12/03/2026

When the Heat Takes the Day: A Third of Humanity Now Lives Under Life-Limiting Temperatures - Lethal Heating Editor BDA

Key Points
  • Extreme heat now limits daily life for roughly one-third of humanity [1]
  • New research integrates seventy years of climate, population and physiological data [2]
  • Scientists measure safe human activity using metabolic equivalents, or METs [3]
  • Older adults now face about nine hundred hours of extreme heat annually [4]
  • Young adults experience roughly twice as many life-limiting heat hours as in the mid-twentieth century [5]
  • The most severe impacts occur across tropical and subtropical regions [6]

In the late afternoon in the Indian city of Ahmedabad, when the sun settles low over the Sabarmati River, the streets should be alive with motion. 

Vendors push carts of roasted peanuts and fruit while children chase cricket balls through narrow lanes. 

Instead, the city pauses. The heat presses down like a heavy curtain and people wait indoors for the sun to lose its strength.

For millions across the world, waiting has become part of daily life. A new global study suggests the reason is simple and troubling. Extreme heat is quietly reshaping the basic rhythms of human life. Conditions hot enough to restrict normal activity now affect roughly one-third of humanity.[1]

A Planet Where the Day Is Shrinking

For most of human history the length of a working day depended on sunlight and social custom. Farmers rose early to avoid the midday sun while labourers rested during the hottest hours. The new research suggests the climate itself is now shortening the usable hours of the day.

The study combines temperature observations with demographic data and a physiological model that estimates how much effort a human body can safely perform under certain conditions.[2] The result is a global map of livability measured not by comfort but by the ability to move, work or simply walk outside. Across large parts of the world that ability is shrinking.

When temperatures climb high enough, the body struggles to release heat through sweating and blood circulation. Core temperature begins to rise and fatigue sets in quickly. What begins as discomfort can escalate to heat exhaustion or heat stroke. At certain thresholds ordinary life becomes physically hazardous.

Measuring Human Limits

To quantify these boundaries researchers turned to a tool more familiar in sports science than climate research. The measure is known as a metabolic equivalent, or MET. A MET represents the energy the body expends during physical activity compared with resting metabolism.

Walking slowly requires about three METs while heavy labour such as digging or carrying bricks may demand six or more. By combining these values with temperature and humidity data scientists can estimate how much activity the human body can safely sustain.[3]

Under moderate conditions most daily tasks remain well within safe limits. Under extreme heat the margin disappears and even light exertion becomes risky. In the hottest environments researchers found the safe threshold for physical activity drops close to resting levels. The implication is stark because ordinary routines suddenly become dangerous.

A Steady Rise in Dangerous Hours

The study traces how these limits have shifted since the middle of the twentieth century. The pattern is clear across nearly every continent. Dangerous heat exposure has increased steadily as global temperatures have risen.

Older adults are now exposed to roughly nine hundred hours of extreme heat each year compared with around six hundred hours in 1950.[4] Age matters because the body’s ability to regulate temperature declines over time. Sweating becomes less efficient while cardiovascular strain increases.

Younger adults face a different pattern. Their physical resilience remains higher yet the duration of exposure has doubled in many regions. Researchers estimate that young adults today experience about twice as many hours of life-limiting heat as people did seventy years ago.[5]

Where the Heat Bites Hardest

The geography of the problem follows a familiar line on the map. Tropical and subtropical regions carry the heaviest burden. South Asia, the Middle East and parts of West Africa already experience temperatures that approach the limits of human tolerance during summer months.[6]

These are also regions where millions of people work outdoors in agriculture, construction and transport. For them extreme heat is not an occasional emergency. It is a daily constraint that shapes working hours and livelihoods.

In Pakistan and India the summer working day increasingly begins before sunrise. Construction crews pause during the afternoon and return after dusk. In parts of the Persian Gulf outdoor labour is banned during peak hours of summer. Similar adjustments are spreading across the world.

Southern Europe has experienced several record-breaking heat waves in recent years. Cities such as Athens and Rome have closed tourist sites during the hottest hours to protect visitors and workers. Climate change is therefore not only a story about storms or melting ice. It is increasingly about the basic conditions that allow people to live ordinary lives.

The Quiet Economics of Heat

Heat rarely leaves dramatic images of destruction. Instead, it erodes productivity and health in quieter ways. Outdoor labour slows while electricity demand rises as air conditioners work harder. Hospitals treat more cases of dehydration and heat stress.

The economic consequences are substantial. The International Labour Organization estimates that rising temperatures could reduce global working hours by the equivalent of tens of millions of full-time jobs by the end of this decade. Agriculture, construction, and transport remain especially vulnerable because they depend on physical effort in open air.

When the heat becomes dangerous work must stop. For low-income communities, that lost time often means lost income. In many countries, these economic losses accumulate quietly year after year.

Cities on the Front Line

Urban areas amplify the problem. Concrete, asphalt, and glass trap heat long after sunset, creating what scientists call the urban heat island effect. Night temperatures in large cities can remain several degrees warmer than surrounding countryside.

That difference matters because the human body relies on cooler nights to recover from daytime heat. Without that relief the stress accumulates. Heat related illness becomes more likely during extended hot periods.

Many cities are experimenting with solutions. Urban planners plant more trees, expand shaded streets and install reflective roofs. Some governments issue heat alerts similar to storm warnings. These measures reduce risk but cannot fully offset the warming trend.

Conclusion

The story of climate change typically unfolds through dramatic images such as collapsing glaciers or vast wildfires. 

Yet the most profound changes may occur quietly within the routines of daily life. A farmer begins work before dawn because midday has become unbearable, while a grandmother waits indoors through afternoons that once belonged to neighbourhood walks. A child learns that the safe time to play outside is shrinking each year. 

The research suggests these adjustments are not temporary responses to isolated heat waves but signs of a deeper shift between human bodies and the climate that surrounds them.

For centuries, societies adapted their rhythms to the seasons. Now the seasons themselves are changing. The question that lingers is not simply how hot the world will become. It is how much of the day, and how much of ordinary life, will remain comfortably within the limits of the human body.

