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Smoke from fires burning across southern New South Wales and in the ACT's own Namadgi National Park had settled over the city in an orange-brown pall.
For almost a month the air quality index at monitoring stations across the territory recorded levels far above what any public health standard was designed to accommodate.
At the Monash monitoring station in Tuggeranong, air pollution exceeded national health thresholds on 56 days that summer, 42 of them rated hazardous.2
To put that in proportion: fine particulate pollution reached roughly 25 times the hazardous threshold on 1 January 2020, a level comparable to the most polluted days in the world's most congested Asian megacities.
Canberrans who remember that summer describe the particular surreal horror of it: the eerie orange noon, the smell of burnt eucalyptus seeping through walls, the question of whether it was safe to take children to school, and the dawning realisation that there was, for many of them, nowhere to go.
That nowhere to go was not equally distributed.
Everyday Life, Equity and Vulnerability
Canberra is often described as a wealthy, well-educated city, and by aggregate measures it is.
In 2024 it was ranked the second-best city in the world for quality of life by the Oxford Economics Global Cities Index, drawing on indicators of health, education and income equality.7
That aggregate, however, conceals the texture of vulnerability that climate change reveals and deepens.
A major University of Canberra study surveying 2,671 residents found that one in three Canberrans has low climate change resilience, meaning they lack the financial resources, social networks or housing quality to safely weather heatwaves, smoke events or storms.1
The study found that younger people, renters and residents of Gungahlin, a suburb of comparatively recent development with lower tree canopy density and higher proportions of renters, were among the most vulnerable.
Renters are placed in a structurally difficult position: they cannot retrofit insulation, install efficient air conditioning or plant shade trees without a landlord's permission, yet Canberra is already the second-most expensive city in Australia to rent in, tied with Sydney.8
For people on low incomes, the calculus of a smoke day is not simply one of comfort but of genuine risk.
With approximately 9 per cent of Canberrans living in poverty, primarily as a consequence of housing costs, the choice between running an air conditioner or paying for food is not a hypothetical.9
Older residents, particularly those living alone, face compounding risks during heatwaves: diminished physiological capacity to thermoregulate, limited mobility to reach cooling centres, and social isolation that means no one may check on them for days.
Students in share houses, many of them in energy-inefficient properties common in the inner north and inner south, similarly lack both the income and the lease security to demand improvements.
People with disability confront a further set of barriers: some medications increase heat sensitivity, many cannot easily access public transport to reach air-conditioned spaces, and those reliant on powered medical equipment face life-threatening risks during blackouts that can follow storm events.
The ACT Council of Social Service has stated plainly that climate change disproportionately harms people on low incomes, people with disability, people with chronic health conditions and Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples.4
These groups are also, not coincidentally, the groups most likely to be absent from formal climate adaptation consultation processes.
When government processes seek "community input" through online surveys, evening forums or written submissions, they structurally favour those with the time, digital access, language and civic confidence to participate, none of which are equally distributed.
Health, Mental Health and Wellbeing
The physical health toll of the 2019–20 Black Summer on Canberra has been documented with some precision.
Within the ACT, bushfire smoke was responsible for an estimated 31 excess deaths, over 200 excess hospitalisations for cardiovascular and respiratory disease, and 89 emergency department presentations for asthma during that season.2
A survey conducted in the immediate aftermath found that 97 per cent of people living in and around the ACT reported acute physical health effects from smoke, while 31 per cent said an existing health condition worsened and 16 per cent reported difficulty managing it.
Research by the Australian National University into community experiences of the smoke event found that the event was not merely a physical health crisis but a profound social and psychological one.
Residents described feelings of confinement, of anxiety about when the smoke would end, and of helplessness at not being able to protect their families.10
Those with young children or elderly relatives reported a particular burden of vigilance, constantly checking air quality apps, debating whether to keep children inside for another day, and managing the secondary stress of children unable to play outdoors for weeks at a time.
Mental health researchers have begun documenting what is sometimes called "eco-grief" or "climate anxiety", the sustained psychological distress that comes not only from acute disaster events but from anticipatory dread of a future understood to be more volatile than the past.
In a city where outdoor life, cycling to work, bush walking, visiting the lake shores, is central to many residents' sense of place and wellbeing, the loss of safe outdoor time to smoke or extreme heat represents a form of dispossession that is difficult to quantify but easy to feel.
For those without access to air conditioning at home, heatwaves are not a matter of inconvenience but of physical danger.
Australian public health research has found strong evidence of increasing hospitalisation risk during extreme heat for people with mental and behavioural disorders, cardiovascular disease, diabetes and respiratory disease.11
People experiencing homelessness are acutely exposed: without shelter that can be sealed against smoke, without air conditioning, and often without access to the information channels through which official warnings travel.
The ACT has Australia's highest rate of persistent homelessness, with 45 per cent of people who become homeless remaining so for at least seven months.12
Climate shocks that strain housing access, through storm damage, rent increases driven by reconstruction demand, or the loss of income from missed work, can push people into or deeper into housing insecurity, with cascading effects on mental health, family stability and community cohesion.
