12/10/2021

(AU ABC) Queensland Will Soon Be Home To The World's Largest Hydrogen Manufacturing Facility. Here's What That Means

ABC NewsPhoebe Hosier

The superpower hub is set to build green energy infrastructure and equipment, such as cabling and wind turbines. (Getty: onurgonel)

Mining billionaire Andrew 'Twiggy' Forrest yesterday announced that Central Queensland would soon be home to the world's largest hydrogen manufacturing facility.

It is expected to make this state a "renewable energy superpower".

The facility has been heralded as a "breakthrough" for Australia's green energy market, with predictions the plant will double green hydrogen production capacity across the globe.

So what actually is green hydrogen? How does it work? And what on Earth is an electrolyser?

Let's go back to basics. Here's a quick breakdown of all your science questions:

How does green hydrogen work?

Electrolysers split hydrogen from water, producing emission-free energy. (ABC News)

To understand green hydrogen we first need to first get our heads around what it is. 

Hydrogen is an element that can be found in oceans, rivers, lakes and the atmosphere.

It has long been described as the fuel of the future, the energy source that could bring the world to net-zero emissions.

It's cheap and clean-burning. It's also the universe's most abundant element.

However, on Earth, hydrogen doesn't appear pure in nature and requires energy to separate it.

The most common way to separate it is to extract hydrogen from water, which contains two molecules of hydrogen to every one of oxygen.

That's where electrolysers come in.

So what's an electrolyser?

An electrolyser is the device used to extract hydrogen from water.

This happens when an electrical current is passed through a tank of water, separating hydrogen from oxygen in a process known as electrolysis.

If the electricity is generated from renewable sources, such as solar or wind, the hydrogen emits zero greenhouse gasses and, therefore, has no carbon footprint.

At this stage, it's unclear whether Mr Forrest's company, Fortescue Future Industries (FFI), will use solar or wind to renewably power the electrolysers.

So, to recap, green hydrogen is essentially hydrogen made without fossil fuels.

Once that green hydrogen is produced, it can then be burnt to produce heat or fed into a fuel cell to make electricity.

What will this hydrogen manufacturing facility produce?

Map showing FFI's master plan. (Supplied)

Mr Forrest said the first stage of the project will be a hub that will build green energy infrastructure and equipment, such as cabling and wind turbines.

More importantly, it will manufacture electrolysers.

The facility is destined to be built on Queensland government-owned land near Gladstone in Central Queensland and is the first stage of a six-step, $1 billion-plus operation.

Deputy Premier Steven Miles said the facility, built by FFI, will double the world's hydrogen capacity.

An artist's impression of FFI's green energy hydrogen manufacturing facility in Gladstone in Central Queensland. (Supplied)

"FFI will construct a facility with an initial capacity to manufacture up to two gigawatts of electrolysers annually," he said.

That renewable hydrogen energy will then be exported from Queensland to countries around the world.

How much will the facility cost? Mr Forrest described the overall operation as a "$1 billion-plus" investment.

The first stage of the six-step project is to build the facility near Gladstone. That will cost about $115 million.

According to Queensland Premier Annastacia Palaszczuk, this major investment also has the potential to create thousands of skilled jobs in regional areas.

Ms Palaszczuk said the plant was initially expected to generate more than 300 local jobs for the Central Queensland region and "thousands of jobs" into the future.

The Palaszczuk government last year announced a $10 million fund towards hydrogen investment, in addition to an earlier $15 million pledge.

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(AU The Guardian) The Frenetic Fan Dance Of The Fools Tells Us The Coalition Has Reached Crunch Time On Climate

The Guardian

The Coalition has spent years warning of the costs of action. Now the Liberals are presenting net zero as an opportunity

‘This much is certain: if a mid-century target gets vetoed by the junior Coalition partner, the Nationals will be running the government’s climate policy, and everyone will know that.’ Photograph: Mick Tsikas/AAP

Keith Pitt, the resources minister, made headlines this week when he opened the boondoggle bidding on net zero.

Pitt told Phil Coorey at the Australian Financial Review if Scott Morrison wanted agreement from the Nationals on a net zero target ahead of the Glasgow climate conference, he should put $250bn on the table.

Yes, that’s “b” for billion.

According to Pitt, if this transition was actually on, Australians taxpayers should bear the risks.

Pitt floated a cartoonishly bad idea where taxpayers would underwrite the financing and insurance of fossil fuels – including for overseas-owned companies – all because naughty Australian banks weren’t inclined to make bad bets.

If you’ve missed Pitt’s parable of the bad banks, let’s recap that quickly: bad banks are now more interested in virtue signalling to their obnoxiously woke inner-city clientele than backing salt-of-the-earth fossil fuel projects in the regions.