References

  1. Nature Climate Change: Global exposure to extreme heat and limits to human activity
  2. IPCC Sixth Assessment Report: Impacts, Adaptation and Vulnerability
  3. CDC: Heat Stress and Human Physiology
  4. Lancet Countdown on Health and Climate Change
  5. Nature: Increasing human exposure to extreme heat
  6. World Bank: Turn Down the Heat

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11/03/2026

The Science of a Warming Continent: What Five New Climate Papers Tell Us About Australia’s Future - Lethal Heating Editor BDA

Key Points
  • Climate modelling shows southern Australia is likely to experience longer and more intense droughts this century [1]
  • New research quantifies the warming impact of individual fossil fuel projects including major Australian gas developments [2]
  • Urban climate studies warn Australian cities are under-prepared for intensifying heat and urban heat island effects [3]
  • Artificial intelligence models are revealing new insights into how climate drivers influence extreme fire weather [4]
  • Energy system research suggests green hydrogen could reduce emissions if aligned with renewable electricity availability [5]
  • Together these studies show how Australian climate science is shifting toward decision-focused research [6]

On a warming continent defined by extremes, climate science in Australia has entered a new and more urgent phase.

The country’s researchers are no longer simply measuring change.

Increasingly they are trying to understand what that change means for decisions being made now, from the approval of fossil fuel projects to the design of cities and the management of fire-prone landscapes.

Over the past two years a cluster of research papers has captured that shift. Each focuses on a different piece of the Australian climate puzzle.

Taken together they form a portrait of a country confronting the physical consequences of a warming world while also wrestling with the choices that shape its future.

Some of the findings are technical. Others are quietly unsettling. All point toward a deeper truth about climate change in Australia.

The science is becoming less abstract and more immediate. The consequences are moving closer to everyday life.

The Long Drying

One of the most consistent signals in Australian climate science is the slow drying of the continent’s south.

A 2025 modelling study published in Hydrology and Earth System Sciences examined how drought may evolve across Australia under future warming scenarios.

The researchers used high resolution climate models that incorporate new global datasets from the CMIP6 climate modelling program.

CMIP6 is the latest generation of international climate models used by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change. The results suggested that southern Australia is likely to experience longer and more frequent droughts during the twenty first century.[1]

The strongest drying signal appears in south-west Western Australia and parts of southern Victoria and South Australia. These regions have already seen declining winter rainfall during the past several decades.

The study found that rising temperatures intensify drought conditions by increasing evaporation and atmospheric demand for moisture.[1]

This means drought can become more severe even if rainfall decreases only slightly.

Farmers across southern Australia already understand this dynamic from experience. Hotter air pulls more water from soil and vegetation. Rivers shrink faster. Reservoirs drop sooner.

The study suggests those processes may become a defining feature of the southern climate.

Australia has always been a dry continent. The research implies that some of its most productive regions could become drier still.

Counting the Warming from a Single Project

Another recent study approached the climate question from a different angle.

Instead of modelling drought or rainfall, researchers asked a deceptively simple question: How much global warming does a single fossil fuel project cause?

The paper, published in Nature Climate Action, developed a method for estimating the temperature impact of individual developments based on their projected lifetime emissions.

The researchers applied the method to several fossil fuel projects including the Scarborough gas field in Western Australia.

The results suggested that the project’s emissions could contribute approximately 0.00039 degrees Celsius of global warming over time.[2]

At first glance the number seems almost trivial. The planet is large. One project appears small. Yet climate change is driven by the cumulative effect of many such decisions.

The study argued that evaluating projects individually helps reveal the incremental nature of warming. It also challenges the common argument that one development cannot significantly influence the global climate.

The method does not claim that a single project determines the planet’s future. It shows that each decision adds a measurable fraction to the total.

Climate policy often operates at the level of national targets and international agreements.

This research shifts attention toward the granular choices that ultimately determine whether those targets are met.

Cities and the Heat Above Them

More than ninety per cent of Australians live in cities. Yet urban climate research has historically received less attention than studies of forests, oceans and agricultural landscapes.

A recent analysis led by climate scientist Ariane Nazarian examined the gap between urban climate risks and the scientific tools available to study them. The research highlighted how Australian cities are vulnerable to the urban heat island effect.

This phenomenon occurs when buildings, asphalt and concrete absorb heat during the day and release it slowly overnight. The result is that cities can remain several degrees warmer than surrounding rural areas.

Heatwaves amplify the effect.

The study noted that existing climate models often struggle to represent the complexity of urban landscapes.[3]

Buildings create turbulent air flows. Streets channel wind and trap heat. Vegetation changes local humidity and shading. All of these processes shape how heat accumulates in a city.

The researchers argued that improved urban climate monitoring and modelling will be essential as heatwaves intensify across Australia.[3]

For millions of people the experience of climate change will be defined not by distant glaciers or coral reefs but by the temperature of the air in their neighbourhood at midnight.

Fire Weather in the Age of Algorithms

Bushfires have long been part of Australia’s environmental history. But the catastrophic fires of recent decades have forced scientists to rethink how climate influences extreme fire weather.

A 2025 study used machine learning techniques to analyse patterns of extreme fire risk across eastern Australia. The researchers employed a model known as a conditional variational autoencoder.

The name sounds arcane. The concept is relatively straightforward. The algorithm learns patterns in large datasets and generates simulations that mimic those patterns.

In this case the model examined relationships between the Fire Weather Index and large scale climate drivers such as the El Niño Southern Oscillation. The analysis revealed how combinations of atmospheric conditions can produce clusters of extreme fire weather events.[4]

The findings suggest that machine learning could help researchers explore scenarios that are difficult to capture using traditional statistical methods.

The study does not predict specific fires. Instead it improves understanding of the climate conditions that make extreme fire seasons more likely.

In a country where fire shapes landscapes and communities alike, that knowledge carries practical significance.

The Promise and Complexity of Green Hydrogen

While some studies focus on climate impacts, others examine possible pathways away from fossil fuels.

Australia has emerged as a potential leader in the production of green hydrogen.

This fuel is created by splitting water into hydrogen and oxygen using electricity generated from renewable sources. When hydrogen is burned or used in fuel cells it produces water rather than carbon dioxide.

A recent life cycle analysis explored how hydrogen production could operate within Australia’s electricity grid. The study found that the carbon intensity of hydrogen varies depending on when electrolysis occurs.[5]

If hydrogen plants operate when renewable electricity is abundant, emissions fall sharply. If they rely on electricity generated from fossil fuels, the climate benefits shrink.

