14/05/2021

(AU The Guardian) The 2021 Federal Budget Was Light On Climate And Environment Measures. But Here’s What You Should Know

The Guardian

The Morrison government prefers a gas-fired recovery to a green one and has offered no new support for renewable energy or electric vehicles

Scott Morrison visits an oil refinery in Gladstone in January. The 2021 federal budget pledged $279.9m to help big emitters reduce energy consumption and emissions. Photograph: Lukas Coch/AAP

Guardian Environmental Investigations
There was little talk of the climate crisis or the environment in Tuesday’s budget, perhaps because the Morrison government has succeeded in framing them as side issues.

But once you dig into the detail there is plenty to know. Here are some key points.

Will there be a green recovery?

Not based on this. There has been a global push for a climate-focused move to kickstart economic growth from the pandemic, pushed by the International Monetary Fund, the United Nations and several national leaders.

The response has been mixed, but countries that Australia likes to compare itself with have embraced the idea.

The US president, Joe Biden, has proposed a US$2tn infrastructure plan to drive “transformational progress” in tackling climate change, including US$174bn for electric vehicles and support to make the electricity grid emissions-free by 2035.

Germany has dedicated US$47bn to green recovery measures, including $9bn to “green hydrogen”.

Even fossil fuel-rich Canada has committed more than US$36bn to clean energy.

In contrast, the UN environment program found Australia had done the least among the world’s 50 largest economies to drive a green recovery. There is nothing to change that in the budget.

The government remains averse to even using the word “climate”. It appears in just two items in the 197 pages of budget paper number two, which lays out proposed spending measures for the next four years.

Elsewhere, a table dedicated to “climate spending” confirms just 0.3% – 30c in every $100 – of budget spending is dedicated to addressing the climate crisis. The government expects that to fall to 0.2% in 2022-23.

Does the budget support a gas-fired recovery, as the government has promised?

Yes, to some extent. It includes $58.6m in new funding for the industry over four years, including for expanding pipelines, a new gas import terminal, gas storage facilities and a gas supply hub at Wallumbilla in Queensland.

There is also $30m for a company owned by the iron ore magnate Andrew Forrest to help its early works on a new gas-fired power station. Why Forrest, a billionaire, needs public money has not been explained.

The Coalition is backing a gas plant that also runs on hydrogen. Is this the future or a folly? Read more There is a further $24.9m for new gas-fired power plants to become “hydrogen-ready” – a contentious approach given experts say hydrogen is more likely to be used to reduce emissions in other sectors, such as steel production, than to compete with existing cheap and clean alternatives in electricity generation.

But there is no money for a new $600m publicly owned gas plant in the Hunter Valley, which the government threatened to build if the private sector did not commit to building new gas generators to replace the Liddell coal plant when it closes in 2023.

It is unclear if the government has been satisfied by commitments by EnergyAustralia and Forrest, or if that decision is yet to be made. The head of the government’s Energy Security Board, Kerry Schott, has said the economic case for new gas power in New South Wales when Liddell closes “doesn’t stack up”.

A reminder: Gas is sometimes described as emitting about half as much as coal when burned, but studies have suggested its impact is much higher once methane leaks during extraction and piping are counted.

What about renewable energy?

Not much to see here. The government has made clear it thinks solar and wind no longer need public funding to be competitive, and it does not see its role as hastening their expansion as part of a clean transition.

Instead, the budget includes previously announced support for “low emissions” technology development – $263.7m for long-promised but little-delivered fossil fuel carbon capture projects and $275.5m for four “clean hydrogen” export hubs that could run on renewable energy or fossil fuels with carbon capture and storage.

The former Liberal prime minister Malcolm Turnbull has described producing hydrogen with coal or gas as a “delaying tactic” pushed by the fossil fuel industry.

There is also $30m for a big battery and microgrids in Northern Territory Indigenous communities and $19.3m for a renewable energy microgrid in the Daintree.

The single biggest bit of spending on emissions reduction was announced in April before Biden’s climate summit – $639m for “low emissions international technology partnerships”, which the government now says include developing a carbon offset scheme in the Indo-Pacific.

Any more funding for fossil fuel operations?

Yes. One of the most significant climate announcements in the budget is $279.9m over a decade to establish a “below baseline crediting mechanism” to help big emitters reduce energy consumption and emissions.

This refers to what is known as the “safeguard mechanism”, which was supposed to prevent national industrial emissions increasing above historical levels. In practice, as Guardian Australia has reported, industrial businesses have been allowed to lift their emissions limits – known as baselines – without penalty.