While opportunistic and often egregious corporate greenwashing is certainly at large across the lands – Pitt is dead right about that – commercial lending practices have nothing to do with slick marketing or social media hashtags.

Banks – hard-headed institutions that they are – are merely heeding the requirements of regulators, both local and international, to manage their exposure to carbon risk.

But according to the Pitt Declaration, safeguarding the interests of shareholders and customers through prudent lending practices (like not sprinting to bankroll planet cooking industries in inexorable decline) is … unAustralian.

But before anyone could say Venezuela, Pitt’s Queensland Nationals colleague Matt Canavan – a former Productivity Commission economist now apparently estranged from capitalism – was out and about with a different parable.

Canavan told a mildly startled Kieran Gilbert on Sky News that Australians should be prepared to pay higher interest rates in order to stare down international financiers managing carbon risk in global markets. Canavan’s Big Idea™ was actually wilder than Pitt’s, but it attracted significantly less attention.

Before we get there, some necessary context.

The precursor chemical for the Canavan Declaration was Josh Frydenberg stating the bleeding obvious a fortnight ago. In a speech outlining the economic case for net zero, the treasurer noted Australia is a net importer of capital to fund investment and growth, and global capital had already placed its bets on decarbonisation (given decarbonisation over the next three decades is the avowed policy of most governments – including Australia’s).

Frydenberg’s point was Australia can’t be King Canute.

Actually, that’s not quite right. His point was Australia can resist implementing the decarbonisation policy the Abbott/Turnbull/Morrison government signed up to voluntarily when it signed and ratified the Paris agreement five years ago – but self-defeating behaviour carries a measurable cost.

The cost of borrowing will likely increase for governments and for highly leveraged aspirational families servicing their mortgages. Gilbert put these arguments to Canavan.

Canavan had a feeling this probably wouldn’t happen. But if it did happen, then we should tell international banks to “bugger off”.

“Some things are worth paying for,” the Queensland National declared.

“If we are asked to pay just a bit more on our mortgage, I think we should probably do that.”

Now there’s an election-winning slogan if I’ve ever heard one. A sure-fire winner in the southern states of Australia.

The point of starting here is to note the following: over the next week, or two, Scott Morrison is going to attempt to reach agreement with the Nationals on a net zero commitment.

The frenetic fan dance of the fools tells us we’ve finally reached crunch point.

Morrison has been setting this pivot up since Joe Biden won the presidential election in the United States.

Over the last 12 months, Morrison has moved, increment by increment, to reframe a climate policy debate the Coalition has been weaponising to win elections for more than a decade.

The Coalition has spent years telling the Australian people climate change ambition would impose unmanageable costs on the community.

This was always absolute bullshit (sorry, I’d be polite, but the government’s unconscionable policy record does not warrant mercy).

Now, Morrison is presenting the transition as opportunity.

Rather than Whyalla wipe-out, we have the new energy economy.

As well as that prime ministerial shape shift – which is an important starting point if the climate curse is ever to be lifted in Australia – there are conversations happening right across the government that would not have happened only a couple of years ago.

Liberals and Nationals are starting to tell the truth: we need this transition to happen because the driest continent on earth has a significant stake in reducing the risks of runaway global heating, and because a carbon intensive economy like Australia’s is completely stuffed if we don’t adapt to the new reality.

It might not feel like it, but from where I sit, I can see progress. Genuinely.

Sadly, this level of progress needs to be kept in perspective.

If Morrison can emerge from his discussions with the Nationals with a net zero commitment, viewed substantively, this “advance” is who cares on a number of levels.

While the Coalition has been busy building its bullshit complex on climate action to win domestic elections, much of the rest of the world has moved on from weighing mid-century commitments (that were actually agreed to in-principle when Paris was signed) to the imperative of driving urgent action this decade. Action now. That’s what the science tells us needs to happen.

Any net zero commitment Morrison emerges with will be rhetorical. There are no plans to legislate it.

The price of landing an in-principle agreement with the Nationals, on current indications, will likely be excluding agriculture from heavy lifting on abatement (but not from the income streams associated with carbon sequestration), and a bucket of sweet something or other for the resources sector – hopefully some distance south of Pitt’s coal bank of mum and dad.

The price will also be a rigid political narrative that technology (rather than caps on emissions and sensible market-based mechanisms to actually reduce them) is what delivers the decarbonisation by mid-century.

The same Nationals who told their constituents in 2019 that they were all the way with fossil fuels and nothing needed to change can’t go back home three years later and say they were lying.

They have to be able to say that technology is now the magic fairy dust that solves everything – you can have your fossil fuels, and decarbonisation too.