The researchers concluded that aligning hydrogen production with periods of high renewable output could reduce both emissions and costs.[5]

The idea reflects a broader challenge facing energy transitions. Technological solutions rarely operate in isolation. They depend on the design of entire systems.

A New Direction in Climate Science

Viewed individually these studies address very different questions.

One looks at drought. Another examines fossil fuel projects. Others explore urban heat, bushfire risk and renewable energy systems. Together they illustrate a shift in how climate research is conducted.

Earlier generations of climate science focused primarily on detection. Researchers sought to confirm that the planet was warming and to understand the basic mechanisms behind that change.

Today the scientific consensus on global warming is firmly established. The focus has moved toward consequences and decisions:

  • How will drought evolve across specific landscapes.
  • How much warming results from a particular industrial project.
  • How should cities adapt to rising heat.
  • How can energy systems reduce emissions while remaining reliable.

Each question connects climate science to choices made by governments, businesses and communities. In that sense the research is becoming more practical. It is also becoming more uncomfortable.

Scientific findings increasingly illuminate the trade-offs embedded in policy decisions.

Conclusion

Climate research often unfolds quietly in journals and technical reports. Yet its implications ripple outward into politics, economics and everyday life.

The five studies discussed here do not attempt to tell a single story about Australia’s climate future. Instead they reveal fragments of a much larger narrative:

  • Some fragments describe physical change.
  • Drought intensifies.
  • Heat gathers over cities.
  • Fire weather emerges from complex atmospheric patterns.
  • Other fragments focus on human choices.
  • Energy systems evolve.
  • Industrial projects accumulate small increments of warming.
  • Technological pathways open and close depending on policy and investment.
None of these findings resolves the central question of climate change. They sharpen it.

Australia remains a continent shaped by climatic extremes. What the science now makes clear is that those extremes are shifting in ways that connect directly to decisions made in the present.

The research offers tools for understanding those connections. What it cannot determine is how society will respond. That question still lies beyond the boundaries of scientific papers.

It remains open.

References

  1. High-resolution downscaled CMIP6 drought projections for Australia
  2. Quantifying the warming contribution of individual fossil fuel projects
  3. Strengthening national capability in urban climate science
  4. Modeling spatio-temporal extremes using machine learning
  5. Spatio-temporal life cycle analysis of electrolytic hydrogen production in Australia
  6. CSIRO State of the Climate reports

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10/03/2026

Fewer Calves, Shrinking Ice: The Climate Crisis Threatening Southern Right Whales' Fragile Recovery - Lethal Heating Editor BDA

Key Points
  • A landmark 33-year study shows Southern Right Whales are having calves less frequently, with calving intervals stretching from three years to four or five, directly linked to climate change in the Southern Ocean. 1
  • Antarctic sea ice has hit record or near-record lows for three consecutive years (2023, 2024, 2025), disrupting the krill that female whales depend on to build fat reserves for pregnancy. 2
  • Australia's Southern Right Whale population stands at just 16–26% of pre-whaling levels, making it acutely vulnerable to any further reduction in reproductive success. 3
  • The research is conducted within the Yalata Indigenous Protected Area, where the Yalata Anangu Aboriginal Corporation partners with scientists and calls the findings alarming for their community. 4
  • Identical reproductive declines are being recorded in Southern Right Whale populations off South Africa and Argentina, pointing to a systemic Southern Ocean crisis. 5
  • Researchers and conservationists are calling for expanded marine protected areas, stricter management of the Antarctic krill fishery, and urgent international climate action. 6

Each year, between May and October, a stretch of limestone cliff face rises from the edge of the Nullarbor Plain in South Australia and falls sheer into the Southern Ocean below.

This is the Head of the Great Australian Bight, a place of staggering geographic remoteness, roughly 1,000 kilometres west of Adelaide, where the continent simply ends and the sea begins without ceremony or transition.

From a viewing platform at the cliff's edge, visitors can peer down into the turquoise waters and, if the season is right, observe one of the most extraordinary spectacles in the natural world: the arrival of Southern Right Whales, which come here to give birth, to nurse, to rest.

For more than three decades, a small team of researchers has come here too, armed with cameras and patience, to watch the whales and count the calves.

What they have found, after 33 years, is that the whales are coming. But fewer are bringing young.

A Recovery Interrupted

The Southern Right Whale (Eubalaena australis) carries with it one of conservation's most hopeful narratives.

Commercial whalers in the 18th and 19th centuries pursued the species with particular efficiency, having coined the name "right whale" precisely because it was the right one to hunt: slow-moving, buoyant after death, and rich in oil.

By the time international protection arrived in 1935, the global population had been reduced to perhaps a few hundred individuals.

The slow, careful recovery that followed gave scientists reason for cautious optimism.

By 2009, the Australian population was growing at an estimated seven per cent annually, and the species was widely cited as proof that protection, if sustained, could work.

That story has now become considerably more complicated.

A landmark study published in Scientific Reports in February 2026, drawing on photo-identification data collected at the Head of the Great Australian Bight from 1991 to 2024, documents a significant and sustained decline in reproductive output over the past decade. 1

The research tracked more than 1,100 calving events among 696 individual female whales, identifying each animal by the unique pattern of callosities, raised and hardened patches of skin, on its head.

Where the historical calving interval averaged three years, one year of pregnancy, one year of nursing, one year of rest, the interval is now stretching to four or five years. 1

The difference may sound modest, but across a slowly reproducing species still far below its pre-whaling numbers, the compounding effect on population growth is substantial.

"This reproductive decline represents a threshold warning for the species," said Dr Claire Charlton, lead researcher and director of the Australian Right Whale Research Program, "and highlights the urgent need for coordinated conservation efforts in the Southern Ocean in the face of anthropogenic climate change."

The Ocean Beneath the Story

To understand why fewer calves are being born on Australia's southern coast, you have to travel thousands of kilometres south, to the waters that circle Antarctica.

Southern Right Whales are capital breeders, meaning they must accumulate sufficient energy reserves before they can successfully reproduce.

Each year from roughly January to June, the whales journey to Antarctic and sub-Antarctic waters to gorge on krill, the thumbnail-sized crustaceans that form the foundation of the Southern Ocean food web.

A single whale can consume more than 360 kilograms of krill in a day. 7

The fat reserves built during these feeding months must sustain the whale through a long northward migration, through pregnancy, and through months of nursing a calf that can drink up to 200 litres of milk per day.

