18/12/2020

(AU) The Paris Agreement 5 Years On: Big Coal Exporters Like Australia Face A Reckoning

The Conversation

Shutterstock

On Saturday, more than 70 global leaders came together at the UN’s Climate Ambition Summit, marking the fifth anniversary of the Paris Agreement. Prime Minister Scott Morrison was denied a speaking slot, in recognition of Australia’s failure to set meaningful climate commitments. Meanwhile, the European Union and the UK committed to reduce domestic emissions by 55% and 68% respectively by 2030.

As welcome as these new commitments are, the Paris Agreement desperately needs to be updated. Since it was passed, the production and supply of fossil fuels for export has continued unabated. And the big exporters — such as Norway, Canada, the US, Russia, Saudi Arabia and of course Australia — take no responsibility for the emissions created when those fossil fuels are burned overseas.

It’s time this changed. Australia is the world’s biggest coal exporter. And in 2019, emissions from fossil fuels exported by this nation, as well as the US, Norway and Canada, accounted for more than 10% of total world emissions, according to calculations from a research project on Australia’s carbon budget at the University of NSW, which I run. Exporting nations are not legally responsible for these offshore emissions, but their actions are clearly at odds with the climate emergency.

Business as usual

A 2019 UN report notes governments are planning to extract 50% more fossil fuels than is consistent with meeting a 2℃ target and an alarming 120% more than a 1.5℃ target, by 2030. Coal is the main contributor to this supply overshoot.

UN Secretary-General António Guterres urged all leaders to declare a climate emergency.

But rather than reducing their production of fossil fuels, many countries are doubling down and actually increasing supply. For example, in Australia, government figures show the greenhouse gas emissions from Australia’s exported fossil fuels increased by 4.4% between 2018 to 2019.

Australia is the world’s largest coal exporter and approved three new fossil fuel projects in recent months: the Vickery coal mine extension, Olive Downs and the Narrabri Gas Project

This is a worldwide trend. Let’s take Norway as another example. Norway gets the bulk of its electricity from hydropower and has partially divested its Government Pension Fund from some fossil fuels. Yet it’s also one of the largest exporters of greenhouse gases through its gas exports, behind Qatar and Russia.

The situation is mirrored in the corporate world. Many large fossil fuel companies are trumpeting their emissions reductions targets while continuing to push for new fossil fuel mining projects. BHP, one of the world’s biggest miners, stated it is reducing its emissions, yet in October the company increased its stake in an oil field in the Gulf of Mexico.

Responsibility doesn’t stop at the border

What underpins this situation is an outdated “territorial” model of responsibility for climate harms. Governments and companies seem to think responsibility stops at the border, not with the overall livability of the global climate. Once the coal, oil and gas products are loaded onto ships, they are no longer our problem.

Unfortunately, the accounting rules of the United Nations, under the Paris Agreement, currently allow exporters to pass on responsibility for fossil fuel emissions.

We must move from this territorial model of responsibility to one that considers the whole chain of responsibility for climate harms.

So what should Australia, Canada, the US, Norway and other exporting countries do to address the over-supply of fossil fuels?

First, they need to acknowledge their responsibility, at least in part, for the emissions and associated harms caused by their exports. Allowing compensation and funding for mitigation to track the role played in the causal chain better attributes responsibility and places mitigation burdens back on the exporting countries.

Future climate negotiations, such as in Glasgow in 2021 (COP26), need to adjust the scope of their targets to include robust reductions in the supply of fossil fuels in the next round of agreements.

Instead of just focusing on reducing demand, the process needs to function as a kind of “reverse OPEC” (the Organisation of the Petroleum Exporting Countries), where exporting countries are given ambitious phase-out targets for their fossil fuel exports.

Drastic emissions cuts needed

The 2020 Production Gap report notes global fossil fuel production will have to decrease by 6% a year between 2020-30 to meet a 1.5℃ target.

Scott Morrison was denied a speaking slot at the Climate Ambition Summit at the weekend. AAP Image/Mick Tsikas

For Australia, this must mean we include the reduction in “exported emissions” as part of any net-zero target. Australia’s exported emissions are double our domestic emissions – a situation that cannot continue.

Top of the list of what’s needed, is the phasing out of generous subsidies for fossil fuel producers. The billions of dollars currently spent annually in Australia on subsidising and encouraging fossil fuel exports are simply not compatible with the aims and spirit of the Paris Agreement.

Phasing out the supply of fossil fuels also needs to occur in a way that doesn’t just pay the current big suppliers to stop. Governments implementing a transition ought to think very carefully about how to fairly deploy scarce resources to ensure a just transition.

Last but not least, governments need to accept that the strong influence fossil fuel corporations wield over the political process is hindering global efforts to address climate change. The donations , rotation of industry staff to government positions and influence of fossil fuel lobby groups cannot lead to good decisions for the climate.

Placing a ban on such influence, particularly at future climate negotiations, would go a long way towards addressing the undue influence of the fossil fuel industry.

Until the fossil fuel export industry is subject to demanding targets, and made to accept responsibility for the emissions associated with their products, Earth will continue on its highly dangerous global warming trajectory.

Links

Australia, The Climate Laggard, Could Lead The World: Over To You, PM

Sydney Morning HeraldJohn Hewson

Author
Dr John Hewson AM is an honorary professor at the Crawford School of Public Policy, Australian National University, and is a former leader of the Liberal party.
Joe Biden’s new climate czar, John Kerry, said recently: "Every day we lose ground debating alternative facts. It’s not a 'he said/she said' – there’s truth, and then there’s Mr Trump."

Kerry warned: "Future generations will measure us by whether we acted on facts, not just debated or denied them. The verdict will hang on whether we put in place policies that will drive the development and deployment of clean technologies, re-energise our economies, and tackle global climate change. Every day that goes by that we’re paralysed by the Luddite in the White House is a day in the future that our grandchildren will suffer. That’s not hyperbole — that’s science."

The demolition of the Hazelwood power station in May. Credit: Joe Armao

Substitute “Mr Trump” and “White House” with “Mr Morrison” and “Lodge” and you summarise the Australian government’s stance on the climate challenge.

Australia is an embarrassing global laggard, with a Prime Minister who has proudly defined himself by coal and gas. While the United Nations calls a “climate emergency”, and while 71 countries submitted more ambitious emissions plans to the Climate Ambition Summit last week, Scott Morrison sticks with our modest target for 2030, about half that recommended by Australia's Climate Change Authority.