Cutting through the budget spin: breaking down the Coalition’s cash splash Read more A program to award carbon credits to polluters that reduce their emissions below their baseline level could be a significant step – but only if baselines are reduced over time to help cut national CO2 emissions, and companies that emit above their baselines are required to buy credits.

Under this design, the errant polluters would buy credits from the companies that cut emissions, creating a form of carbon market, and there would be an incentive for everyone to clean up their act.

If the amount industrial polluters were allowed to emit was meaningfully reduced year-on-year it would eventually effectively make it uneconomic to emit CO2 in many cases.

But the government has said it will not introduce anything that looks like carbon pricing. It suggests it may commit hundreds of millions of taxpayer dollars to just help profitable industrial facilities cut emissions. The design of this mechanism will be key.

What about other technologies – clean cars, for example?

There is nothing in the budget for electric vehicles, continuing the government’s position of resisting a global push to offer incentives to rapidly expand the use of clean cars.

But the government will pay an undisclosed sum to attempt to shore up petrol production in Australia, and has kicked in another $50.7m to build oil stocks after the announcement that two of the country’s remaining four refineries would close.

There is also some money to improve understanding of how much carbon is stored in soil, including more than $100m over the next two years to help farmers improve measurement.

This is in line with the government last year announcing soil carbon as one of five priorities in its low-emissions technology statement.

What about nature?

It loses out, again. The Coalition has significantly cut funding for environment programs since coming to power and there is little change here.

An analysis by the Australian Conservation Foundation this week calculated funding for biodiversity protection – threatened species and ecosystems – had fallen 28% since the Coalition was elected in 2013.

This budget includes another $29.1m to protect native species from feral and invasive pests, but spending on biodiversity is then forecast to fall over the next three years until it is less than half what it was in 2013.

There is $29.3m dedicated to changes to the national environment laws, the Environment Protection and Biodiversity Conservation Act, but the bulk will go to increasing the speed at which development proposals are assessed and approved.

Reminder: Graeme Samuel, the former competition watchdog head, found in an official review that the EPBC Act was failing, and the government would be accepting the decline of environmental landmarks and the extinction of threatened animals, plants and ecosystems unless it embraced fundamental reform.

The government has a better story to tell on ocean protection, where it has confirmed a previous announcement of $100.1m to restore “blue carbon” ecosystems.

It includes $40m for marine parks, including plans to expand protection into the Indian Ocean off northern Western Australia. This has been applauded by scientists and local fishers.

Anything else?

The government has increased support for its promise to improve recycling, including $67m to divert organic food waste away from landfill.

There is also $209.7m over four years for a previously announced Australian Climate Service that will “transform the Commonwealth’s capacity to anticipate and prepare for more extreme weather events”.

This has been welcomed by the science community and some in industry, which is increasingly aware it will need this information as extreme weather is exacerbated by global heating.

Where to from here?

Big decisions on climate lie ahead. The government is due to release a long-term emissions reduction strategy before the climate summit in Glasgow in November and before then will come under renewed pressure to do more when Scott Morrison is a guest at the G7 leaders’ summit in England next month.

All G7 member countries have shifted their focus to climate commitments over the next decade, announcing more ambitious goals for 2030.

The British hosts have invited four democracies who are yet to take that step – Australia, India, South Korea and South Africa – for a reason.

On nature protection, the government is still trying to change the EPBC Act to shed some of its responsibilities and hand greater approval powers for development to the states.

It is yet to formally respond to the Samuel review, but has effectively rejected a recommendation that it introduce stronger national environmental standards to improve wildlife protection.

Despite warnings the country faces an extinction crisis, there is no suggestion that will change.

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(AU SMH) Turnbull Says ‘Right Wing Craziness’ Drives The Government On Climate

Sydney Morning HeraldNick O'Malley

Malcolm Turnbull says only the threat of losing seats or power would drive the federal government to adopt what he believes to be a credible international position on carbon pollution reduction as he voiced disappointment in the lack of clean energy commitments in the budget.

“I’d say only the prospect of electoral defeat, whether that’s at the hands of the Labor Party, which would seem implausible, or independents who are supporters of climate action,” Mr Turnbull said in response to a question about what would prompt more government action after a speech at a conference hosted by the Smart Energy Council.