If the krill are not there, or not in sufficient density, the chain breaks.

"These whales depend on building up fat reserves in the Southern Ocean so they can support pregnancy and nurse their calves," said Matthew Germishuizen, a postdoctoral fellow at the Mammal Research Institute's Whale Unit at the University of Pretoria, who led the study's environmental analysis.

The cross-correlation and principal component analyses undertaken by Charlton, Germishuizen and their colleagues found that about 55 per cent of the variation in calving intervals could be explained by environmental conditions in the whales' Southern Ocean feeding grounds. 2

Those conditions are deteriorating in ways that are directly attributable to climate change.

Antarctic sea ice reached record or near-record lows in 2023, 2024 and 2025, a three-year streak that researchers have described as evidence Antarctica may have crossed a critical threshold. 8

The sea ice is not merely a feature of Antarctic scenery: it is an ecosystem in itself.

Ice algae grow on the underside of sea ice, and krill graze on those algae, particularly during the larval stage when the ice provides both food and refuge from predators.

As the ice retreats, krill lose critical nursery habitat, and research has found that krill populations in some Antarctic regions have already declined, with projections suggesting abundance could fall by more than 40 per cent in parts of the Scotia Sea by end of century. 9

The 2026 study found that declining Antarctic sea ice concentration, combined with a persistent positive Antarctic Oscillation, a shift in the atmospheric pressure pattern over the Southern Ocean, and rising surface chlorophyll that signals broader ecosystem disruption, all correlate strongly with the extended calving intervals.

Marine heatwaves have added another layer of disruption, affecting the mid-latitude sub-Antarctic foraging zones where some whales have shifted in search of copepods, small zooplankton that serve as an alternative, if less energy-dense, prey. 3

The Long Watch at Head of Bight

The power of this research lies in its duration.

The Australian Right Whale Research Program is one of the longest continuous photo-identification studies of any whale species on earth.

It was founded in 1991 by Dr Steve Burnell, and it has used the same methods, the same stretch of cliffside, the same practice of matching callosity patterns to individual animals, for 35 years without interruption.

"The long-term Southern Right Whale Study is unique and irreplaceable," Burnell has said. "The national and international value of the unbroken 30-plus year dataset grows each year."

In the context of detecting climate-driven change, that longevity is not merely useful. It is essential.

A five-year study might record what appears to be normal variation in calving rates. Ten years might hint at a trend. Only the kind of dataset that now exists at Head of Bight can distinguish a persistent, directional shift from the noise of interannual variation.

The dataset has produced a catalogue of more than 3,000 individual whales, tracking their life histories, calving intervals and migration patterns across decades. 10

What that catalogue now reveals is unambiguous: the reproductive slowdown began around 2015 to 2017 and has not recovered.

Recent aerial surveys from 1976 to 2024 estimate that Australia's Southern Right Whale population currently sits between 2,346 and 3,940 individuals, representing just 16 to 26 per cent of pre-whaling numbers. 4

Calf counts peaked at 222 in 2016 and fell to 200 in 2024, a decline that may appear incremental but which, for a species that produces offspring at such a slow rate, carries serious implications for long-term recovery.

Researchers have also noted behavioural shifts. Some females that historically showed strong fidelity to the Head of Bight calving site have been recorded at alternative locations, a response thought to reflect both spatial density pressures as the population has grown and possible environmental cues about prey availability.

Country, Culture and the Sound of Silence

The Head of Bight sits within the Yalata Indigenous Protected Area, roughly 450,000 hectares of country stretching from the edge of the Nullarbor to the coast, managed by the Yalata Anangu Aboriginal Corporation on behalf of the Anangu people whose traditional language is Pitjantjatjara.

The Yalata Anangu Aboriginal Corporation has been a formal partner in the whale research program for years, providing access to the Head of Bight, accommodation for field staff, and cultural context for work conducted on country.

For the Anangu community, the whales are not merely a research subject. They are a feature of an integrated landscape that their people have read and inhabited for generations.

"Head of Bight is not only a globally significant whale aggregation site, but also a place of deep cultural, environmental, and economic importance to our people," said David White, CEO of the Yalata Anangu Aboriginal Corporation.

"The findings of this research are alarming for our community," White continued. "From our perspective, this only reinforces the critical need for this long-term research to continue."

Indigenous Protected Areas like Yalata represent an important model for marine conservation: country that is managed by its Traditional Owners, where cultural knowledge, practical stewardship, and scientific monitoring operate in parallel rather than in competition.

The partnership at Head of Bight offers a template for what coordinated Indigenous-led monitoring of climate-affected marine ecosystems might look like at scale. 5

A Southern Hemisphere Signal

The patterns emerging from Australia's Southern Right Whale population are not isolated.

A 2023 study in Scientific Reports documented equivalent reproductive declines in Southern Right Whale populations off South Africa and Argentina. 5

Research on the South African population, led by Germishuizen and colleagues, found a 15 to 30 per cent decline in sea ice concentration in the whales' foraging grounds over the past four decades, conditions that are less supportive of krill recruitment. 11

Across three ocean basins, in waters separated by thousands of kilometres, the same signal is appearing: female whales arriving at their breeding grounds with insufficient energy reserves to carry a pregnancy.

Ari Friedlaender, an ecologist and professor at the University of California, Santa Cruz, who has studied whale foraging in the Southern Ocean for more than two decades, has documented parallel stress in humpback whale populations.

In 2017, a year of good krill availability, 86 per cent of sampled humpback females in the Western Antarctic Peninsula were found to be pregnant. In 2020, following a lean krill year, that figure fell to just 29 per cent. 12

"We have documented similar impacts on humpback whales," Friedlaender said. "This is a broader Southern Ocean signal."

The implications extend well beyond whales. Krill underpin the feeding ecology of emperor penguins, Adélie penguins, crabeater seals, Antarctic silverfish and a range of seabird species.

As Antarctic krill move southward, tracking the retreating ice by as much as 440 kilometres in some regions, the energetic cost of reaching them increases for every predator that depends on them. 9

In this context, the Southern Right Whale is functioning precisely as researchers describe it: a sentinel species, an animal whose reproductive health gives early warning of disruption in the broader ecosystem.

Pressures Beyond the Horizon

Climate change is the dominant driver of the current reproductive decline, but it operates alongside a suite of other stressors that compound the risk for a population still far below its historical abundance.