The renewed global commitments and targets are welcome, but they still fall well short of the needs of the planet. To get even net-zero emissions by 2050, they basically need to be halved by 2030, and halved again by 2040. Some, such as former coal executive Ian Dunlop, fear the world is at its “tipping point” and needs to reach net-zero by 2030.

Morrison is still burdened with the image of carrying a lump of coal into Parliament, and still he allows his henchmen – Craig Kelly, Matt Canavan, Barnaby Joyce and George Christensen – to campaign for a new coal-fired power station or two, ignoring the fact that renewables are much cheaper, while he advocates a gas-led recovery.

Morrison's ministers are out there attacking banks such as ANZ for embracing a climate strategy in their lending, and calling for an inquiry into why banks, investors, and insurers won’t support coal projects, and attacking the NSW Coalition government’s clean energy roadmap as “anti-coal”. Without evidence, they claim, it is likely to drive away private investment and put up power prices.

Morrison was obviously miffed at not being allocated a speaker's spot at the Climate Ambition Summit (because Australia's policy response failed the ambition test). Then he demonstrated his hubris by claiming to be defending our “sovereignty” and “national security”, ignoring the fact that climate is the major threat to both.

In Morrison's speech to the Pacific Islands Climate Forum, delivered when he wasn’t invited to speak at the Climate Ambition Summit, he arrogantly and dishonestly boasted of Australia's climate record, yet he ignored an open letter sent to him, published in The Sydney Morning Herald a few days earlier, from high-profile Pacific political and religious figures. Among their pleas: for Australia to commit to net zero by 2050.

Morrison is squandering a significant opportunity to build a COVID-19 recovery strategy around a climate transition – indeed, to lead rather than lag the world. That would require ditching the Coalition's ideological obsessions.

It would mean bringing forward the closures of coal-fired generators, but with adequate transition planning that could avoid the pain at Victoria’s Hazelwood and South Australia's Northern stations. In transport, a transition to electric or hydrogen-powered vehicles needs to be encouraged and vehicle charging and other infrastructure must be provided.

We need a national program of regenerative agriculture, reafforestation and carbon credits to supplement farm incomes. Greener building codes and focused industry policy can spur the new economy, from recycling waste into power, fuels and bio-plastics to mining graphite and lithium, even developing a lithium-ion battery industry.

Morrison has improved his poll standing in managing COVID-19, largely on the back of the states. This will be ephemeral if he fails to confront the climate challenge and seize the sustainable jobs and growth that it can deliver.

Links

(VIDEO) Climate Change: The Facts - Sir David Attenborough

 ABC iview

Sir David Attenborough

Host
David Attenborough
Cast
Michael E. Mann, Greta Thunberg, Naomi Oreskes, Sunita Narain
After one of the hottest years on record, Sir David Attenborough looks at the science of climate change and potential solutions to this global threat. 

Interviews with some of the world’s leading climate scientists explore recent extreme weather conditions such as unprecedented storms and catastrophic wildfires.

They also reveal what dangerous levels of climate change could mean for both human populations and the natural world in the future.


Climate Change: The Facts - Summary
You can watch the full program here until 8:42pm, 12 Jan 2021

Links

17/12/2020

Climate Lawsuit In The Netherlands Looks To Accelerate Change

National Law ReviewAlexandra M. Fraher

Recently in The Netherlands, a group of over 17,000 citizens and several environmental groups sued Shell, asking the Court to require the company to reduce its emissions of carbon dioxide by 2030 by 45% of 2019 emission levels.  

Milieudefensie (“Friends of the Earth Netherlands”) is heading this case. 

Shell has publicly agreed that change is needed to address climate change, but says that court action is not the appropriate avenue to accomplish this necessary change.

This standpoint is all too familiar in the United States, where energy companies sued in climate litigation over the past few years have made the same argument, claiming that regulatory changes are the appropriate avenue to address our climate crisis, not litigation.

By the year 2050, Shell pledged to reduce its emissions to net zero, claiming it will accomplish this goal through further investment in offshore wind, solar power, biofuels, and reduction in operation emissions. 

Shell pushes the onus on the public, claiming that it is only keeping up with the demand for gas and oil that the public continues to purchase. 

Just last year, the Dutch Supreme Court ordered a reduction in Netherlands wide emissions by the end of 2020 by 25% in comparison with emissions levels from 1990.

Five years post-signature of the Paris Agreement, many are disappointed by the lack of progress around the world to decrease emissions and address the climate crisis. 

This is likely a big influence for the climate lawsuits we are seeing pop up in various countries. 

While the energy industry continues to argue that regulation should pave the way to a solution to climate change, legislatures around the world have not stepped up to that task to date.

Links

Climate Change Litigation Update

Norton Rose Fulbright - Elisa de Wit | Sonali Seneviratne

Introduction

Content
  • Introduction
  • Constitutional law and human rights
  • Private law
  • Fraud and consumer protection
  • Company law and climate risk
  • Planning and permitting
  • Administrative law and torts
  • Conclusion
Since our last update, progress on addressing climate change has slowed as the world grapples with responding to the devastating COVID-19 pandemic.

As recently noted by António Guterres, the UN SecretarZy General “the world is way off track” in taking action consistent with the targets in the Paris Agreement.

The effects of the COVID-19 pandemic on climate change litigation are not yet certain—it remains to be seen whether there will be fewer new filings, a slower pace of determination of matters, or a shift in the types of cases or grounds argued, such as tying threats to human health to the impacts of climate change.

So far, there continues to be a strong appetite for climate change litigation. The use of litigation as a form of protest by climate activist groups, a focus on human rights violations in the context of climate change, and pressuring of fossil fuel companies to develop climate strategies continue to emerge as important trends in litigation strategies and in the types of argument being adopted by litigants.

As at November 2020, the total number of climate change cases filed to date has reached over 1,650, up from about 1,444 as at February this year. Cases have now been filed in all six continents and in at least 36 countries, in addition to cases brought in regional or international courts or commissions.

The vast majority of these cases continue to be commenced in the United States (US), followed by Australia, the United Kingdom, the European Union, Canada, New Zealand, and Spain.

LARGE IMAGE

This legal update considers key developments and cases since February 2020.