Housing, Neighbourhoods and Public Spaces
The capacity of a home to protect its occupants from heat and smoke is not a natural given, it is the product of decisions made during design and construction, decisions that in Canberra's rental market fall to landlords who bear none of the health costs of poorly insulated or ineffectively ventilated properties.
University of Canberra researchers found that the quality of homes protecting residents during extended heatwaves was one of the key weaknesses in Canberra's climate resilience profile.1
The ACT Greens have identified outer suburbs as being most at risk as temperatures rise, specifically citing West Belconnen, lower Woden, outer Gungahlin and large parts of Tuggeranong as areas with less established tree cover and correspondingly greater heat exposure.3
These are also, in many cases, the suburbs with the highest proportions of public and social housing, lower-income households and newer, denser development.
The urban heat island effect, whereby built surfaces absorb and re-radiate heat, raising local temperatures above rural surroundings, is more pronounced in areas with extensive asphalt, minimal vegetation and poor air circulation.
The ACT Government's Living Infrastructure Plan sets a target of 30 per cent tree canopy cover in urban areas by 2045, but progress is uneven across the city and the decades-long lag between planting and canopy maturity means that today's new residents in outer suburbs will wait years before they experience meaningful shade.13
Public spaces that Canberrans have long regarded as central to the city's character, the foreshore of Lake Burley Griffin, the network of cycle paths, the bush reserves at the urban fringe, are becoming less reliably accessible.
Smoke warnings restrict outdoor recreation across all socioeconomic groups, but those who can work from home, take their children to air-conditioned private play spaces or escape to climate-controlled gyms are insulated from the social costs in ways that shift workers, early childhood educators and outdoor hospitality workers are not.
There is also emerging evidence, consistent with international patterns, that climate pressures contribute to population movement, with some residents, particularly those with the means to do so, beginning to think about whether Canberra's climate trajectory is compatible with the life they want to live.
The communities most likely to leave are those most able to: professional, mobile households with portable work and financial savings.
Those who remain, in cheaper suburbs, in social housing, in long-established community networks, will inherit a city whose climate is changing and whose financial and social resources for adaptation are unequally spread.
Meanwhile, energy bills are rising as air conditioning shifts from a luxury to a medical necessity, and climate-driven insurance pressures are beginning to affect affordability across the ACT, particularly in bushfire-prone areas at the urban fringe.14
Community Cohesion, Culture and Identity
Disaster has a paradoxical social quality: it can both fracture communities and draw them together.
In the immediate aftermath of the 2019–20 fires and smoke, many Canberrans described a sharp intensification of neighbourly attention, checking on elderly neighbours, sharing information about air quality, organising informal support for those who could not easily manage alone.
The University of Canberra research noted, however, that access to strong social networks, among the most important resources for climate resilience, was lower in Canberra than access to financial resources, meaning that a significant number of residents did not have people they could reliably call on during a crisis.1
Canberra's identity as the "bush capital" is not merely a marketing phrase but a genuine cultural attachment, to walking trails, to birdlife, to the particular quality of a spring morning in a city ringed by eucalypts and mountain ranges.
When those mornings are replaced by smoke-haze and fire danger ratings, and when the Floriade flower festival must reckon with changed growing seasons and the Canberra Marathon must consider heat thresholds for participant safety, the social fabric of the city is quietly but materially altered.
The role of First Nations peoples and communities in shaping how Canberra understands its changing landscape is both urgent and undervalued.
Ngunnawal Country, on which Canberra sits, carries thousands of years of accumulated knowledge about seasonal change, fire regimes and landscape management.
Cultural burning practices, rooted in Ngunnawal and Ngambri knowledge, offer approaches to land management that differ substantively from the hazard reduction regimes currently employed, and there is growing recognition among researchers and some policymakers that this knowledge deserves a central place in adaptation planning.
Community groups, neighbourhood associations and faith organisations played significant roles during the smoke emergency, running welfare checks, distributing masks and providing informal gathering points where people could share information and support.
These networks are resilience infrastructure, but they are largely invisible to formal policy and receive little sustained investment.
Work, Economy and Social Services
Canberra's economy is dominated by the public service, which confers a degree of insulation from climate disruption that is not shared across the workforce.
Public servants can often work from home on smoke days or heatwaves, receive paid sick leave and are not penalised for weather-related absence.
Outdoor workers, construction labourers, landscapers, delivery riders, street-based vendors and market stall operators, have no such buffer.
Under workplace health and safety law, there are established thresholds for heat risk, but enforcement is inconsistent, and workers in casual or gig-economy arrangements frequently face informal pressure to work regardless of conditions.
The ACT Government's own climate modelling projects that with a 3°C temperature increase, Canberra could see up to 40 days per year above 35°C, and up to 10 days per year above 44°C.5
For industries whose viability depends on outdoor conditions, event management, tourism, the arts sector, agriculture at the ACT's rural fringe, this is not a marginal disruption but a fundamental threat to business models.
Community and social services are already experiencing climate-linked demand pressures.