Vessel strikes, entanglement in fishing gear, and exposure to underwater noise all pose documented threats to Southern Right Whales in Australian and adjacent waters.

The industrial krill fishery operating around the Antarctic Peninsula adds a further complication. A 2025 study found that krill catches reached a historic high of 0.5 million tonnes in 2024, and warned that current catch limits do not account for climate variability or krill population dynamics. 6

As whale populations attempt to recover and krill habitat shrinks in response to warming, the overlap between industrial fishing and foraging wildlife is likely to intensify.

In Australian waters, the Great Australian Bight Marine Park has provided meaningful protection at the primary calving site, and the South Australian Government has expressed support for exploring Whale Nursery Protection Areas in coastal zones where mothers and calves congregate.

Yet the regulatory frameworks that govern the whales' offshore feeding grounds are managed, where they exist at all, by international bodies whose processes are slow relative to the pace of ecological change they are asked to address.

The Commission for the Conservation of Antarctic Marine Living Resources (CCAMLR) is mandated to manage Southern Ocean fisheries sustainably, but its krill management does not currently incorporate fine-scale climate variability or the distributional needs of dependent predators.

Calls for expanded marine protected areas across the Southern Ocean, including within CCAMLR's mandate, have remained largely unfulfilled despite years of international scientific advocacy.

What Comes Next

The 2026 study's authors have called for a coordinated response across three fronts: reducing direct threats such as vessel strikes and gear entanglement, expanding marine protected areas across the whales' migratory range, and tightening the management of Antarctic krill fisheries.

Senior scientist Dr Robert Brownell Jr, from NOAA's International Protected Marine Resources programme, was unequivocal in his assessment.

"In my lifetime, the right whale was thought to be extinct," Brownell said. "Their protection and return to Southern Hemisphere coastlines gave hope for their recovery. However, based on our findings, their future is now in doubt."

Whether Australia's currently listed conservation status for the species, listed as endangered under the Environment Protection and Biodiversity Conservation Act 1999, adequately reflects the accelerating reproductive pressures is a question that the new data will force policymakers to revisit.

There is also the question of classification under international frameworks, and whether coordinated conservation across Australia, South Africa, Argentina and Brazil, the four nations whose coastlines the species uses as calving grounds, can move quickly enough to matter.

If warming trends continue along current trajectories, the whales' foraging conditions will continue to degrade.

Models of Antarctic sea ice under continued greenhouse gas emissions project further persistent deficits, and with them a further unravelling of the krill nursery habitat that anchors the entire food web.

Mid-century projections for the Southern Right Whale are difficult to make with precision, but the trajectory is clear enough that researchers are no longer describing this as a species in recovery.

The Waiting Game

Every spring, the limestone cliffs of the Head of Bight attract visitors who drive for hours across the flat, featureless Nullarbor to stand at the edge of the continent and watch.

They come for the whales: for the sight of something immense moving slowly in clear shallow water, a creature that weighs 60 tonnes and yet surfaces with an almost contemplative ease.

The whales still come.

But the science that has watched them for 33 years is now telling a more difficult story, one in which the spectacular annual gathering at the Bight is increasingly the visible surface of a crisis playing out thousands of kilometres away in waters no one visits and few can see.

The Southern Right Whale's recovery from the edge of extinction was a human achievement, the product of international agreement, sustained protection and the slow patience of biological time.

Its current vulnerability is also a human achievement, the product of accumulated emissions, an industrial food system that extends even into Antarctic waters, and governance frameworks that have not kept pace with the speed of change.

What happens next is not yet determined. The calving intervals can, in principle, shorten again if ocean conditions improve. But ocean conditions will not improve on their own, and they will not improve quickly.

The dataset at Head of Bight, now 35 years long and growing, is one of the most powerful tools available for detecting what is happening to the Southern Ocean's great animals in real time.

What it is detecting, with increasing clarity, is a warning that demands not just further monitoring, but action. Action on emissions. Action on krill governance. Action on the expansion of sanctuaries. Action on the formal recognition that species whose feeding grounds lie beyond any nation's borders require international protection that currently does not exist at the scale the crisis demands.

The whales are at the cliff's edge, in every sense. The question is whether we will meet them there.

References

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09/03/2026

Between the Fire and the Future: Labor's Climate Gamble - Lethal Heating Editor BDA

Australia's Labor government has legislated the most ambitious climate targets in the nation's history. It has also approved more fossil fuel projects than any government before it. Can both things be true at once — and for how long?

Key Points

 A Nation at a Crossroads

In the winter of 2022, Anthony Albanese stood before cameras in Canberra and declared that Australia was finally, as he put it, "back":

• Back in the game on climate change.
• Back in good standing with Pacific neighbours for whom rising seas are not a notion but a reality.
• Back in a conversation that the country had, for nearly a decade, conspicuously avoided.

The language was of renewal.

Three years later, that renewal looks considerably more complicated.

Australia's Labor government has passed genuine climate legislation, reformed industrial emissions rules, and overseen a renewable energy construction boom that, by the close of 2025, had pushed renewable sources to nearly half of all electricity generated across the National Electricity Market. [2]

It has also, in the same period, approved more than two dozen new or expanded coal, oil, and gas projects, extended the life of Australia's largest LNG facility until 2070, and increased public subsidies for fossil fuel producers to approximately A$14.5 billion in a single financial year. [4]

This is the central tension of Labor's climate project: a government that believes, with evident sincerity, that it is changing Australia's course, while continuing to sign off on decisions that, by its own metrics, point in the opposite direction.

Understanding how that contradiction survives — and whether it can — requires looking closely at the policy architecture Labor has built, the forces that shape it, the limits of what the party is politically willing to do, and what science says must be done if the targets on paper are to mean anything at all.

A Philosophy in Two Keys

The Australian Labor Party does not, by its own account, frame climate policy as either environmental necessity or economic transformation.

It frames it as both, simultaneously and without apology.

The governing logic, articulated most clearly by Climate Change and Energy Minister Chris Bowen and enshrined in the Powering Australia plan, is that decarbonisation is the opportunity of the century, not a cost to be managed, but a restructuring to be embraced. [1]

Bowen, who has emerged as arguably the most consequential minister in the government's climate agenda, speaks frequently of Australia becoming a "renewable energy superpower", a country that trades not coal and gas but hydrogen, green metals, and clean electricity.