As well as all this lead in Morrison’s saddlebags necessitated by the demands of the junior Coalition partner – the requirement to negotiate with a factionalised, combustible party room that, like a bunch of lovelorn adolescents, either loves or hates Barnaby Joyce, as if this was a faultline that actually mattered – there is also the obvious contradictions in the Coalition’s positions.

Voters are absolutely entitled to ask just how real any mid-century decarbonisation commitment is, when the same government prepared to (sort of) promise net zero by 2050 is very obviously leaving all the heavy lifting on abatement to the states while presiding over new gasfields and new coalmines.

As well as Morrison’s net zero objective, there has been persistent talk that the government will use new projections predicting overachievement on the current 2030 emissions reduction target as cover to formally increase ambition over the medium term. I’m not sure the talk is right, but it’s certainly persistent.

Right now, wrestling the Nationals on net zero looks hard enough. Nobody is entirely certain what will happen once the real negotiation starts.

People around Morrison say Joyce is an enabler not a saboteur, but fact is he returned to the Nationals leadership on a platform of blocking the Liberals and their climate policy pivot.

That was a core part of Joyce’s pitch: that Morrison would roll right over Michael McCormack, so you’d best restore me to the top job.

Shortly after he vanquished McCormack, Joyce discovered what to do about climate policy was actually a contested issue within his own ranks. The resurrected leader was told by a number of colleagues, forcefully, to pull his head in, and ever since, Joyce has fronted, by and large, as a humble if persistently incoherent vessel of the Nationals party room. Man for others. Living to serve.

So the trajectory of the next couple of weeks is genuinely hard to predict.

But this much is certain: if Morrison can’t land his proposition, if the mid-century target gets vetoed by the junior Coalition partner, the Nationals will be running the government’s climate policy, and everyone will know that.

That will weaken Morrison’s prime ministership, if not kill it – and that fact gives the prime minister every incentive to do whatever it takes.

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(The Guardian) Clean Environment Is A Human Right, UN Council Agrees

The GuardianAssociated Press

Human rights council also appoints special rapporteur to monitor impact of climate crisis on rights

The human rights council passed the clean-environment resolution, which also calls on countries to boost their abilities to improve the environment, by 43-0. Photograph: Jerome Gilles/NurPhoto/REX/Shutterstock

Geneva - The UN’s main human rights body has overwhelmingly voted to recognise the right to a safe, clean, healthy and sustainable environment as a human right, and to appoint an expert to monitor human rights in the context of the climate emergency.

The human rights council passed the clean-environment resolution, which also calls on countries to boost their abilities to improve the environment, by 43-0 while four member states – China, India, Japan and Russia – abstained.

Lucy McKernan, deputy director for UN advocacy at Human Rights Watch, called the clean-environment measure a “significant advance” to help address the global environmental crisis.

“Global recognition of this right will help empower local communities to defend their livelihoods, health, and culture against environmental destruction, and help governments develop stronger and more coherent environmental protection laws and policies,” she said.

Another resolution creates a three-year post of a “special rapporteur” who will – among other things – monitor “how the adverse effects of climate change, including sudden and slow onset disasters, affect the full and effective enjoyment of human rights.”

That measure passed 42-1. Russia objected, and China, Eritrea, India and Japan abstained.

The votes came on the second-last day of the 47-member council’s autumn session, which among other things approved a special rapporteur to monitor rights in Afghanistan – a vote opposed by Pakistan – and ended an effort to monitor rights in war-torn Yemen.

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11/10/2021

(AU The Guardian) Climate 200 Raises $2m In Six Weeks To Help Independents But Expects Liberal Party ‘Interference’

The Guardian -  

Convenor Simon Holmes à Court says more than 2,000 donors kicked in funds for looming election campaigns against Coalition incumbents

Climate 200 was formed to support the political campaigns of independents focused on climate change who will challenge Liberal MPs. Photograph: Lukas Coch/AAP

An organisation supporting independent candidates focused on climate change to challenge Liberal incumbents in urban heartland seats says it has raised $2m in six weeks.

Simon Holmes à Court, the convenor of Climate 200, told Guardian Australia more than 2,000 donors had kicked in funds for looming political campaigns by independents – including some high net worth individuals.

But Holmes à Court said the Atlassian co-founder Mike Cannon-Brookes – who was involved in some political campaigns during the 2019 election – had not yet made a pledge.

A number of metropolitan Liberals feel under political pressure because of the federal Coalition’s climate policy record.

The Liberal senator Andrew Bragg has written to the Australian Electoral Commission asking for a probe of the “voices” movements that are organising independent campaigns in blue-ribbon Liberal-held seats.

Holmes à Court said he expected heavy public scrutiny and “endless interference” from the Liberal party ahead of the federal election “so we are absolutely scrupulous in our disclosure obligations”.