The cases are divided into the following categories:
  1. Constitutional law and human rights
  2. Private law
  3. Fraud and consumer protection
  4. Company law and climate risk
  5. Planning and permitting
  6. Administrative law and torts
 Constitutional law and human rights

Since the landmark Urgenda case (see our previous updates on this litigation here, here and here), human rights-related cases are emerging as a dominant climate litigation strategy, with the Grantham Institute labelling this trend as the “human rights turn” in climate litigation.

Lho’imggin et al v Her Majesty the Queen

In February 2020, two houses of the Wet’suwet’en, a First Nations people who live in the Central Interior of British Columbia, filed a complaint against the Government of Canada for failing to follow through on the commitments it had made to reduce Canada’s GHG emissions, including most recently the Paris Agreement.

The plaintiffs have brought their claim under various provisions of Canada’s Constitution and the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, alleging that they have faced mounting issues as a result of climate change, including insect infestations and wildfires in their forests and declining numbers of forest food animals and salmon in their fishery.

The plaintiffs are seeking a court order declaring Canada’s environmental assessment statutes that allow for high GHG emissions to be unconstitutional, and that, if Canada is not able to meet its obligations under the Paris Agreement (or finds climate change to be a national emergency), it may withdraw approval for high emission projects.

They are also seeking an order that would require Canada to complete an annual, independent account of its cumulative GHG emissions to show whether it is meeting its Paris Agreement commitments. The proceeding is pending.

Do-Hyun Kim et al v South Korea

In March 2020, 30 South Korean youths filed a complaint alleging that South Korea’s Framework Act on Low Carbon, Green Growth (Framework) is unconstitutional as its commitment to reduce annual nationwide GHG emissions to 536 million tonnes by 2030 is insufficient to keep global warming below 2°C as decided under the Paris Agreement.

The complainants argue the Framework breaches constitutional human rights by risking present and future loss of environment, human conditions, health and life due to the ongoing increase of GHG emissions temperature. The petitioners are asking the Court to declare the Framework unconstitutional and order the South Korean Government to correct the unconstitutional situation. This case is the first of its kind in East Asia.

Youth Verdict Ltd v Waratah Coal Pty Ltd

In May 2020, various parties led by Youth Verdict Ltd, which represents Australian Indigenous and non-Indigenous young people, commenced proceedings against the approvals granted for Waratah Coal’s Galilee Coal Project in the Queensland Land Court.

The Galilee Coal Project is estimated to be more than four times the size of Adani’s Carmichael Coal Mine. The objectors rely on the Human Rights Act 2019 (Qld) to argue that the mine is unlawful because it breaches human rights by inciting climate change that will risk the future, life, and culture of Queenslanders.

The human rights alleged to be breached include the right to life, protection of children, and cultural rights of Aboriginal and Torre Strait Islander Peoples.

Waratah Coal tried to strike out the objections, arguing that the Court did not have jurisdiction to deal with the matter and the objectors did not have standing because they were corporate entities and only individuals possess human rights. On 7 August 2020, the Queensland Land Court dismissed Waratah Coal’s strike out application but the Court is yet to decide on the substantive application.

We will keep a watching brief on whether similar cases will be brought under other State based human rights legislation such as the Human Rights Act 2004 (ACT) and the Charter of Human Rights and Responsibilities Act 2006 (Vic).

La Rose v Her Majesty the Queen

In October 2019, a lawsuit was filed with the Federal Court of Canada on behalf of 15 youth plaintiffs against the Canadian government. The plaintiffs’ statement of claim alleged that the Canadian government had failed to protect the plaintiffs’ human rights by not taking adequate action to address climate change.

In particular, the plaintiffs alleged that climate change is impacting their right to life, liberty, security of the person and their right to equal opportunity under the law. The lawsuit is based on sections 7 and 15 of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, as well as the Public Trust Doctrine. The plaintiffs have sought declaratory relief as well as an order that requires the Canadian government to develop and implement an enforceable climate recovery plan.

In October 2020, the Federal Court of Canada made a pre-trial motion to strike out the plaintiffs’ statement of claim without leave to amend, on the basis that the statement of claim did not include a reasonable cause of action.

The Court also held that the claims regarding the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms were not justiciable, and that whilst the Public Trust Doctrine was justiciable, a reasonable cause of action was not disclosed.

The plaintiffs have appealed the decision to the Federal Court of Appeal alleging that the Federal Court of Canada erred in making the motion.

Youth for Climate Justice v Austria et al

In September 2020, 6 Portuguese youths filed a complaint with the European Court of Human Rights against 33 countries including the Member States of the European Union, Norway, Russia, Switzerland, Turkey, Ukraine and the United Kingdom.

The complaint outlines how the 6 Portuguese youths face risks to their lives and wellbeing due to climate change, stating that climate change is causing heatwaves in Portugal to occur more frequently which has associated consequences.

The applicants allege that by failing to take sufficient climate action, the States have breached Articles 2 and 8 of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR), which establish the right to life and the right to family and private life.

The applicants also allege that the States have discriminated against youth, breaching Article 14 of the ECHR, as climate change will impact youth more than older generations. They state that “[t]here is no objective and reasonable justification for shifting the burden of climate change onto younger generations by adopting inadequate mitigation measures”. The applicants seek an order requiring the States to take more ambitious climate action.

In November 2020, the Court accepted the application and communicated it to the States. The States have until the end of February 2021 to respond.

Takeaways

The Do-Hyun Kim, Lho’imggin and Youth Verdict cases reflect a growing movement by individuals who have been disproportionately impacted by climate change to rely upon domestic constitutional or human rights laws and international conventions in an attempt to hold states accountable.

However, with respect to domestic claims, the La Rose decision reminds us that success in such claims are jurisdictionally specific and will depend on the extent to which the judiciary is willing to accept that it is an appropriate forum to address issues associated with climate change.

Private law

Private law claims have, to date, largely been unsuccessful in the US. As compared to governments’ duties to protect its citizens (as discussed above), the obligations of a corporation under private law is not as well defined.

Smith v Fonterra Co-Operative Group Limited

In March 2020, the High Court of New Zealand permitted the plaintiff, who brought legal proceedings against 7 defendants that operate greenhouse gas emitting facilities, to proceed to trial. The plaintiff originally sought to hold the defendants liable for public nuisance, negligence and breach of a duty to stop contributing to climate change.

The plaintiff’s claim in public nuisance was rejected, as the Court found that the damage claimed was not particular to the plaintiff, and that the damage was not a direct result of the defendants' activities. The plaintiff’s negligence claim also failed.