The 2024 Net Zero Plan, which established emissions reduction trajectories across electricity, industry, transport, and agriculture, is the clearest expression of that dual philosophy in policy form. [1]

Independent modelling commissioned by Labor estimated the Powering Australia plan would create 604,000 direct jobs by 2030, attract A$76 billion in investment, and reduce average household power bills by several hundred dollars annually. [7]

That modelling, conducted by energy economics firm RepuTex, has been cited repeatedly as evidence that the transition is not only manageable but economically compelling.

Critics note, however, that modelling commissioned by governments to support their own policies deserves scrutiny, not simply citation.

What is not in dispute is that the 43% reduction target was a significant step beyond what the previous Coalition government had committed to, and that legislating it — through the Climate Change Act 2022, with the support of the Australian Greens — gave it a legal durability that executive pledges never possess. [1]

In September 2025, the government went further, announcing a new Nationally Determined Contribution under the Paris Agreement that introduced a 2035 emissions reduction target of 62 to 70 percent below 2005 levels, a figure the Climate Council described as a meaningful escalation. [8]

The Safeguard Mechanism: Reform or Rebranding?

If there is one piece of legislation that Labor points to as the engine of its industrial emissions strategy, it is the reformed Safeguard Mechanism, which came into effect on 1 July 2023. [3]

The mechanism applies to approximately 215 industrial facilities emitting more than 100,000 tonnes of carbon dioxide equivalent per year, covering around 28% of Australia's total emissions. [3]

Under the reforms, each covered facility must reduce its emissions baseline by 4.9% each year through to 2030, with the aggregate target set at no more than 100 million tonnes of CO₂ equivalent from Safeguard facilities in 2029–30, a reduction the government projects will deliver more than 200 million tonnes of cumulative abatement over the decade. [3]

Facilities that exceed their baselines must either reduce on-site emissions or acquire carbon offset credits, known as Australian Carbon Credit Units.

The Environmental Defenders Office, which advocated for stronger climate legislation, described the reforms as "a significant step" and noted that, for the first time, industrial facilities would face a legally binding limit on gross emissions. [9]

But the Climate Action Tracker, an independent scientific analysis project, has raised a fundamental concern: too many covered facilities have so far met their declining baselines through the purchase of offsets rather than through actual on-site emissions reductions. [6]

In the tracker's assessment, fewer than a third of the "reductions" credited under the mechanism in its early period reflected genuine decreases in emissions, with the remainder representing offset purchases that delay rather than achieve decarbonisation. [6]

This is not a trivial concern.

If industry learns to manage the mechanism through offset markets rather than operational change, the structural transformation the policy is supposed to drive never actually occurs, and Australia arrives at 2030 with paper credits rather than retooled factories.

The government's position is that the mechanism is working as intended, that market flexibility, including offsets, is a feature rather than a flaw, allowing least-cost abatement while regulatory pressure tightens over time.

A formal review of the mechanism is scheduled for the 2026–27 financial year, providing an opportunity to recalibrate if the early data confirms that offset reliance is crowding out real change. [3]

The Electricity Revolution

The clearest success story in Labor's climate record, by a considerable margin, is the transformation of the electricity grid.

In the December quarter of 2025, renewables accounted for 49.9% of generation across the National Electricity Market, the first time the grid had come close to a majority-renewable position in its history. [2]

Western Australia exceeded 50% renewable generation for the first time in the same period. [2]

The Clean Energy Regulator estimated that close to 7 gigawatts of new renewable capacity was added to Australia's grid in 2025, following a record 7.5 GW in 2024, figures that the government's Capacity Investment Scheme has helped drive by de-risking investment in new generation and storage projects. [2]

Bowen has described the 82% renewables target for 2030 as "ambitious and achievable," and the data, at least in the electricity sector, lends credence to the claim.

Average wholesale electricity prices fell sharply across the NEM in the December 2025 quarter, declining 48% year-on-year to A$68 per megawatt hour, among the lowest levels in the world and a powerful counter-narrative to opponents who predicted that the energy transition would push prices toward catastrophe. [2]

Australia has also become the world's third-largest market for battery energy storage installations, behind only China and the United States, a development that is materially changing the economics of solar power by allowing daytime generation to be stored and dispatched during peak evening demand. [2]

The A$20 billion Rewiring the Nation program, designed to modernise and extend the ageing high-voltage transmission network, remains a work in progress, however, with grid bottlenecks, lengthy planning approval processes, and community opposition to transmission corridors continuing to constrain the pace at which new renewable zones can be connected to load centres. [10]

The electricity sector accounts for around 35% of Australia's total emissions. [6]

That means the grid transformation, real and impressive as it is, addresses only a portion of the emissions task, and the harder portions, including transport, agriculture, heavy industry and land use, have received substantially less policy attention.

The Fossil Fuel Paradox

In May 2025, just weeks after being re-elected with a strengthened majority, the Albanese government approved a 45-year extension to Woodside Energy's North West Shelf gas project, allowing the facility to continue exporting LNG from Western Australia's Burrup Peninsula until 2070. [4]

The North West Shelf is Australia's largest gas project, producing approximately 6 million tonnes of domestic greenhouse gases annually, while exporting more than 85% of its product to buyers in Japan, China and South Korea. [4]

The Climate Council calculated that extending the project's life would lock in more than 4 billion tonnes of climate pollution over its remaining operational life, the equivalent of roughly a decade of Australia's current annual domestic emissions. [4]

Greg Bourne, a former manager at BP's North West Shelf operations, described the approval as an act the government would come to regret: "They've just approved one of the most polluting fossil fuel projects in a generation, fueling climate chaos for decades to come." [4]

This was Labor's 27th coal, oil or gas project approval since taking office in 2022, a number that includes 10 new coal mine expansions approved under former Environment Minister Tanya Plibersek, and more than 120 coal seam gas wells approved in Queensland. [4]

The government's standard defence relies on two arguments.

The first is that gas is a "transition fuel", necessary to back up intermittent renewables as the grid is rebuilt, and essential to the economic security of communities that have long depended on the sector.

The second is that the Safeguard Mechanism applies to operating facilities, meaning new projects will face declining emissions baselines once they come online.

Neither argument survives rigorous scrutiny from the scientific community.