But he said Climate 200 did not feel compelled to declare the source of donations below the current disclosure threshold, which is $14,500.

He said close to 1,700 donors giving contributions below the threshold had consented to be named, and they would be disclosed shortly on the organisation’s website. But he added: “We are not going to tie our hands behind our backs and we don’t want to discourage donors.”

Holmes à Court noted the Australian Greens disclosed donations at a lower threshold “and as a result there are a lot of people who would like to donate to them but don’t”.

“I don’t see that’s a winning strategy from the Greens’ perspective,” he said.

Holmes à Court said while he personally favoured more transparency, including real-time disclosure of contributions, many Australians were very reluctant to be identified as supporting various political causes.

“It’s pretty sad that a lot of people are terrified about disclosing in Australia,” he said.

“It’s one way we push people away from the democratic system with this culture that it is somehow dirty to donate to politics – that means lots of good people don’t engage with the political system when the fossil fuel industry is loud and proud and happy to pay $20,000 to sit next to the prime minister for an evening.”

He said one of his objectives with Climate 200 was to “make it more palatable for people to support politics in Australia”.

Holmes à Court said his objective was to amass a war chest of around $3m. “We are really focused on growing the breadth of donations.”

The technology entrepreneur Simon Hackett and the climate investor Simon Monk have pursued a strategy with Climate 200 of matching donations, where the individual makes a donation on the basis the contribution will be matched by a bunch of small contributions.

“The matching works really well because it doesn’t crowd out smaller investors,” Holmes à Court said. “This is much more powerful if it is broad-based.”

Simon Holmes à Court with former independent MP Kerryn Phelps on the day her Medevac bill was passed with a full page advertisement giving doctors a voice.

Climate 200 is a company not a charity.

Holmes à Court said it does not select candidates, but it is a fundraising vehicle to bankroll campaigns by independents.

Holmes à Court is the convenor, Damien Hodgkinson – who worked with Kerry Phelps during her campaign to win the Sydney seat of Wentworth – is a director of the company and Byron Fay is the group’s executive director.

With independent insurgencies popping up in metropolitan seats, many Liberals have been vocal during the Morrison government’s internal debate about climate commitments ahead of the Cop26 summit in Glasgow.

In late September, the Liberal party’s federal director, Andrew Hirst, also appealed for donations to build a fighting fund to respond to the fundraising drive of Climate 200 and other groups.

In his email to supporters, Hirst declared: “We can’t risk more left-leaning independents tipping Labor (and the Greens) into power.”

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(AU ABC) 'Another Nail In The Coffin': Indian-Owned Australian Coal Mine Suffers Big Legal Reverse

ABC Rural - Daniel Mercer

Griffin Coal in Collie, Western Australia, has been beset by financial woes for 10 years. (ABC News: Hugh Sando)

Key Points
  • The Federal Court has ordered Griffin Coal to pay Carna Group $5.1 million in damages
  • Carna managed the Griffin mine in 2014 but sued over claims of repeated non-payment
  • Griffin is owned by Indian interests and has reportedly lost more than $1 billion in 10 years
An Indian-owned Australian coal miner believed to be more than $1 billion in the red is teetering after a Federal Court judge ordered the company to pay an aggrieved creditor more than $5 million in costs.

Griffin Coal Mining, which runs a mine at Collie, about 300km south of Perth, has been left reeling after losing a case that was brought by its former mine manager, Carna Civil and Engineering.

Carna ran the mine for about nine months until December 2014 when it terminated the contract over claims that Griffin had repeatedly failed to pay its debts on time.

It subsequently went into liquidation and sued Griffin for damages.

In a decision handed down in Perth on Friday, Justice Neil McKerracher upheld Carna's claim, saying Griffin's failure to pay had been "consistent and debilitating" for the contractor.

"There is no doubt that throughout the period of the contract … Griffin was under a chronic disability with respect to its capacity to pay its debts," Justice McKerracher found.

"As is patently clear from the documentary record, in late 2013 and 2014 Griffin could not pay all its debts as and when they fell due without parent company support.

"Crucially, the parent support consistently failed to materialise at the time it was needed and in the amounts required to pay Griffin's debts."

Griffin in 'dire' financial health

According to the judgement, financial accounts show Griffin burnt through almost $70 million in cash in the 2017 financial year and almost $50 million in the nine months to the end of March 2018.

Justice McKerracher ruled Griffin was liable to pay Carna $5.1 million in damages plus costs although he set aside a decision over how much interest the miner would be required to pay.

Steve Thomas, a state Liberal MP, said the decision was a devastating setback for Griffin, which had been hit by a rolling series of crises since being taken over by Indian interests in 2011.

Most recently, Griffin invoked a so-called Act of God clause to cut deliveries to its customers, blaming a relatively wet winter.