Emergency relief organisations, mental health services, housing support agencies and disability service providers all described expanded caseloads during the 2019–20 emergency, and the anticipation of more frequent and more severe events has prompted some organisations to build climate response into their operational planning.
But social services in the ACT, as elsewhere, are chronically under-resourced relative to need, and the additional burden of climate-driven demand risks compromising the provision of baseline services for the most vulnerable.
The question of who pays for resilience, and who is expected to manufacture it from their own thin resources, is a political question that ACT climate policy has not yet adequately confronted.
Governance, Trust and Participation
The ACT Government has pursued a comparatively ambitious climate mitigation agenda, with commitments including net zero emissions by 2045 and 100 per cent renewable electricity, already achieved.6
On adaptation, the question of how the territory prepares its society for the impacts of warming that is already locked in, the record is more mixed.
The ACT Climate Change Strategy 2019–25 recognised climate resilience as a social as well as environmental challenge, and funded the University of Canberra resilience research, but critics, including ACTCOSS, have argued that policy implementation still tends to treat climate as primarily a technical or infrastructure issue rather than as a social justice one.
Emergency warnings during the 2019–20 fires and smoke events were broadcast through official social media channels and ACT Health advisories, channels that are less reliably accessed by older residents, people from non-English-speaking backgrounds, people with limited digital access and people who are not formally housed.
The differential capacity to receive, interpret and act on emergency information is itself a social inequality, with direct consequences for who survives climate shocks and who does not.
Canberrans who participated in the Salvation Army's 2025 ACT Social Justice Stocktake described a strong sense of urgency about climate change, alongside a frustration that political processes were too slow and insufficiently attentive to those bearing the greatest costs.15
One respondent, identified only by suburb, offered a statement that is difficult to improve upon: "I want someone in government to care."
Looking Ahead: What a Just Adaptation Might Look Like
The social consequences of climate change in Canberra by 2040 will be shaped less by the physics of the atmosphere than by the political choices made in the intervening years.
A Canberra in which adaptation investment is concentrated on infrastructure while social housing remains inadequate, renters remain unable to retrofit their homes and outer suburbs continue to bake without tree cover will be a city in which the costs of climate change are borne overwhelmingly by those who are already disadvantaged.
But climate adaptation, undertaken with genuine commitment to equity, is also an opportunity.
Retrofitting Canberra's housing stock, beginning with social and community housing, for energy efficiency and thermal comfort would simultaneously reduce emissions, lower energy bills for low-income households and protect lives during heatwaves.
Expanding tree canopy in outer suburbs would reduce heat exposure, improve mental health and increase the liveability of communities that have long received less green infrastructure than older, more affluent neighbourhoods.
Investing in community social networks, not merely as a feel-good supplement to formal services but as recognised resilience infrastructure, would strengthen the connective tissue that matters most when services are stretched and emergencies unfold.
Centring First Nations knowledge and leadership in land management and adaptation planning would not only improve environmental outcomes but would represent a form of structural respect long overdue.
And creating meaningful, accessible pathways for participation in climate adaptation decisions, ones that reach beyond the already-engaged and already-comfortable, would begin to close the gap between who bears the costs of climate change and who shapes the response.
The stories of climate change in Canberra that are not yet being told are the stories of the woman in a poorly insulated Tuggeranong flat who cannot afford to run her air conditioner, the construction worker who loses three days' pay during a heatwave shutdown, the Ngunnawal elder watching Country change in ways that no weather model captures, and the young family in Gungahlin watching their children's asthma worsen each summer.
Listening to those stories is not merely an act of compassion, it is the precondition for a climate policy that is capable of protecting everyone.
Canberra has the resources, the institutional capacity and the political culture to do better.
Whether it will is the central social question of the next decade.
References
- Living Well in a Changing Climate University of Canberra Research Impact, 2025
- Bushfires in the ACT ACT State of the Environment Report, 2023
- Outer Canberra Most Unprepared for Climate Disaster ACT Greens Media Release, September 2025
- Housing and Homelessness ACT Council of Social Service (ACTCOSS)
- Developing the Next ACT Climate Change Strategy ACT Government, YourSay Conversations 2025
- Climate Change in the ACT Region NSW Department of Climate Change, Energy, the Environment and Water
- Living Well in a Changing Climate: Oxford Economics Global Cities Report 2024 University of Canberra, 2025
- Missing Middle Canberra: Housing Reform Coalition Missing Middle Canberra
- Poverty and Inequality in the ACT ACTCOSS Factsheet, October 2022
- Bushfire Smoke in Our Eyes: Community Perceptions and Responses to an Intense Smoke Event in Canberra, Australia Frontiers in Public Health, January 2022
- Impact of Extreme Heat on Health in Australia: A Scoping Review BMC Public Health, February 2025
- Housing as a Right Independents for Canberra
- Canberra's Living Infrastructure Plan: Cooling the City AdaptNSW ACT Region
- Australian Capital Territory Social Justice Stocktake 2025 The Salvation Army, 2025
- Australian Capital Territory Social Justice Stocktake 2025: Community Voices The Salvation Army, 2025