The International Energy Agency has stated categorically that no new coal mines or extensions are required in a scenario consistent with net-zero emissions by 2050. [11]

The Climate Action Tracker has noted that Australia lacks any federal-level strategy or legislated timelines for a transition away from coal and fossil gas, as was agreed at COP28's first Global Stocktake. [6]

And as the Australia Institute has pointed out, the Safeguard Mechanism cannot be used as a justification for approving fossil fuel projects, because it only begins to apply once a project is operating, it places no legal barrier on new project approvals at all. [12]

The irony is that fossil fuel subsidies, rather than declining as the energy transition proceeds, have grown under Labor to approximately A$14.5 billion in 2024–25, a roughly 30% increase since the party took office. [5]

Tim Buckley of Climate Energy Finance has described the simultaneous operation of the Safeguard Mechanism and fossil fuel subsidies as structurally "illogical": the government requires the largest emitters to reduce their emissions intensity by 4.9% per year, while simultaneously providing financial incentives that reduce the cost pressure driving that very change. [5]

Who Shapes the Agenda

Understanding why these contradictions persist requires looking at who, within the Labor system, actually holds power over climate policy.

The formal architecture assigns the Climate Change Authority an advisory role, charged with providing independent, science-based recommendations to the Minister, who in turn must make annual statements to Parliament about progress toward legislated targets. [1]

In practice, however, the Climate Change Authority's influence on the pace or ambition of policy has been modest.

The real drivers of policy sit in cabinet, in the Prime Minister's office, in factional bargaining within the ALP, and — critically — in the structured influence of major unions.

Unions representing energy, mining, and construction workers have considerable formal weight inside Labor's decision-making processes, and their priorities have shaped the character of what the government calls a "just transition."

That phrase — "just transition" — has become one of the most contested in Australian climate politics.

For union leaders in Queensland's Bowen Basin coalfields, or in the Pilbara's LNG workforce, it means guaranteed jobs in new industries before old ones close, social insurance for displaced workers, and community investment in affected regions.

For climate advocates, it has come to mean something more troubling: a licence to delay, an indefinite holding pattern dressed in the language of fairness.

State Labor governments, particularly in Western Australia and Queensland, add another layer of complexity.

Both states are major fossil fuel exporters, and both state governments have substantial economic and political interests in preserving that status for as long as possible.

When the federal government approved the North West Shelf extension, it did so in a political environment where Western Australian Labor had signalled strong support for the project's continuation, and where federal Labor's electoral arithmetic depends, in part, on maintaining support in resource-dependent communities across both states.

Business influence, particularly from the energy and resources sectors, operates through direct lobbying, through industry bodies, and through the quiet channels of ministerial relationship-building that operate in every government regardless of party.

The renewable energy industry, a growing political constituency with its own investment and employment arguments, has also strengthened its voice inside Labor's policy process, and on many questions, that industry's interests and Labor's legislative ambitions align.

Climate scientists and independent advisory bodies, by contrast, operate at a greater remove from actual decisions, providing expert input that is valued rhetorically but filtered through political and economic considerations before it shapes outcomes.

The Numbers Beneath the Numbers

Australia's emissions trajectory presents a picture more complicated than either the government's optimism or its critics' despair.

Government projections published in December 2024 suggested Australia might already be close to meeting its 2030 target of a 42.6% reduction below 2005 levels. [6]

But the Climate Action Tracker's analysis revealed that much of the apparent progress rests on accounting for land use, land use change, and forestry removals, carbon sinks that have been repeatedly revised upward in official estimates since 2018, creating what the tracker described as "the illusion of action." [6]

Stripping out land sector contributions, gross domestic emissions had declined only about 2% by 2024 — a figure the tracker set against a claimed 28% reduction when the land sector is included, a gap that raises serious questions about where Australia's actual decarbonisation is occurring. [6]

Emissions from the fossil fuel industry, agriculture, and waste sectors have largely flatlined since Labor took office. [6]

When the electricity and land sectors are excluded, emissions from all other parts of the economy are projected to be 4.5% above 2005 levels in 2030, meaning that, outside the grid and the forests, Australia has made almost no measurable progress. [6]

For Australia to align with a 1.5°C pathway under the IPCC's framework, the Climate Action Tracker calculates that the country would need to cut emissions by at least 57% below 2005 levels by 2035, excluding land use, a target that would require policy interventions far beyond anything currently legislated or proposed. [6]

The New Vehicle Efficiency Standard, introduced in 2024 and taking effect from mid-2025, was a meaningful addition to the policy toolkit — Australia was, before its introduction, one of the few developed economies without such a standard — but its projected cumulative impact of around 16 million tonnes of abatement to 2030 is modest against the scale of the overall emissions task. [6]

Pressure from the Left, Resistance from the Right

Labor governs in an environment shaped by pressure from multiple political directions simultaneously.

From the left, the Australian Greens and the climate-focused independent "teal" movement have consistently pushed for stronger targets, a faster transition, and an end to new fossil fuel approvals.

The Greens secured agreement on the Climate Change Act as a condition of their support in the previous parliament, and continue to argue that Labor's 2030 target is consistent with 2°C of global warming rather than the Paris Agreement's more demanding goal of "well below" 2°C. [13]

Monique Ryan, the teal independent who unseated former treasurer Josh Frydenberg in Kooyong in 2022, has called for the 2030 target to be raised to at least the level recommended by climate science, a position shared by most of the crossbench.

From the right, and more damagingly in electoral terms, Labor faces pressure from voters and communities in outer-suburban and regional seats where energy prices and job security carry more immediate political weight than long-term climate projections.

The spectre of the party's 2019 election defeat — when ambitious climate policy was weaponised by the Coalition as an economic threat to working families — continues to shape Labor's instinct for caution, particularly on measures that could be characterised as imposing costs on ordinary Australians.

Divisions within the party over the pace of change are real, if not always visible.

Right-faction figures with strong union ties have consistently restrained proposals to move faster on phasing out fossil fuels, particularly where those fuels support jobs in Labor-held regional constituencies.

The party has been able to contain those tensions while occupying a reformist middle ground, ambitious enough to distinguish itself from the Coalition, cautious enough not to frighten the regional and outer-suburban base on which its parliamentary majority depends.

Whether that middle ground remains viable as the 2035 target approaches and the scientific pressure intensifies is one of the defining political questions of this parliament.