Dr Thomas put Griffin's overall losses in the past decade at more than $1 billion and said that while $5.1 million might not sound like much "it's another nail in Griffin's coffin".

He said Griffin's troubles were casting uncertainty over the town of Collie, the heart of WA's coal industry, producing almost half the power for the state's main grid.

"It all indicates a company that simply is unable to manage its financial affairs," Dr Thomas said.
"And it's dire, both for the company and the community of Collie.
"Ultimately, Collie is so important to the South West."

Ruling 'vindication' for lawsuit

Griffin's customers include Bluewaters, the 400MW power station whose value was last year written down to zero by its Japanese owners amid the crumbling economics of coal-fired electricity generation.

Workers at Griffin Coal have long endured uncertainty over the mine's viability. (ABC News: Anthony Pancia)

Unlike the eastern states, WA does not export its coal, which is used domestically for electricity generation and industrial purposes.

FTI Consulting, which is acting as liquidator for Carna, said it welcomed the Federal Court decision which vindicated its decision to press its legal case against Griffin.

"(The decision) upholds our claim which centred on warranties and representations made by Griffin Coal about its financial health prior to Carna signing a mining services contract with Griffin in early 2014," a spokesman for FTI said.

"Before entering this contract, Carna Group had a substantial successful operational history that was impacted significantly by a single contract.

"It had successfully operated since being founded in 1992, delivering more than 250 projects on behalf of customers.

"Initiating these proceedings on behalf of Carna Group followed a carefully considered strategy to maximise recoveries for creditors."

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(USA Salon) Solving The Climate Crisis Requires The End Of Capitalism

SalonJeremy Lent

Overcoming the climate crisis will require a shift away from our growth-based, corporate-dominated global system


General view during the Global Climate Strike March on October 02, 2020 in Durban, South Africa. According to media reports, the group demanded that individuals and governments must take stronger action against the effects of climate change and the emittance of the greenhouse gas. (Darren Stewart/Gallo Images via Getty Images)

Author
Jeremy Lent is an author and speaker whose work investigates the underlying causes of our civilization’s existential crisis, and explores pathways toward a life-affirming future.
His recently published book is The Web of Meaning: Integrating Science and Traditional Wisdom to Find Our Place in the Universe.
website: jeremylent.com.
The global conversation regarding climate change has, for the most part, ignored the elephant in the room. That's strange, because this particular elephant is so large, obvious, and all-encompassing that politicians and executives must contort themselves to avoid naming it publicly. That elephant is called capitalism, and it is high time to face the fact that, as long as capitalism remains the dominant economic system of our globalized world, the climate crisis won't be resolved.

As the crucial UN climate talks known as COP26 (short for "Conference of the Parties") approach in early November, the public has grown increasingly aware that the stakes have never been higher. What were once ominous warnings of future climate shocks wrought by wildfires, floods, and droughts have now become a staple of the daily news. Yet governments are failing to meet their own emissions pledges from the Paris agreement six years ago, which were themselves acknowledged to be inadequate. Increasingly, respected Earth scientists are warning, not just about the devastating effects of climate breakdown on our daily lives, but about the potential collapse of civilization itself unless we drastically change direction.

The elephant in the room

And yet, even as humanity faces perhaps the greatest existential crisis in our species' history, the public debate on climate barely mentions the underlying economic system that brought us to this point and which continues to drive us toward the precipice. Ever since its emergence in the seventeenth century, with the creation of the first limited liability shareholder-owned corporations, capitalism has been premised on viewing the planet as a resource to exploit — its overriding objective to maximize profits from that exploitation as rapidly and extensively as possible. Current mainstream strategies to resolve our twin crises of climate breakdown and ecological overshoot without changing the underlying system of growth-based global capitalism are structurally inadequate.

The idea of "green growth" is promulgated by many development consultants, and is even incorporated in the UN's official plan for "sustainable development," but has been shown to be an illusion. Ecomodernists, and others who stand to profit from growth in the short-term, frequently make the argument that, through technological innovation, aggregate global economic output can become "absolutely decoupled" from resource use and carbon emissions — permitting limitless growth on a finite planet. Careful rigorous analysis, though, shows that this hasn't happened so far, and even the most wildly aggressive assumptions for greater efficiency would still lead to unsustainable consumption of global resources.

The primary reason for this derives ultimately from the nature of capitalism itself. Under capitalism — which has now become the default global economic context for virtually all human enterprise — efficiency improvements intended to reduce resource usage inevitably become launchpads for further exploitation, leading paradoxically to an increase, rather than decrease, in consumption.