The Court found that the damage claimed was not reasonably foreseeable, and the relationship between the defendants and the plaintiff was not sufficiently proximate to give rise to the relevant duty of care.

In relation to the plaintiff’s claim that the defendants breached a new tortious duty of care to cease contributing to climate change, the Court noted that there may be “significant hurdles” in persuading the Court that the duty should be recognised.

However, the Court was reluctant to conclude that “the recognition of a new tortious duty which makes corporates responsible to the public for their emissions, is untenable”. It was ultimately determined that the issues should be explored at trial.

Takeaways

It remains to be seen whether these types of claim brought under tort law will ultimately be successful or whether there may be a move towards the use of human rights-related claims.

As we noted in our last update, the Shell case has sought to extend the principles from the Urgenda litigation to private companies, including by arguing that a private company has a duty of care under Dutch law and human rights obligations.

 The Fonterra case shows that there is appetite for arguing these types of novel claims and courts may be receptive to holding corporates to account for their contribution to climate change.

Fraud and consumer protection

These disputes typically involve claims against companies for misleading consumers or investors on the impact of the fossil fuel products that they have marketed and sold, and the climate change-driven risks to their businesses.

At least 7 new suits against carbon majors have been commenced in state courts in the US since our last update, including Minnesota and District of Columbia in June, followed by Hoboken, Charleston, Delaware and Connecticut in September.

This brings the total number of lawsuits filed across the US against carbon majors since 2017 to over 30. With the defendants being unsuccessful in transferring previous cases to the Federal Court, the suits are likely to continue to be filed in state courts. We have summarised a couple of these new cases below.

State of Minnesota v American Petroleum Institute et al

In June 2020, the Attorney General for the State of Minnesota filed a lawsuit against American Petroleum Institute, ExxonMobil, Koch Industries and Flint Hills Resources on the basis of internal documents dating back to the 1970s and 1980s which allegedly confirm that the companies “well understood the devastating effects that their products would cause to the climate”.

The Attorney General alleges, amongst other things, that the defendants have profited from “avoiding the consequences and costs of dealing with global warming” and that they deliberately undermined “the science of climate change, purposefully downplaying the role that the purchase and consumption of their products played in causing climate change”.

The lawsuit includes claims for fraud, failure to warn, and multiple separate violations of Minnesota Statutes that prohibit consumer fraud, deceptive trade practices and false statements in advertising. The Attorney General is seeking damages for alleged harms suffered by Minnesotans and orders that the companies fund a corrective public education campaign on the issue of climate change.

The case is currently the subject of jurisdictional arguments as to whether it should be heard in the Federal Court.

District of Columbia v Exxon Mobil Corporation et al

In June 2020, the Attorney General for the District of Columbia filed a complaint against Exxon Mobil, BP, Chevron and Shell alleging that they have “systematically and intentionally misled consumers in Washington DC… about the central role their products play in causing climate change”.

The Attorney General claims that the defendants have breached the Consumer Protection Procedures Act. The complaint states that the defendants have deceived consumers in Washington DC on the impacts of climate change in order to protect profits.

The Attorney General alleges further that as consensus grew within the scientific community around the relationship between fossil fuels and climate change, the defendants exaggerated their commitments to reducing reliance on fossil fuels and concealing their products harm.

The Attorney General is seeking an order that the defendants cease the alleged’ disinformation campaigns’, provide financial relief for consumers of DC and pay civil penalties.

Exxon Mobil have responded to the compliant on behalf of all defendants seeking to move the proceedings to the Federal Court, alleging that the suit aims to limit fossil fuel use, and not address consumer fraud, and therefore is a Federal issue. The outcome of the challenge is pending.

State of Delaware v BP America Inc et al

In September 2020, the Delaware Attorney General filed a lawsuit in the Superior Court of Delaware against 31 fossil fuel companies as well as the American Petroleum Institute.

The complaint alleges that the named companies have known the climate change impacts of fossil fuels, and seeks financial compensation under the Consumer Fraud Act. In addition to past deceit, the complaint is also focussed on the current practices of these companies, including ongoing “Greenwashing Campaigns.”

A second cause of action is trespass, by causing “floodwaters, extreme precipitation, saltwater encroachment, and other materials to enter the State’s real property” as a result of the use of the defendants’ fossil fuel products.

This focus on flooding is of particular relevance to Delaware, which has the lowest average elevation of the United States and will, according to the complaint, cause the State to incur substantial costs to prevent and rectify the damage of rising sea levels.

The case is currently the subject of jurisdictional arguments as to whether it should be heard in the Federal or State Court. 

Takeaways

The new US cases against carbon majors build on previous cases, including the unsuccessful New York case and ongoing Massachusetts case summarised in our last update. However, the claims appear to have moved away from alleging that companies misled investors, towards alleging that they misled consumers and that the companies acted together to violate consumer fraud legislation.

Suits are also generally being brought against multiple companies. Further, beginning with Minnesota, the cases have also begun to include the American Petroleum Institute as a defendant. The trend of suits is expected to continue.

Company law and climate risk

Companies, shareholders and consumers are increasingly accepting that corporate action on climate change is not necessarily mutually exclusive with acting in shareholders’ best interests. Regardless of any formal disclosure requirements, corporations around the world are becoming more aware that the physical and transitional risks of climate change pose a very real threat to their current business models.

The cases below demonstrate that shareholders, individuals and regulatory bodies are often willing to commence proceedings where corporations are perceived to have failed to take meaningful action on climate change or have misrepresented their actions.

Complaint against Australia and New Zealand Banking Group Limited (ANZ) in respect of the Organization for Economic and Development (OECD) Guidelines

In January 2020, Friends of the Earth Australia along with three individuals (who had been affected by the Australian bushfire crisis) filed a complaint with the Australian National Contact Point (ANCP) of the OECD against ANZ.

The complaint alleges that ANZ has not adhered to the standards of the OECD Guidelines relating to due diligence, disclosure, environment, and consumer interests. See our previous update for a summary of the complaint.

In November 2020, ANZ published its updated climate change policy statement supporting the Paris Agreement’s goal of transitioning to net zero emissions by 2050, and acknowledging that some of its stakeholders view financing of fossil fuel industries as in conflict with ANZ’s stated position of the need to reduce emissions.

The statement contains several commitments including improving transparency to show how ANZ’s financing decisions support the achievement of Paris Agreement goals and further reducing the carbon intensity of their electricity generation lending portfolio by only directly financing low carbon gas and renewable projects by 2030.