The Superpower Hypothesis

Perhaps the most compelling and contested element of Labor's long-term vision is the proposition that Australia can parlay its renewable energy resources and critical minerals endowment into a new export economy built on green hydrogen, clean steel, and battery minerals. [1]

The A$22.7 billion Future Made in Australia plan represents the most concrete expression of that industrial policy logic, directing investment toward clean technology manufacturing, hydrogen electrolysers, and critical minerals processing.

The 2024 National Hydrogen Strategy refocused Australia's hydrogen ambitions on renewable-based production rather than fossil fuel-derived hydrogen, a shift that aligns the policy more closely with international market trends. [6]

Australia's solar resources are among the most abundant on Earth, its wind resource is substantial, and its reserves of lithium, cobalt, nickel, and rare earth elements give it a structural advantage in the supply chains for batteries, electric vehicles, and clean energy infrastructure.

If that vision is realised, Australia's transition from fossil fuel exporter to clean energy exporter would represent one of the most significant structural transformations in any advanced economy in the modern era.

The obstacles are formidable.

Renewable hydrogen remains expensive to produce at industrial scale, and global demand has not yet reached the level that would make large-scale Australian exports commercially viable without sustained public subsidy.

Green steel, produced using hydrogen rather than coking coal in the steelmaking process, is technically feasible, with Swedish producers having commercialised small volumes, but scaling it to the volumes that would allow Australia to phase out metallurgical coal exports would require enormous investment and international market development over decades.

And the coal mines that Labor approved in December 2024, several of which carry operational licences extending to the 2060s and 2080s, are hard to reconcile with a national strategy premised on leading the world toward coal-free steel production. [14]

International Standing and the Paris Reckoning

Australia's international reputation on climate change has unquestionably improved since Labor replaced the Morrison government in 2022.

The country no longer occupies what Albanese once called the "naughty corner" of UN climate summits.

The introduction of mandatory climate-related financial disclosures through the Australian Sustainability Reporting Standards, requiring large entities to report scope 1, 2, and 3 emissions, climate risks, and transition plans from 2025–26, has brought Australia into alignment with international best practice and generated genuine goodwill among institutional investors and trading partners. [15]

The announcement of the 2035 target of 62 to 70% below 2005 levels was received internationally as a significant commitment, and Australia's bid to host COP31 has been interpreted as evidence of genuine re-engagement with the multilateral climate process. [8]

But the Climate Action Tracker continues to rate Australia's overall climate response as "Insufficient" against the requirements of the Paris Agreement, pointing to ongoing fossil fuel approvals, rising subsidies, and the absence of any federal framework for phasing out coal and gas exports as evidence that the improved international posture has not yet been matched by commensurate domestic action. [6]

Australia's exported fossil fuel emissions were already more than twice its total domestic emissions in 2022, and had nearly doubled between 2010 and that date — a structural reality that any honest accounting of the country's climate impact must address, even if the current international framework does not require it. [6]

The Unresolved Tension

The Lowy Institute's 2025 polling found that 51% of Australians believe global warming is a serious and pressing problem requiring immediate action, even if it involves significant costs, a figure that rises to 63% among those aged 18 to 29. [16]

Three-quarters of Australians said in the same poll that renewables should play a major role in the energy mix by 2050. [16]

There is, in other words, a public mandate for climate action, not universal, and not without cost-sensitivity, but real, substantial, and growing among the demographic cohorts that will inherit whatever Australia chooses to do or not do in this decade.

The question is whether the Australian Labor Party has both the political mandate and the institutional capacity to act at the scale that mandate implies.

The argument that it does rests on the legislation it has passed, the grid it is transforming, the international credibility it has rebuilt, and the industrial policy vision it is beginning to fund.

The argument that it does not rests on the coal mines it continues to approve, the gas fields it continues to expand, the subsidies it continues to direct toward the industries it notionally seeks to replace, and the accounting assumptions on which its progress toward the 2030 target substantially depends.

In the La Niña summer of 2022–23, floods of unprecedented severity inundated inland Queensland and northern New South Wales, displacing tens of thousands of people and causing damage estimated at billions of dollars, losses that climate scientists had spent years warning were becoming more likely and more severe as the planet warmed.

In those communities, the abstraction of parts per million and nationally determined contributions gives way to something more immediate: the silted carpets, the waterlogged livestock, the insurance letters declining to renew.

The people living in those towns are, in many cases, the same people whose employment the government invokes when it justifies the approval of another coal mine or gas extension.

That is the deepest tension in Labor's climate politics, not the gap between targets and trajectories, not the contradiction between the Safeguard Mechanism and fossil fuel subsidies, but the question of what it actually owes to the communities it simultaneously claims to protect, both from climate change and from economic disruption.

It has not yet answered that question.

And the physics of the problem suggests the answer cannot be deferred indefinitely.

References

  1. Department of Climate Change, Energy, the Environment and Water. "Safeguard Mechanism Overview." Australian Government, updated 2024.
  2. Carroll, David. "Australia adds 7 GW of renewables in 2025, stays on track for 2030 target." PV Magazine, 13 January 2026.
  3. Department of Climate Change, Energy, the Environment and Water. "Safeguard Mechanism Reforms Factsheet." Australian Government, 2023.
  4. Climate Council. "Labor Approves Woodside Extension, Climate Chaos Ensues." May 2025.
  5. Green Central Banking. "Australian government juggles climate transition with support for gas." 4 June 2025.
  6. Climate Action Tracker. "Australia Country Analysis." Updated 2025.
  7. University of Melbourne. "Labor's climate policy puts Australia in the race." Pursuit, 2022.
  8. Climate Scorecard. "Australia: The Politics of Climate Change." November 2025.
  9. Environmental Defenders Office. "Safeguard Mechanism reforms — another significant step in Australia's climate law renaissance." April 2023.
  10. The Progress Playbook. "Australia back on track towards 82% renewable electricity by 2030." November 2024.
  11. World Socialist Web Site. "Australia: Labor's environment minister approves decades of continued coal mining operations." October 2024.
  12. Climate Council. "The Albanese Government's Fossil Fuel Approvals." Updated 2025.
  13. Carbon Brief. "Q&A: What does the new Australian Labor government mean for climate change?" May 2022.
  14. Australia Institute. "Taking out the trash 2024: three big coal approvals." December 2024.
  15. Climate Scorecard. "Australian Sustainability Reporting Standards and climate disclosure." November 2025.
  16. Lowy Institute. "Lowy Institute Poll 2025: Climate Change." 2025.

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