This dynamic, known as the Jevons paradox, was first recognized back in the nineteenth century by economist William Stanley Jevons, who demonstrated how James Watts' steam engine, which greatly improved the efficiency of coal-powered engines, paradoxically caused a dramatic increase in coal consumption even while it decreased the amount of coal required for any particular application. The Jevons paradox has since been shown to be true in an endless variety of domains, from the invention in the nineteenth century of the cotton gin which led to an increase rather than decrease in the practice of slavery in the American South, to improved automobile fuel efficiency which encourages people to drive longer distances.

When the Jevons paradox is generalized to the global marketplace, we begin to see that it's not really a paradox at all, but rather an inbuilt defining characteristic of capitalism. Shareholder-owned corporations, as the primary agents of global capitalism, are legally structured by the overarching imperative to maximize shareholder returns above all else. Although they are given the legal rights of "personhood" in many jurisdictions, if they were actually humans they would be diagnosed as psychopaths, ruthlessly pursuing their goal without regard to any collateral damage they might cause. Of the hundred largest economies today, sixty-nine are transnational corporations, which collectively represent a relentless force with one overriding objective: to turn humanity and the rest of life into fodder for endlessly increasing profit at the fastest possible rate.

Under global capitalism, this dynamic holds true even without the involvement of transnational corporations. Take bitcoin as an example. Originally designed after the global financial meltdown of 2008 to wrest monetary power from the domination of central banks, it relies on building trust through "mining," a process that allows anyone to verify a transaction by solving increasingly complex mathematical equations and earn new bitcoins as compensation. A great idea — in theory. In practice, the unfettered marketplace for bitcoin mining has led to frenzied competition to solve ever more complex equations, with vast warehouses holding "rigs" of advanced computers consuming massive amounts of electricity, with the result that the carbon emissions from bitcoin processing are now equivalent to that of a mid-size country such as Sweden or Argentina.

An economy based on perpetual growth

The relentless pursuit of profit growth above all other considerations is reflected in the world's stock markets, where corporations are valued not by their benefit to society, but by investors' expectations of their growth in future earnings. Similarly, when aggregated to national accounts, the main proxy used to measure the performance of politicians is growth in Gross Domestic Product (GDP). Although it is commonly assumed that GDP correlates with social welfare, this is not the case once basic material requirements have been met. GDP merely measures the rate at which society transforms nature and human activity into the monetary economy, regardless of the ensuing quality of life. Anything that causes economic activity of any kind, whether good or bad, adds to GDP. When researchers developed a benchmark called the Genuine Progress Indicator (GPI), which incorporates qualitative components of well-being, they discovered a dramatic divergence between the two measures. GPI peaked in 1978 and has been steadily falling ever since, even while GDP continues to accelerate.

In spite of this, the possibility of shifting our economy away from perpetual growth is barely even considered in mainstream discourse. In preparation for COP26, the UN's Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) modeled five scenarios exploring potential pathways that would lead to different global heating outcomes this century, ranging from an optimistic 1.5°C pathway to a likely catastrophic 4.5°C track. One of their most critical variables is the amount of carbon reduction accomplished through negative emissions, relying on massive implementation of unproven technologies. According to the IPCC, staying under 2°C of global heating — consistent with the minimum target set by the 2015 Paris agreement — involves a heroic assumption that we will suck 730 billion metric tonnes of carbon out of the atmosphere this century. This stupendous amount is equivalent to roughly twenty times the total current annual emissions from all fossil fuel usage. Such an assumption is closer to science fiction than any rigorous analysis worthy of a model on which our civilization is basing its entire future. Yet, even as the IPCC appears willing to model humanity's fate on a pipe dream, not one of their scenarios explores what is possible from a graduated annual reduction in global GDP. Such a scenario was considered by the IPCC community to be too implausible to consider.

This represents a serious lapse on the part of the IPCC. Climate scientists who have modeled planned reductions in GDP show that keeping global heating below 1.5°C this century is potentially within reach under this scenario, with greatly reduced reliance on speculative carbon reduction technologies. Prominent economists have shown that a carefully managed "post-growth" plan could lead to enhanced quality of life, reduced inequality, and a healthier environment. It would, however, undermine the foundational activity of capitalism — the pursuit of endless growth that has led to our current state of obscene inequality, impending ecological collapse, and climate breakdown.

The profit-based path to catastrophe

As long as this elephant in the room remains unspoken, our world will continue to careen toward catastrophe, even as politicians and technocrats shift from one savior narrative to another. Along with the myth of "green growth," we are told that a solution lies in putting monetary valuations on "ecosystem services" and incorporating them into business decisions — even though this approach has been shown to be deeply flawed, frequently counterproductive, and ultimately self-defeating. A wetlands, for example, might have value in protecting a city from flooding. However, if it were drained and a swanky new resort built on the reclaimed land, this could be more lucrative. Case closed.