Also in November, the ANCP published its initial assessment, accepting that the issues raised in the complaint surrounding disclosure, target-setting and scenario analysis merit further assessment and offering ‘good offices’ to the parties for discussion on those matters.

The next phase of the complaint process involves consultation with the parties and may take up to a year. We expect that during this period the ANCP and notifiers will closely examine the measures identified in ANZ’s updated climate change policy statement.

Mark McVeigh v Retail Employees Superannuation Pty Ltd (REST)

In July 2018, Mark McVeigh commenced proceedings against REST, one of Australia’s largest superannuation funds with total assets over A$50 billion and around 2 million members.

Mr McVeigh’s claim alleged that REST failed to adequately disclose its strategy to manage climate change risks, breached its statutory disclosure requirements, and breached its fiduciary duties by failing to adequately consider the risks of climate change in managing investments. See our previous updates here and here for more background on the case.

In November 2020, on the morning of the trial, the parties settled the proceedings, subject to REST publicly announcing a number of commitments regarding its handling of climate change risk. REST’s public statement significantly acknowledges that climate change is a material, direct and current financial risk to the superannuation fund.

It also identifies 9 initiatives which include that REST commits to enhancing its consideration of climate change risks when setting its investment strategy and asset allocation positions, conducting due diligence and monitoring of investment managers and their approach to climate risk, publicly disclosing the fund’s portfolio holdings, reporting outcomes on its climate change-related progress and actions, and implementing a long-term objective to achieve a net zero carbon footprint for the fund by 2050.

Takeaways

Although the REST case settled, meaning that its undertakings are not enforceable in court and it does not set legal precedent, companies and the members of the public are likely to monitor whether REST’s undertakings are implemented. It has also shown the public that individuals can take actions which lead to positive outcomes, even if litigation does not proceed to trial.

Given that REST is one of Australia’s largest super funds, we expect the position that it has taken in settling the proceedings may influence other funds, both in Australia and internationally, to review their processes for handling climate change risk in order to prevent the risk of attracting similar public interest litigation.

The progression of the ANZ complaint is also likely to be closely watched by the financial and investment communities within Australia and more broadly.

Planning and permitting

Many jurisdictions have long incorporated obligations relating to ecological sustainable development in their planning controls. Some jurisdictions have laws which require consideration of GHG emissions, or adaptation to and mitigation of climate change specifically in the development of policy or approval of projects.

This provides scope for claimants to push for the widest possible interpretation of such obligations so as to address the contributions which individual projects or policies may have on climate change.

R (on the application of Friends of the Earth Ltd) v Heathrow Airport Ltd UKSC; R (on the application of Friends of the Earth Ltd and others) v Arora Holdings Ltd

In February 2020, the Court of Appeal of England and Wales unanimously ruled that the Airports National Policy Statement (NPS), which provided for the construction of a third runway at Heathrow Airport, was invalid and its designation as a NPS was unlawful on several grounds including notably that it failed to take into account the UK Government’s commitment to the 2015 Paris Agreement.

Under the Planning Act 2008 (UK), the Secretary of State was required to explain how the national policy “takes account of Government policy relating to the mitigation of, and adaptation to, climate change”.

 At the time of designation of the NPS in 2018, the UK had legislated a 2050 target of achieving at least an 80% reduction in its GHG emissions from 1990 levels under the Climate Change Act 2008 (UK). The Secretary took this target into account but, on legal advice, chose not to take the Paris Agreement into account at all.

The Court determined that the UK government’s commitment to the Paris Agreement was part of “Government policy” and was required to be taken into account. See our previous legal updates for more detail on that case here and here.

In May 2020, the Supreme Court granted Heathrow Airport Limited and Arora Holdings Limited permission to appeal the Court of Appeal’s ruling. Among other things, the appellants argue that treating the Paris Agreement as "government policy" for the purposes of the Planning Act and as a mandatory consideration runs contrary to the common law principles of a “dualist system”.

Accordingly, the appellants argue that the case raises issues of general public importance warranting consideration by the Supreme Court. The hearing was held in October and judgment is awaited.

R (on the application of ClientEarth) v Secretary of State for Business, Energy and Industrial Strategy

In May 2020, the High Court (UK) dismissed ClientEarth’s judicial review challenge to the Secretary of State’s decision to grant development consent to build and operate two new gas-fired generating units at the Drax Power Station.

When granting consent, the Secretary of State noted “the significant adverse impact” of the development in terms of the amount of GHG emissions that would be emitted, but concluded that they did not afford a reason to refuse consent.

This was because the policy objectives of a national policy statement (NPS) for nationally significant energy infrastructure assumed a continued need for fossil fuel power generation and the development of the Drax Power Station would be a significant contribution towards this.

ClientEarth challenged the decision on eight grounds, including that the defendant had misinterpreted the NPS when assessing the project's GHG emissions and the assessment of the need for the development, and failed to fully consider the UK Government’s net zero target under the Climate Change Act 2008 (UK).

ClientEarth argued that because of events since 2011 when the NPS was developed, including the adoption of the net zero target, there was no need for any future new large gas-fuelled power stations to be built.

In dismissing the claim, the Court agreed with the defendant’s interpretation that the NPS assumed a general need for fossil fuel power generation, and held that the award of the development consent was in accordance with the NPS, notwithstanding the GHG emissions that would be generated as a result.

In July 2020, the Court of Appeal granted ClientEarth’s application to appeal the High Court’s decision. The appeal was heard in mid-November and judgment is awaited.

Vince v Secretary of State for Business, Energy and Industrial Strategy

In May 2020, following on from the above case, separate proceedings were commenced by Dale Vince, CEO of Ecotricity, journalist George Monbiot, and the Good Law Project, seeking judicial review of six national policy statements (NPS) for energy infrastructure issued by the UK Government in 2011. The claimants argue that the NPSs should be reviewed in light of new British and global climate commitments.

In this case, the claimants allege that the Government is required by the Planning Act 2008 (UK) to review the NPSs in light of the Paris Agreement, the amendment to the Climate Change Act 2008 (UK) last year to set the UK’s net zero target by 2050, the Parliament’s declaration of a climate emergency, the IPCC Special report on 1.5 degrees of warming and UK’s exit from the European Union.

The claimants also allege that the NPSs unlawfully frustrate the intention of Parliament, which approved the amendment of the Climate Change Act to set the net zero target.