NSW Energy & Environment Minister Matt Kean with former prime minister Malcolm Turnbull at the Smart Energy conference on Wednesday. Credit: Steven Siewert

Mr Turnbull likened what he called climate denialism in the Coalition to the prevalent false view in the United States Republican Party that President Joe Biden had stolen the presidential election from Donald Trump, saying both narratives were driven by right-wing ideology reinforced by conservative media, including outlets owned by the Murdoch family.

Mr Turnbull said Australia could increase its commitments to reduce carbon pollution and have cheaper energy as a result if it was not for entrenched coal support in the government.

“This is the craziness right? ... Those people who want to hang on to coal and gas are basically arguing for higher electricity prices and higher emissions,” he said.

Climate policy
Australia pressured to step up climate action during G7 talks
“It is this loopy way in which coal and gas and climate change have been turned into ideological issues by that sort of right-wing, largely Murdoch media, political ecosystem.”

Mr Turnbull said he believed moderates had been passive by comparison to the Right in the Coalition due to the Right’s support from the “toxic combination of the fossil fuel lobby, right-wing partisan media, and right-wing sentiment”.

He again voiced his support for the independent candidate Kirsty O’Connell in the NSW Upper Hunter byelection over the Nationals’ David Layzell.

Mr Turnbull said he was disappointed the federal budget did not include more support for clean energy infrastructure, saying no new major investments in urgently needed long-term storage projects had been made since he announced the Snowy Hydro 2 project and the plan to link Tasmania’s hydro power to the mainland via an undersea cable.

He said the national grid needed the equivalent of eight times the long duration storage capacity of the Snowy Hydro 2 pumped hydro project to support the amount of renewable energy needed to ensure reliable cheap power.

Economist Nicki Hutley told The Sydney Morning Herald and The Age she was also disappointed the government did not provide better support to clean energy or the environment in the budget.

“This budget was an opportunity for a game changer on climate, but there was nothing there. Around the world average [national] spending from COVID-19 recovery packages on clean energy is 20 per cent, in Australia it is 0.02 per cent,” she said.

“The word ‘renewables’ did not appear. They could have stimulated the economy, created jobs and created a positive environmental outcome, but they chose not to,” she said.

Emissions
Morrison eyes deeper emissions cuts, but avoids deadline to hit net zero
Australia has set a modest greenhouse gas reduction target for 2030, and no other longer-term deadlines.

Under the Paris climate agreement Australia is committed to reducing emissions by 26 to 28 per cent by 2030.

The nation has not set a target to reach net zero, with the government saying it would get there as soon as possible through technologies, but warning of the economic risks of setting deadlines without a complete picture of where the emissions reductions would come from, and what they would cost.

Australia’s approach is at odds with other developed nations’ increasingly ambitious climate policy, with the US, UK, Japan and Canada committing to reach net zero by mid-century and setting ambitious emissions reduction goals for 2030.

Treasurer Josh Frydenberg used his budget speech to emphasise the government’s climate ambitions.

“Australia is on the pathway to net zero and our goal is to get there as soon as we possibly can, preferably by 2050,” he said. “We will do this with a practical, technology-focused approach. Technology not taxes.”

Paris Agreement
Morrison’s long walk to net zero
“In this budget we are investing a further $1.6 billion to fund priority technologies, including clean hydrogen and energy storage.”

Mr Turnbull spoke at the conference after NSW Energy

 Minister Matt Kean, who recently appointed him and then sacked him as chairman of the newly created Net Zero Emissions and Clean Energy Board, created to advise the state government on emissions reductions.

Smart Energy Council chief executive John Grimes told the conference Australia risked becoming the Kodak of nations by missing out on massive opportunities in clean energy due to the “willful” blindness of the federal government.

“We have to change our thinking from one of extraction to one of creation,” he said, arguing by electrifying manufacturing with renewables Australia could export value-added goods rather than “dirt”.

He said because energy was a cost in nearly every economic transaction, bringing down its costs benefited the entire economy.

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(AU The Conversation) Pay Dirt: $200 Million Plan For Australia’s Degraded Soil Is A Crucial Turning Point

The Conversation | 

Shutterstock

Authors
  •  is Associate professor, Monash University
  •  is Associate Professor, University of Adelaide
The food we eat, the clothes we wear, the air we breathe, the water we drink – it’s all underpinned by healthy and productive soils.

Since Europeans arrived in Australia, the continent’s soil has steadily been degraded. Yet, until now, we’ve lacked an integrated national approach to managing this valuable and finite resource.