The new moniker arising from the corporate titans at the World Economic Forum is "stakeholder capitalism": an inviting term that seems to imply that stakeholders other than investors will play a role in setting corporate priorities, but actually refers to a profoundly anti-democratic process whereby corporations assume increasingly large roles in global governance. This month, the UN Food Systems Summit was essentially taken over by the same giant corporations, including Nestlé and Bayer, that are largely responsible for the very problems the summit was intended to grapple with — which led to a widespread boycott by hundreds of civil society and Indigenous groups.

As net-zero targets decades away are formally announced at COP26, built implicitly on a combination of corporate procrastination and speculative technologies, we can only expect the climate crisis to continue to worsen. Ultimately, as negative emissions technologies fail to meet their grandiose expectations, the same voices that currently promote reliance on them will lend support to the techno-dystopian idea of geoengineering — vast, planet-altering engineering projects designed to temporarily manipulate the climate to defer a climate apocalypse. A leading geoengineering candidate, financed by Bill Gates, involves spraying particles into the stratosphere to cool the Earth by reflecting the Sun's rays back into space. The risks are enormous, including the likelihood of causing extreme shifts in precipitation around the world. Additionally, once begun, it could never be stopped without immediate catastrophic rebound heating; it would not prevent the oceans from further acidifying; and may turn the blue sky into a perpetual dull haze. In spite of these concerns, geoengineering is beginning to get discussed at UN meetings, with publications such as The Economist predicting that, since it wouldn't disrupt continued economic growth, it's more likely to be implemented than the drastic, binding cuts in emissions that would head off climate disaster.

There is an alternative

Why is the elephant in the room so rarely mentioned in mainstream discourse? One reason is that, since the collapse of communism and the parallel rise of neoliberalism beginning in the 1980s, it is assumed that "there is no alternative," as Margaret Thatcher famously declared. Even committed green advocates, such as the Business Green group, are quick to dismiss criticism of our growth-based economic system as "knee-jerk anti-capitalist agitprop." But the conventional dichotomy between capitalism and socialism, to which such conversations inevitably devolve, is no longer helpful. Old-fashioned socialism was just as poised to consume the Earth as capitalism, differing primarily in how the pie should be carved up. 

There is, however, an alternative. A wide range of progressive thinkers are exploring the possibilities of replacing our destructive global economic system with one that offers potential for sustainability, greater fairness, and human flourishing. Proponents of degrowth show that it is possible to implement a planned reduction of energy and resource use while reducing inequality and improving human well-being. Economic models, such as Kate Raworth's "doughnut economics" offer coherent substitutes for the classical outdated framework that ignores fundamental principles of human nature and humanity's role within the Earth system. Meanwhile, large-scale cooperatives, such as Mondragon in Spain, demonstrate that it's possible for companies to provide effectively for human needs without utilizing a shareholder-based profit model.

Another reason people give for ignoring the elephant in the room, even when they know it's there, is that we don't have time for structural change. The climate emergency is already upon us, and we need to focus on actions that can occur right now. This is true, and nothing in this article should be taken as a reason to avoid the drastic and immediate changes required in business and consumer practices. Indeed, they are necessary — but insufficient. Ultimately, our global civilization must begin a transformation to one that is based not on building wealth through extraction, but on foundational principles that could create the conditions for long-term flourishing on a regenerated Earth — an ecological civilization.

Even in the short term, there are innumerable steps that can be taken to steer our civilization toward a life-affirming trajectory. Around the world Indigenous people on the frontline of the climate emergency desperately need support in defending the biodiverse ecosystems in which they are embedded against assaults from extractive corporations. A growing campaign is under way to make the wholesale destruction of natural living systems a criminal act by establishing a law of ecocide—prosecutable like genocide under the International Criminal Court. The powers of transnational corporations themselves need to be addressed, ultimately by requiring their charters to be converted to a triple bottom line of people, planet, and profits, and subject to rigorous enforcement powers.

The transformation we need may take decades, but the process must begin now with the clear and explicit recognition that capitalism itself needs to be supplanted by a system based on life-affirming values. Don't expect to see any discussion of these issues in the formal proceedings of COP26. But, turn your attention outside the hallowed halls and you'll hear the voices of those who are standing up for life's continued flourishing on Earth. It's only when their ideas are discussed seriously in the main chambers of a future COP that we can begin to hold authentic hope that our civilization may finally be turning away from the precipice toward which it is currently accelerating.

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10/10/2021

(AU The Guardian) Angus Taylor Advised By Department That IPCC Climate Report Was ‘Balanced’, Documents Show

The Guardian

Emissions reduction minister told to expect more vigorous calls for ambitious targets before Barnaby Joyce declined to endorse findings

Australia’s emissions reduction minister, Angus Taylor, received a four-page briefing from his department just before the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change released its new report. Photograph: Lukas Coch/AAP

Australian government officials privately advised Angus Taylor that the latest international report on climate science was “balanced and transparent” before Barnaby Joyce later refused to endorse some of the key findings.