The claimants seek a declaration that the government must review the NPSs or, alternatively, that the NPSs are unlawful.

Takeaways

Increasingly, it can be expected that challenges will be lodged in relation to developments which are likely to generate significant GHG emissions and policies that continue to support fossil fuel developments, particularly in a context where these developments are inconsistent with the goals of, and commitments made under, the Paris Agreement.

As we have seen with the Heathrow Airport decision in the UK and Rocky Hill decision in Australia (see our update here), the courts will, in appropriate circumstances, use international or national policies, laws or regulation to refuse new development that will intensify climate change or conversely, suffer from the future impacts caused by climate change.

Administrative law and torts

Administrative law claims involve those against governments challenging the application and enforcement of climate change legislation and policy. Often these cases overlap with planning and permitting laws challenging decisions on individual projects, as set out above.

Sharma v Minister for the Environment

In September 2020, 8 young Australians commenced a class action in the Federal Court of Australia, seeking an injunction to restrain the Commonwealth Minister for the Environment from approving Whitehaven’s proposed Vickery coal mine expansion in New South Wales.

The proceedings were commenced on behalf of the applicants and all children born before the commencement date of the proceeding.

The application contends that the Minister owes the applicants, as young Australians, a common law duty of care, and approving the mine expansion will accelerate climate change and therefore breach that duty. The intention of the applicants is to “set a precedent that would prevent all new coal mines from being approved in this country.”

The success of Urgenda in 2015 prompted debate in academic and legal circles about the potential for, and hurdles involved in, running similar litigation based on tort law in Australia. Five years on, Sharma will test the duty of care approach in Australia.

For the claim to be successful, it will require the Court to first find a duty of care is owed by the Minister to the applicants before addressing the separate question of whether approving the coal mine expansion is a breach of that duty.

There would be significant precedent implications for Australian climate litigation if either of these are proven by the applicants. If the Court holds that the Minister owes such a duty of care, it could potentially create a risk of legal action in connection with the approval of any GHG emitting projects.

O’Donnell v Commonwealth of Australia

A law student filed proceedings in the Federal Court of Australia in July 2020 against the Australian government and select government officers, including the Secretary to the Department of Treasury and the Chief Executive of the Australian Office of Financial Management, for failing to adequately disclose climate change risks to the value of government bonds to investors.

The claim suggests that climate change is a risk to the value of investments in government bonds, which must be disclosed to potential investors as it is material to an investor’s decision to trade in such bonds. It appears to be the first case globally to make this claim but draws on similar cases against private companies involving misleading disclosure and directors’ duties.

O’Donnell’s claim has two limbs: first, the government breached its duties under s 12DA(1) of the Australian Securities and Investments Commission Act 2001 (Cth) by engaging in misleading or deceptive conduct by promoting the bonds without disclosure of Australia’s climate risk; and second, breach of the duty under s 25(1) of the Public Governance, Performance and Accountability Act 2013 (Cth) by failing to exercise functions with reasonable care and diligence.

O’Donnell is seeking a declaration that the duties were breached, and also an injunction preventing the government from promoting bonds until it updates its disclosure policies.

If the claim is successful, the case may have consequences for duties to disclose climate risks for government and private sector investment providers.

Friends of the Earth Limited v Secretary of State for International Trade & President of the Board of Trade and the HM Treasury

On 8 September 2020, Friends of the Earth brought a claim under the Aarhus Convention challenging the UK Government’s decision to provide USD 1 billion in financial support for the development of an LNG project with Total in Mozambique.

Friends of the Earth is challenging the legality of decisions made by the Secretary of State, HM Treasury and UK Export Finance in respect of the project under Articles 9(1) and Article 9(3) of the Aarhus Convention.

The claim for judicial review is based on the following grounds: (i) unlawful failure by the UK Government to follow its own policy in relation to international standards, transparency and accountability; and (ii) unlawful failure to take account of relevant factors, including compliance with relevant applicable standards and benchmarking.

Friends of the Earth has stated that the investment also breaches “a number of other international law standards on the environment and human rights” and has criticised the decision of UK Export Finance to withhold disclosure of the assessment undertaken in respect of the environmental impact of the project. It is also argued that the investment failed to properly consider the UK’s commitments under the Paris Agreement.

The case is ongoing.

Takeaways

The above cases illustrate the willingness of litigants, particularly those physically affected by climate-related natural disasters or disproportionately affected by climate change, and living in jurisdictions where there is no human rights or constitutional basis, to explore new causes of action to hold governments to account.

The willingness of courts to embrace new arguments and establish new precedents against governments in climate change litigation should be closely monitored, given that such claims could signal a precursor for action against private sector parties.

Conclusion

Although any impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic on climate change litigation are yet to be realised, we expect the momentum of increasing climate litigation to continue into 2021 to achieve outcomes consistent with a net zero emission future.

This is particularly because “[r]ecord heat, ice loss, wildfires, floods and droughts continue to worsen, affecting communities, nations and economies around the world”. Further, according to an Australian Government report, “[c]oncentrations of all the major long-lived greenhouse gases in the atmosphere continue to increase” and “[d]espite a decline in global fossil fuel emissions of CO2 in 2020 associated with the COVID-19 pandemic, this will have negligible impact in terms of climate change”.

While governments continue to be the most likely defendant in climate change litigation, we expect the trend in bringing claims against corporations to continue. In addition to new claims against major carbon emitting entities, we expect that cases against other corporates, such as financial institutions and investors, will also increase as communities and shareholders seek accountability for their role in GHG mitigation.

Please contact a member of our climate change team if you would like further information about any of the cases covered in this update, or would like to discuss climate change issues more generally.

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2020 In Climate Change


Summaries
  • The December 2020 Lancet Countdown review concluded that trends in 2020 showed "a concerning paucity of progress" in numerous sectors, including "a continued failure to reduce the carbon intensity of the global energy system, an increase in the use of coal-fired power, and a rise in agricultural emissions and premature deaths from excess red meat consumption. These issues (were) in part counteracted by the growth of renewable energy and improvements in low-carbon transport."

    Despite increasing climate suitability for infectious disease transmission and falling crop yield potential, "the global response has remained muted" but "2020 will probably be an inflection point for several of the indicators (to be) presented during the coming decade".

