while approving new coal and gas projects at home
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In October, a delegation visited Tuvalu’s Funafuti atoll to see how the nation strengthens coastal defences against rising seas.
The visit opened the Pre-COP, a ministerial meeting that precedes the main summit. That landscape frames the stakes for Australia at COP31.[7]
COP31 convenes in Antalya under a split presidency. Türkiye hosts and presides, while Australia leads the formal talks through Chris Bowen, the President of Negotiations.
The arrangement places Pacific priorities and Australian coal and gas decisions under one spotlight.[1]
COP31 divides leadership between two governments. Türkiye hosts the summit and chairs the sessions where governments adopt decisions.
Australia leads the negotiations, prepares draft texts and works with the UN climate secretariat on negotiating matters.[1]
Ambiguity over final authority creates the first risk. Murat Kurum, Türkiye’s COP31 President, told journalists that Türkiye holds the final say in Antalya. Australia’s team points to Bowen’s Bonn speech describing a seamless partnership with one goal.[2]
The global spotlight raises the cost of any gap between words and actions. More than 500 academics told the Prime Minister that expanding coal and gas at home undermines Australian leadership abroad. The letter, sent days before the summit, cites research ranking Australia among OECD nations for high per-person emissions.[6]
Brokering consensus tests Australia’s drafting skill. Bowen and Kurum agreed a presidency-led cover decision, a summary text that avoids a lengthy political statement. Governments must still adopt it by consensus, which keeps every word negotiable.[5]
The modalities, the official terms of the partnership, let the COP31 President assign an Australian as President of Negotiations. That person also serves as COP Vice President and leads the negotiations for the conference’s duration. Türkiye hosts the talks in Antalya, and Kurum serves as COP31 President.[2]
The agreement gives Bowen exclusive authority in relation to the negotiations, exercised in consultation with Türkiye. Australia prepares draft texts and works with the UN climate secretariat on negotiating matters. Türkiye chairs the session where governments decide whether to adopt the text.[1]
The agreement addresses disputes through consultation. If the two governments differ, consultations continue until they resolve the difference to mutual satisfaction. Türkiye also selects the Australian representative for the role.[3]
DiploFoundation summarises the model as a gavel and a pen. Türkiye holds the gavel, and Australia holds the pen. Bowen has said he and Kurum would bring down the final gavel together.[1]
The Pacific entered the Pre-COP with three priorities. The region pushed to keep 1.5°C alive, reform climate finance access and add ocean governance to the UN negotiations. The Taku Pakasoa Declaration, a political statement, closed the meeting, and its title means strength in unity in Tuvaluan.[7]
Bowen noted that Tuvalu’s highest point stands just 1.5 metres above sea level. Kurum said US$1.5 billion for 1.5 degrees would save the Pacific. Fiji’s Minister for Environment and Climate Change, Lynda Tabuya, said the Pacific will hold COP31 to that target.[4]
The Pacific Islands Forum represents 18 nations and territories. It seeks US$500 million for the Pacific Resilience Facility, its own fund, and Fiji pledged US$10 million at the Pre-COP. One speaker told the summit that recovery funding arrives as loans, debt and dense red tape.[7]
UN human rights experts set a high bar for Australia’s leadership. They said a historically high-emitting country should show the highest ambition at home and abroad, notably fossil fuel phase-out. They also warned of foreseeable, widespread harm to health and food systems from fossil fuels across their life cycle.[8]
The Pacific Resilience Facility is a Pacific-owned fund that provides grants rather than loans. Countries avoid extra debt. The money goes to seawalls, clean water and home protection.[4]
Pledges total about US$180 million against a US$500 million target for the end of 2026. Pacific Islands Forum Secretary-General Baron Waqa set out those figures. The facility’s long-term goal is US$1.5 billion, matching the Pacific’s COP31 demand.[4]
Loss and damage finance covers climate harm beyond what adaptation can prevent. Lowy Institute analysis says pre-agreed triggers could release cash within days through bodies such as the Pacific Resilience Facility. It argues that faster disbursement, rather than a bigger fund, is the fix.[9]
Overshoot describes global temperatures rising above 1.5°C before falling back. Bowen said the cover decision could recognise a UN finding that overshoot is inevitable but reversible. Whether that language yields enforceable pathways remains the open question in Antalya.[5]
UN experts argue that global leadership requires matching action at home. They noted that Australia has approved over a dozen new coal mines, expansions and other fossil fuel projects since 2022. The Australian Human Rights Commission’s first climate report had urged a fossil fuel phase-out.[8]
The 503 signatories wrote from universities and research institutes in every state and territory. They sought a binding timetable to phase out coal, gas and oil, and a ban on new fossil fuel projects. Signatories include board member Lesley Hughes, Bill Hare of Climate Analytics and climate scientist David Karoly.[6]
The UN experts also questioned Australia’s reliance on carbon offsets, credits that polluters buy instead of cutting their own emissions. They said the National Greenhouse and Energy Reporting Act permits unlimited offset use to address excess emissions. They cited evidence that at least 75 per cent of Australian carbon credits fail to deliver real reductions.[10]
The Albanese government defended its record in a formal response to the UN experts. It described its 2035 target as among the most ambitious in the world. It added that Australia is working to transition away from fossil fuels in its domestic energy system.[10]
COP31 puts an untested governance model under scrutiny. Türkiye chairs and Australia drafts, so both governments share the credit and the blame. Clarity on those roles will emerge only through consultation and consistent conduct.
The Pacific needs fast grant finance and a credible route back to 1.5°C. Pledges so far cover just over one third of the Pacific Resilience Facility’s 2026 target. Frontline communities carry the cost of every delay.
Australia holds the pen while approving coal and gas at home. Academics and UN experts apply one test: consistency between domestic decisions and international leadership. Accountability depends on whether Canberra’s actions match the language it drafts in Antalya.
1. COP31: who holds the pen, who holds the gavel. DiploFoundation explains the division of roles, Bowen’s exclusive negotiating authority and the gavel and pen analogy.
2. Türkiye says it has “final decision” at COP31 despite Australia running negotiations. Climate Home News reports Kurum’s claim to the final say and the delegated negotiating functions in the modalities.
3. It’s official: Turkey will be boss of COP31 climate talks. Politico quotes the published deal text on consultation to resolve differences and on Türkiye assigning the Australian representative.
4. Tabuya: Pacific will hold COP31 to US$1.5b. The Fiji Sun records the Pacific Resilience Facility pledges, its grant model and the US$1.5 billion target.
5. Australia says COP31 co-presidency will work on a cover decision. Climate Home News details the planned presidency-led cover decision and Bowen’s comments on 1.5°C overshoot.
6. Australia cannot ‘credibly lead’ COP31 without reform. AAP reports the open letter from 503 academics calling for an end to new coal and gas approvals.
7. Pacific ‘Pre-COP’ draws attention to islands’ plight. Dialogue Earth covers the Funafuti visit, Pacific priorities, the Taku Pakasoa Declaration and Resilience Facility fundraising.
8. Australia’s global leadership must be underpinned by ambitious human rights-based climate action: UN experts. The UN human rights office publishes the Special Rapporteurs’ statement on Australia’s fossil fuel approvals and leadership role.
9. COP31: Rebuilding the Loss and Damage Fund for speed. The Lowy Institute argues that pre-agreed triggers and faster disbursement should shape loss and damage finance.
10. UN experts scrutinise Australia’s climate leadership days before COP31. The Point reports the UN experts’ concerns about carbon offsets and the Albanese government’s response.