Amid government divisions on climate policy in the lead-up to the Glasgow Cop26 conference, Guardian Australia can reveal Taylor’s department also told him to expect intensified calls “for more ambitious climate targets, such as net zero emissions by 2050 or earlier”.

Taylor, the emissions reduction minister, received a four-page briefing from his department just before the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) released its new report in August.

The industry department also provided Taylor with “updated talking points” and a “media handling strategy” – although those attachments were not included in the document released to Guardian Australia under freedom of information laws (FoI).

“It is the department’s view that the report provides a detailed, balanced and transparent assessment that addresses Australia’s comments submitted during the final government review,” stated the ministerial submission sent on 9 August.

Taylor and the Liberals largely accepted the IPCC report, with Taylor saying on its release that “Australia is committed to achieving net zero emissions as soon as possible, and preferably by 2050”.

However, three weeks after its release, Joyce, who as the leader of the Nationals will be crucial to the outcome of the government’s climate policy negotiations, declined to endorse specific IPCC findings.

At a National Press Club event on 3 September, the deputy prime minister likened questions from the Guardian about whether he agreed with several key findings from the report to a baptism where parents were required to “denounce Satan and all his works and deeds”.

Joyce said he was “not going to stand here and sort of be berated into complying” with such statements.

When presented with several statements from the 40-page summary for policymakers, Joyce said he would not “participate in some sort of kangaroo court of now you will agree to every statement I say because the IPCC said it”.

He said only that he believed “humans have an influence on climate”, without specifying how much of an influence.

But the department’s briefing to Taylor on the IPCC report noted that the summary for policymakers “was approved line by line in an IPCC member government approval session from 26 July to 6 August 2021” and represented a balanced outcome.

“The report is expected to attract significant media attention and intensify calls for more ambitious climate targets, such as net zero emissions by 2050 or earlier,” the department told Taylor.

Download original document

The department said the key messages from the report included that it was “unequivocal that human influence has warmed the atmosphere, ocean and land”.

The briefing said this was the IPCC’s strongest statement on human influence to date “and builds on a similar finding in its Fifth Assessment Report in 2013 which found that human influence was ‘clear’”.

The briefing also noted that “limiting human-induced global warming to a specific level requires reaching at least net zero CO2 emissions, along with strong reductions in other greenhouse gas emissions”.

“Stakeholders might use the report’s release as an opportunity to amplify calls for near term action to reduce methane emissions, noting its greater warming impact compared to carbon dioxide on a tonne for tonne basis, over a 100-year time horizon,” it stated.

Three paragraphs in the briefing were blacked out in the version released to Guardian Australia apparently because of a potential impact on foreign relations.

The briefing was prepared for Taylor and there is no indication Joyce received it.

Pressure builds on Australia

Australia is facing sustained diplomatic pressure, including from the US and the UK, to strengthen its climate policies, including its 2030 target, which remains at the Abbott-era level of a 26% to 28% cut compared with 2005.

The FoI decision-maker said of the redactions: “I am satisfied this material contains opinions and confidential information about issues of sensitivity between Australia and various foreign countries and the release of this material would inhibit or prejudice future negotiations between the Australian government and the government of these countries.”

The prime minister, Scott Morrison, pushed back at diplomatic pressure on Thursday, saying he would not “make any suggestions as to what other countries should be doing”.

Addressing reporters outside the Lodge in Canberra, Morrison said the government would be “working through” the details of its climate plan “over the next few weeks”, arguing it had been “a very good faith process” to date.

Morrison did not rule out accepting a controversial proposal to create a $250bn loan facility for the resources sector in return for National party backing for a net zero emissions target.

The resources minister, Keith Pitt, has proposed that taxpayers underwrite fossil fuel financing and insurance, but the idea has been met with scorn by metropolitan Liberals.

 The Australia Institute, a progressive thinktank, plans to launch a new television advertising campaign that accuses the government of “trying to cheat on climate action again”.

“Their plan for net zero emissions by 2050 is a fraud if gas and coal are allowed to expand,” the narrator says in a 30-second ad expected to air from Monday.

Richie Merzian, the climate and energy program director at the Australia Institute, said actions spoke louder than words.

“While the prime minister is poised to announce a net zero by 2050 target, we can see from this government’s actions that it has little intention of meeting such a target, let alone beating it,” Merzian said.

With the Asian Development Bank preparing to decide on a new energy policy that is likely to include an end to financing coal projects, a Treasury spokesperson said on Thursday the Australian government was “currently considering its position”.

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