taneti Maamau, Cook Islands Prime Minister Henry Puna, Tonga’s Prime Minister Akilisi Pohiva and Australia’s Prime Minister Scott Morrison. Pohiva cried as he reflected on a presentation given by two young women about their fears for the future. Photograph: Mick Tsikas/AAP
Australia had succeeded in watering down the language of the communique, and keeping out any mention of coal and its other “red lines”. But while Australia may have succeeded in softening the language, the means by which it achieved that victory seemed to undermine the government’s much-touted Pacific step-up, in which Canberra seeks to engage more concertedly with the region, particularly in light of China’s increasing interest in it.
The Fijian prime minister expressed his anger with how events had unfolded in the leaders’ retreat, telling the Guardian that Morrison had been “very insulting and condescending” and that his behaviour could lead countries to reject Australia in favour of engagement with China.
“After what we went through with Morrison, nothing can be worse than him,” Bainimarama said.
As the accommodation was packed up and the Australian defence force Hercules planes took delegates away, the people of Tuvalu remained, facing the same threats and dangers they did before leaders came to debate what to do about them.
On the final night of the forum, a clearly disappointed Sopoaga urged Tuvaluans who were unhappy with the “compromised” language coming out of the event not to lose hope, and he urged the rest of the world to remember the plight of his people: “We ask, please understand this, our people are dying.”

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18/08/2019

Environmental Destruction Is A War Crime, But It’s Almost Impossible To Fall Foul Of The Laws

The Conversation

It was defoliants, seen here during Operation Ranch Hand in the Vietnam War, that prompted action to protect the environment during conflicts. National Museum of the US Air Force 




This inspired a number of headlines that misleadingly said the scientists want environmental destruction to be made a war crime.
But environmental destruction is already recognised as a war crime by the International Criminal Court. The existing legal framework governing armed conflict also provides some protections for the environment.
The problem is these protections are inadequate, inconsistent, unclear, and most military behaviour won’t fall foul of these laws.

The legal protections already in place
There are currently four Geneva Conventions and three Additional Protocols that are supposed to regulate conduct during armed conflict, sometimes known as the rules of war.
The original four Geneva Conventions, which celebrate their 70th anniversary this year, contain no explicit mention of the natural environment.
The use of Agent Orange (and Agents White and Blue) to defoliate huge spans of land during the Vietnam War led to the introduction of the first specific protections for the environment during armed conflict.


Following the Vietnam War, two major developments in the law occurred.

The first was the adoption of the United Nation’s Convention on the Prohibition of Military or Any Other Hostile Use of Environmental Modification Techniques Convention (ENMOD) that prohibits the hostile use of environment-altering techniques that have “widespread, long-lasting, or severe effects”.
The second was the inclusion of provisions in Additional Protocol I (API) that prohibits methods or means intended or expected to cause “widespread, long term, and severe damage to the natural environment” during warfare.

Near impossibly high standards
Both treaties set a very high threshold for falling foul of the prohibitions. API requires that all three elements of damage — widespread, long term, and severe — must be met for military action to be in violation of this provision.
The consequence is that most military behaviour, even when damaging the environment, won’t be in violation of these laws.
Making it even more difficult, the meaning of the three terms differs between the two, and there is ongoing disagreement as to their definition.
While an understanding was reached to determine the definitions in ENMOD, there is still dispute about the meaning of the terms in API. The definitions provided here are among the more commonly accepted. Shireen DaftAuthor provided
The only environmental destruction in recent times that has been considered to meet such a high threshold was the setting alight of Kuwaiti oil fields by Iraqi forces as they withdrew during the 1991 Gulf War.
A Kuwaiti oil well fire, south of Kuwait City, in March 1991. Wikimedia/EdJFCC BY
The United Nations Compensation Commission held Iraq liable for the environmental damage caused in Kuwait. But because Iraq was not a party to either ENMOD or API, the Commission applied a unique legal standard derived from Security Council Resolution 687 and Iraq is still paying compensation to Kuwait to this day.
Neither ENMOD nor API specifies that a breach of these provisions constitutes a war crime. This came in 2002 when the Rome Statute establishing the International Criminal Court came into force.
The Rome Statute says it is a war crime to intentionally cause “widespread, long-term, and severe damage to the natural environment which would be clearly excessive” to the military advantage to be obtained.
The terms are not defined in the Rome Statute, and what is meant by “clearly excessive” is subjective, and introduces a test of proportionality.

Another Geneva Convention?
A new international agreement that balances the interests of environmental protection and respects the laws on armed conflict could be of enormous benefit.
The existing legal framework is only equipped to deal with direct attacks on the natural environment.
But this ignores the many other ways the environment is affected by conflict. Resources such as diamonds, coltan, timber and ivory are all used to help fund conflicts, and this can place enormous stress on the environment.
A particular gap is that no consideration is given in the existing framework to non-human species - to wildlife affected by war or to animals used for military purposes. Yet conflict has proved the biggest predictor of population declines in wild species.
But a new treaty that creates strong, effective, and enforceable protections requires significant political will.
An attempt was made two decades ago, headed by Greenpeace, but no agreement could be reached. That attempt was made during a time when international cooperation and treaty development was at its highest, following the end of the Cold War.
In the current political and social environment it seems unlikely any attempt for such an agreement would be successful. At best, we would see watered-down protections, no stronger than what is already in place. Thus drafting such a Convention now could do more harm than good, in the long run.