    The survey further noted that "the nature and extent of the economic impact and response to the COVID-19 pandemic will have a defining role in determining whether the world meets the commitments of the Paris Agreement".
Measurements and statistics
  • Siberia recorded its second warmest January-June temperatures on record—more than 5°C (9°F) above average—including up to 10°C (18°F) above average in June. Verkhoyansk, located north of the arctic circle, recorded a temperature of 38°C (100°F) on 20 June. An analysis showed that, without human-induced climate change, these January-June temperatures would happen less than once in every 80,000 years.

  • The September 2020 monthly average CO2 concentration at Mauna Loa station was 411.29 ppm (up from 408.54 ppm in September 2019), and at Cape Grim in Tasmania, 410.8 ppm (up from 408.58 ppm in 2019).

  • In December, the WMO reported the global mean temperature for January to October 2020 was about 1.2°C above the 1850–1900 baseline, with 2020 likely to be one of the three warmest years on record despite the normally cooling effect of La Niña.

  • End-of-winter Arctic sea ice extent was the 11th lowest, and the end-of-summer extent the second lowest, in the 1979-2020 satellite record.

  • NOAA's National Centers for Environmental Information (NCEI) reported that, through September, the U.S. experienced 16 weather and climate-related events, each costing at least a billion dollars, tying the full-year figures for 2011 and 2017, and exceeding the 1980–2019 inflation-adjusted average of 6.6 such events.
Events and phenomena
  • COVID-19 pandemic:
    • As a direct consequence of the pandemic, an 8% reduction in greenhouse gas emissions was projected for 2020, which would be the largest 1-year decline on record. However, this reduction was a result of reduced economic activity, not the decarbonization of the economy required to respond to climate change.

    • The Global Carbon Project estimated that global daily CO2 emissions may have been reduced by 17% during the most intense periods of COVID-19 shutdowns, but the WMO's Greenhouse Gas Bulletin indicated that this short-term impact cannot cause 2020's annual figure to exceed the 1 ppm natural inter-annual variability.
  • Australia bushfires:
    • A model-based analysis of heat and drought conditions underlying these Australian bushfires found that anthropogenic climate change had caused the probability of extreme heat to increase by at least a factor of two, and the risk of a Fire Weather Index being "severe" or worse to increase by at least 30%.

    • Smoke in the stratosphere from the Australian bushfires induced planetary-scale blocking of solar radiation larger than any previously documented wildfires, with the same order of radiative forcing as produced by moderate volcanic eruptions.
  • U.S. wildfires:
  • 2020 Atlantic hurricane season:
    • This included 30 named storms (a record), 13 hurricanes (second highest on record), and record water levels in several locations.

Actions and goals

Political, economic, cultural actions
  • In April 2020, Austria and Sweden closed their last coal-fired power plants.

  • In May 2020, the Energy Information Administration announced that U.S. annual energy consumption from renewable sources exceeded coal consumption for the first time since before 1885.

  • In the first half of 2020, the EU generated 40% of its electricity from renewables, and 34% from fossil fuels.

  • After October 2020's Hurricane Delta struck Puerto Morelos, Mexico, an insurance company issued a payout (17 million pesos, or US$850,000) on a policy covering a coral reef, the policy taken out to cover damages from hurricanes whose severity was expected to increase due to climate change.

  • 4 November 2020 marked the completion of the process by which U.S. President Trump withdrew the country from the Paris climate agreement, the U.S. becoming the only country in the world to do so. President-elect Joe Biden vowed to recommit to the Paris accord on the first day of his presidency.

  • On 27 November 2020, Tasmanian minister for energy Guy Barnett announced that the Australian island state had achieved 100% self-sufficiency in renewable energy.

  • On 3 December 2020, the Danish government voted to immediately end new oil and gas exploration in the Danish North Sea as part of a plan to phase out fossil fuel extraction by 2050, guaranteeing an end to Denmark’s fossil fuel production. Denmark's vote followed similar actions by France (2017) and New Zealand (2018).

  • 12 December 2020 was the fifth anniversary of the 2015 Paris Agreement; countries review and update their national commitments every 5 years.

  • On 12 December, UN secretary general António Guterres told world leaders at the Climate Ambition Summit that they should all declare a state of climate emergency until the world reaches net-zero CO2 emissions (only about 38 had already made such declarations). Guterres noted that G20 countries were spending 50% more in their COVID-19 stimulus packages on fossil fuels and CO2-intensive sectors than they were on low-CO2 energy.
Mitigation goal statements
  • In January 2020, the U.K.'s National Health Service announced its commitment to become the world’s first net zero health system.

  • In 2020, it was projected that to reach the Paris Climate Accord's 1.5°C target, the 56 gigatonnes of CO2 equivalent (GtCO2e) emitted in 2020 would need to drop to 25 GtCO2e by 2030, requiring a 7.6% reduction every year—an increase in national government ambition of a factor of five.

  • Before the November 2020 U.S. presidential election, Joe Biden called climate change an existential threat to health, the economy and national security, proposing to make the U.S. carbon neutral by 2050; incumbent Donald Trump continued to question climate science, actually promoting fossil fuels.

  • The U.N.'s Emissions Gap Report 2020 stated that, by 2030, annual emissions would need to be 15(range: 12–19) GtCO2e lower than current unconditional NDCs imply for a 2°C goal, and 32(range: 29–36) GtCO2e lower for the 1.5°C goal. Current NDCs "remain seriously inadequate to achieve the climate goals of the Paris Agreement and would lead to a temperature increase of at least 3°C by the end of the century".

  • On 11 December, EU leaders agreed to reduce greenhouse gases by 55% by 2030 (measured against 1990 CO2 emission levels); the European Parliament had called for a 60% cut, and Greenpeace and Global 2000, 65%.

  • At the 12 December 2020 Climate Ambition Summit, China’s leader Xi Jinping said that by 2030, said China would reduce its carbon intensity by over 65 percent, having said in September that China would achieve net-zero carbon emissions by 2060.
Adaptation goal statements
  • At least 51 countries had developed plans for national health system adaptation planning. However, only 9% of countries reported having the funds to fully implement their plans.
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16/12/2020

These Kids Are Suing European Governments Because Of The Climate Crisis

VICETristan Kennedy

The young climate activists, aged from eight to 21 years old, appear to have judges from the European Court of Human Rights on their side.

L-R: Cláudia Agosthino (21) Martim Agostinho (17) Mariana Agostinho (8) Catarina Mota (20) André Oliveira (12) Sofia Oliveira (15). Photo courtesy of Global Legal Action Network. Background: RAFAEL MARCHANTE / REUTERS.