That changed in last night’s federal budget, when Treasurer Josh Frydenberg announced almost A$200 million for a National Soils Strategy. The 20-year plan recognises the vital role of soils for environmental and human health, the economy, food security, biodiversity and climate resilience.

Our soils face a range of threats, including the loss of prime agricultural land, erosion, acidification, salt accumulation, contamination and carbon loss. Climate change also puts pressure on our soils through through droughts, storms, bushfires and floods.

We contributed expertise as the soil policy was being developed, and believe the final strategy represents a long-needed turning point for this crucial natural asset.

 Australia’s soils have been degrading since European settlement. Shutterstock

Why soil matters Soil contains organic matter, minerals, gases, water and living organisms. It is slow to form – the average rate of soil production globally is around 114 millimetres per 1,000 years – and is considered a non-renewable resource.

Soil underpins a myriad of economic activities. In Australia, it directly contributes about A$63 billion each year to the economy through agriculture production alone.

Healthy soil is necessary for:
  • food and fibre production
  • filtering water and retaining sediment to ensure healthy landscapes
  • maintaining air quality by preventing dust storms
  • carbon storage to help mitigate climate change
  • environmental functions such as plant growth
  • human nutrition (soil provides nutrients to plants and animals which are transferred to humans once consumed)
  • many drugs and vaccines upon which humans rely, such as penicillin
  • safe infrastructure (acid sulfate soils and salinity can damage structures such as housing, bridges and roads)
  • resilience to natural disasters such as storms, bushfires, floods and droughts.
However, land degradation, climate change and poor management practices threaten our soil resources.

Soil salinity can ruin crops. Shutterstock

What lies beneath? Until now, Australia has lacked a nationally consistent approach to monitor soil health, nor a readily accessible means of storing that data. That means at a national level, our understanding of soil condition, and how it’s changed, has been limited.

Soil monitoring has largely been conducted through various regional, state and federal programs. These often operate in isolation and have differing aims and objectives. And overall investment has not been large or quick enough to create broad improvements in soil health.

In comparison, well-established standardised national systems exist to monitor terrestrial ecosystems, weather, climate and water. These allow an assessment of longer trends and changes to baseline conditions.

The need for a national soil assessment was recognised as far back as 2008. And there have long been calls for long-term monitoring, consistent information and baseline data collection.

The funding will help farmers monitor the health of their soil. Shutterstock 

Change from the ground up Importantly, the strategy takes a long term view of sustainable soil management. It also considers soil beyond its traditional role in agricultural production and explicitly identifies criteria to measure progress.

The strategy has three arms:

1. Prioritise soil health

This goal takes a “soils first” approach in that sustainable soil management is the primary consideration in policy development and management strategies. This recognises how environmental and agricultural problems can start with poor soil management and create further challenges. For example, soil acidification can lead to declines in terrestrial biodiversity, and soil constraints must be addressed first to arrest this.

2. Empower soil stewards and innovation

This approach gives incentives to farmers and other land managers, such as rebates for sampling to determine the soil carbon levels. Carbon is an important measure of soil condition. Gathering such information will help land managers arrest the decline in soil condition, enhancing productivity and soil health.

3. Secure soil science

This approach aims to increase soil knowledge through standardised data collection, management and storage. It will allow for more informed decisions using reliable, up-to-date, accessible information.

Part of this aim involves strengthening training and accreditation programs, and integrating soils into the national school curriculum. This will help create a new generation of soil experts to replace the current crop which is trending to retirement.

The strategy aims to train a new generation of soil experts. Shutterstock 

On solid ground Overall, the National Soils Strategy aims to deliver coordinated on-ground action and improve research, education and monitoring. The strategy broadly aligns with the needs of those who had input into its development, including governments, industry, academia, Landcare groups and non-government organisations.

However, while the importance of Indigenous land management practices is clearly acknowledged, the integration and incorporation of these practices should be more clearly defined.

The monitoring program encourages farmers to test their soil and incorporate the de-identified results in to the national database. Care should be taken to ensure sampling is done appropriately for the data to be useful.

The time frame for the initial phase of the strategy is short – pilot programs need to be delivered between two and four years. This will be challenging to deliver.

Separate to the strategy, the budget allocated A$59.6 million to soil carbon initiatives. There is increasing recognition of how improved land use and management can help boost soil carbon stores, which is key to tackling climate change. But storing carbon permanently in soils comes with a number of challenges. This funding may be appropriate only if directed to address those areas where knowledge gaps exist.

But overall, the strategy fills a vital gap – providing a national vision and shared goals for managing precious soils across Australia.

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