If not a new treaty, then what?
The International Law Commission (ILC) is about to release its report dealing with the issue of protecting the environment during armed conflict. This was what inspired the Open Letter from the scientists in the first place.
The Draft Principles it is producing are not new principles of law, but those already found in the existing legal framework. Unfortunately the work produced so far continues to use “widespread, long term, and severe” with no clarity as to what they mean.
But they do confirm that all the fundamental principles of the rules of war apply to the environment, and should be interpreted “with a view to its protection”. The environment should not be a target, and the impact on the environment must be taken into consideration in military operations.
The work of the ILC should inform governments of the interpretation of existing law. Governments should then give more attention to the environment in the operational guidelines used by their militaries.
The Australian Law of Armed Conflict manual, used by our defence forces, already acknowledges they have a duty to protect the natural environment. The next step is to move beyond this general principle to the specific, and have clear guidelines about what protecting the environment during armed conflict means, in practice.
The International Committee of the Red Cross is also currently updating its guidelines for all military manuals to ensure the environment is a consideration to be evaluated during all military operations.
While the world might not yet be ready to consider a new Geneva Convention relating to the environment, the survival of our natural environment does depend on changes being made to the way the war is conducted.

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Australia Urgently Needs Real Sustainable Agriculture Policy

The Conversation

           Australia must invest in sustainable agriculture. Author provided
Australia has made a global commitment to “sustainable agriculture”, an endeavour seen as increasingly crucial to ending world poverty, halting biodiversity loss, and combating climate change. A recent report from the UN found land use – including food production – is responsible for around one-third of the world’s greenhouse gas emissions.
Unfortunately, Australia has something of a sustainable agriculture policy vacuum, after years of a fragmented, stop-start approach.
To honour our international obligations and respond to growing sustainability markets, Australia urgently needs a contemporary definition of sustainable agriculture, including agreed on-farm metrics.

Good policy abandoned
Australia spent more than a decade developing promising policies that defined sustainable agriculture with broad indicators for measuring progress.
In 1997 Australia passed federal legislation defining “sustainable agriculture” as:
agricultural practices and systems that maintain or improve […] the economic viability of agricultural production; the social viability and well-being of rural communities; […] biodiversity; the natural resource base [and] ecosystems that are influenced by agricultural activities.
The following year, the Standing Committee on Agriculture and Resource Management published a broad set indicators.
During the early 2000s a national framework of Environmental Management Systems was developed, and national pilots were conducted across Australia up until 2006.
Between 2004 and 2006 the Australian Bureau of Statistics recorded farmers’ investment in natural resource management. However these surveys have not been replicated in more than a decade.
In 2005, the states and territories formed a joint working group to create a national approach to property management systems. This group met with industry representatives and regional land managers throughout 2006, and in 2007 the Department of Agriculture, Fisheries and Forestry planned a pathway for a national policy. There was much hope and enthusiasm it would soon become a reality.
However, since 2008 there has been no progress and little, if any, explanation for why this important sustainable agriculture policy initiative was shelved.

Current policy vacuum
It is concerning that Australia’s first progress report on implementing the sustainable development goals contains the words “sustainable agriculture” only once in 130 pages, as part of the heading for the goal of ending hunger.
The definition arrived at in 1997 is far too broad and simplistic, and can’t be used at the farm level.
When contacted for comment, a spokesperson for the Department of Agriculture reiterated their commitment to improving sustainable food production, and said:
Australia is involved in global discussions about how best to measure sustainable agriculture performance […] However a globally agreed methodology has not been set for [agricultural sustainability].
Australia’s only substantial sustainable agriculture policy mechanism at the moment appears to be grants available through the National Landcare Program. This is reiterated by searching through key Coalition policy documents and the recent budget.
The budget allocation to the overall National Landcare Program is around A$1 billion from 2017 to 2023. New programs announced in the 2019 budget that build on this commitment include:
  • A$100 million over four years for the environment restoration fund,
  • A$34 million over four years for a new biodiversity stewardship program,
  • A$28.3 million for a new communities environment program for 2019-20, and
  • A$2 billion over 15 years for the climate solutions fund.
These programs combined equate to some A$354 million per year. But a coherent sustainable agriculture policy cannot be delivered through grants alone.
And even though these grants are substantial, past ABS surveys found that farmers invest at least A$3 billion a year in natural resource management. The Indigenous on-country contribution is currently unknown, but likely to be substantial.

Caring for country fund
Around 10% of Australia’s population lives in rural or remote areas. These comparatively small communities – largely farmers and Indigenous land managers – currently steward most of the country.
A review released in late July on how conservation laws affect the agriculture sector has recommended the federal government create a A$1 billion fund for farmers who deliver environment benefits from their land.
This mirrors calls from farmers for an ecosystem services fund.
If our 13.9 million taxpayers contributed some A$60 each per year in a “caring for country” levy, urban and rural Australians could more fairly share the costs – as well as the advantages – of sustainable land management.
We could start with revisiting the good work undertaken more than a decade ago in developing a national framework for property management systems.
Underpinning such a system, we need an independent and trusted source of metrics for farmers, land managers and agricultural industries. To this end, the University of New England is establishing a research hub to help develop just such a harmonised approach.
There are many good news stories of sustainable agriculture around Australia, however our ongoing biodiversity crisis requires transformative policy change and federal leadership.
One bold first step would be addressing the current paradox of sustainable agriculture in Australia.

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