In June of 2017, wildfires ripped through central Portugal’s Leiria region, killing 66 and injuring hundreds more. Fuelled by an abnormally hot, dry spring, and fanned by winds whipping off the Atlantic, the flames moved so fast that many victims burned to death in their cars as they tried to flee. On one stretch of road, 47 people lost their lives, including families with children as young as four.

For Catarina Mota and her friend Cláudia Agostinho, who had recently celebrated her 18th birthday, it was a “very, very scary” summer. “Our houses were filled with ash from the fire,” Cláudia remembers, as I speak to the pair over Zoom. “Watching the news and seeing all the people that were dying, I think it's something that we can't forget. It was very overwhelming.”

Two hours to the south, in Lisbon, Sofia Oliveira and her younger brother André (who were 12 and nine at the time) were similarly traumatised by what they saw, and felt similarly powerless. Fast-forward three years, however, and the four of them – along with Cláudia’s younger siblings, Martim and Mariana – have just achieved a groundbreaking legal first in the fight against climate change.

Despite the fact the oldest among them is still only 21, and the youngest just eight years old, these six young adults and children are suing the governments of 33 countries, including the UK, in the European Court of Human Rights. Their case is based on the assertion that, by failing to act on climate change, these governments are violating their fundamental right to life.

So far, the judges have been incredibly receptive to their arguments. In October, barely a month after their case was filed, the Court announced they were granting it priority due to the “importance and urgency of the issues raised”. In early December, when the case was officially communicated to the defendant countries, the Strasbourg-based body took the even more unusual step of adding an extra element to the rap sheet. 

The Court’s communication included questions about whether, in failing to make meaningful cuts to emissions, these governments were violating not just Articles Two and Eight of the European Convention on Human Rights (the right to life, and the right to family life), but also Article Three, which deals with torture and the prohibition of inhuman treatment.

Gerry Liston and Gearoid O Cuinn. Photo by the author.

For the lawyers working on the kids’ case, this response has been hugely gratifying. I meet Gearóid Ó Cuinn and Gerry Liston on a cold, bright day in Galway, on the west coast of Ireland, where their legal NGO, the Global Legal Action Network (GLAN), is based.

When the organisation started, everyone worked pro bono; it’s only recently that it’s been able to employ “five-and-a-half” full-time staff. The pair met Cláudia, Catarina and the other kids through a Portuguese legal researcher who was volunteering for free with them in 2017. Having decided they could build a convincing case, they raised the money to do so through crowdfunding.

To the untrained eye, the idea that government inaction on climate change might violate treaties on torture could seem a stretch. But having immersed himself in the case since 2017, Gerry explains that he’s not surprised by the Court’s response. “I remember being shocked by the evidence myself, and feeling that the judges could only be equally shocked,” he says. 

If greenhouse gas emissions continue on their current trajectory, he explains, these children and young adults could live to see a world in which global average temperatures are four degrees hotter by 2100. “That's a world where, in Portugal, you could have heat waves with daytime temperatures of over 40 degrees, lasting for over 30 days at a time.”

Heatwaves are killers in their own right. According to the World Health Organisation, 166,000 people worldwide died as a direct result of exposure to extreme temperatures between 1998 and 2017. GLAN’s submission to the court points out that even if emissions continue on a lower trajectory, leading to a 2.8 degree increase in average global temperatures by 2100, the news still isn’t positive.

“Thirty times more people would die from extreme heat in western Europe in the final three decades of this century, compared to the first decade of the century,” Gerry says.

Long dry spells would also massively increase the risk of further devastating forest fires within the kids’ lifetimes. “The number of days on which there's an extreme risk of forest fires would quadruple in some parts of the country, rising up to 90 days a year,” says Gerry. “Portugal is one of the most vulnerable parts of Europe to climate change,” and the horrific impacts that the kids have witnessed even in their short lifetimes look set to get immeasurably worse unless “deep and urgent” cuts to emissions are made, he says.

Armed with this evidence, the case for arguing human rights violations becomes obvious. After all, as Gerry explains, “human rights law doesn't just require states to refrain from harming people. Obviously, not torturing people is a very important part of human rights law, but it's also about states proactively protecting people. When you think about it, climate change poses a bigger threat to human life and wellbeing than almost anything else.”

Sofia and Andre Oliveira meet their lawyers, Gearoid and Gerry, in Portugal. Photo courtesy of Global Legal Action Network.

In many ways, says Gearóid, what’s more surprising is that this is the first time climate change has been put before the Strasbourg Court. Some of this has to do with complex questions of admissibility. What makes Gerry’s work unique, the pair explain, is his argument around causation, and his use of a legal principle famously applied in asbestos poisoning cases to show that all of the governments they’re suing bear a responsibility for the impacts of climate change on these Portuguese kids’ lives. 

The court’s reaction so far shows GLAN has also been successful in one of its other key arguments – that, as an international issue, this case should go straight to an international court, rather than taking the usual path through domestic courts first.

“They could've kicked us out for not exhausting domestic remedies,” says Gearóid. But the fact that they haven’t – and instead have fast-tracked the case – suggests there’s a keen appetite among these senior judges to consider the thorny legal issues at stake. “It is worth noting that only 15 percent of cases are communicated, typically,” he says, “and the number of cases that are communicated and given priority is even less than 15 percent – it's round the 7 percent mark.”

If the case has come a long way already, its future passage is potentially even more important. “[Decisions about] the European Convention on Human Rights have a huge effect on the domestic law of these countries,” says Gerry. If they’re successful, governments could be held responsible for breaking not just international law, but their own laws too. As Gearóid explains, “Having a decision from the [Strasbourg] Court would unlock the huge potential of domestic courts in the climate fight.”

The next steps will be hard. It’s a David and Goliath match-up that pitches six kids and what Gearóid himself calls “the underdog of legal NGOs” against the massed legal might of 33 European governments. It will also be expensive. GLAN and the young Portuguese applicants have already launched a second crowdfunding appeal to help cover their legal costs, at Youth4ClimateJustice.org. But for everyone involved, the stakes could not be higher.

As 12-year-old André Oliveira explains, “We just experienced the hottest November in recent history. It is not only in our lifetimes that we are going to be affected – this is affecting our lives now.”

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Lethal Heating is a citizens' initiative