Sydney Morning Herald
-
Marian Wilkinson
Professor Lesley Hughes doesn’t get a lot of invitations from the Morrison
government to sit at the top table.
The high-profile climate
scientist was unceremoniously sacked, along with the entire Climate Commission,
shortly after Tony Abbott became prime minister.
His successors have
shunned her advice ever since. So it was surprising to see Hughes on stage in
Sydney as a guest speaker at a climate leadership event organised by the British
consulate-general to celebrate this year’s International Women’s Day.
As the invitees tucked into breakfast at The Mint museum, Hughes was quizzed on
the looming climate crisis by Sam Mostyn, president of Chief Executive Women and
networker extraordinaire. Joining them on stage were a feisty grassroots climate
activist and the CEO of a start-up that offsets personal carbon footprints.
The historic arrangement reach in Paris Saturday night have wide-ranging
impacts for Australia's targets and economy.
Courtesy ABC News 24.
It was a small but revealing display of British diplomacy in the lead-up to
November’s critical United Nations Climate Change Conference in Glasgow (COP26).
And Hughes was happy to be part of it. “It’s soft pressure, obviously,” she said
later, “but it’s nonetheless a demonstration of the importance of the issue.”
Hughes was a lead author on the landmark
Fifth Assessment Report
by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC). The report helped guide
the Paris Agreement and its aim to limit global warming to below 2 degrees
Celsius, and preferably to 1.5, compared to pre-industrial levels.
Hughes now regularly issues warnings about the climate crisis
through the Climate Council – an independent body known for its sharp criticism
of the Morrison government’s unambitious targets to cut Australia’s greenhouse
emissions.
The professor’s appearance at the British event was just one more line item in
Britain’s effort to pull off the world’s most ambitious climate summit yet in
Glasgow. The measure of the summit’s success will not just be a commitment to
reach a global target of net-zero emissions by 2050.
To make that
target credible, British Prime Minister Boris Johnson and his cabinet colleague
Alok Sharma, COP26 president-designate, want all countries – especially
developed countries such as Australia – to commit to ambitious targets for 2030,
just nine years away. That outcome is also a top priority for US President Joe
Biden.
|
Australia’s approach to climate change is coming under increasing
pressure globally in the lead up to the Glasgow summit. Credit: Getty
|
“We’ve asked all countries coming to Glasgow to be ambitious,” British High
Commissioner Vicki Treadell said in an interview with
Australian Foreign Affairs.
“We’re pleased to see the
changing language here in Australia and certainly the commitment from Prime
Minister Morrison that they recognise the need to get to net zero, in his words,
preferably by 2050,” she said, but added pointedly, “What we do want to
understand is how people are going to measure their success and the way they are
going to get there with the initial plans for 2030. And then between 2030 and
2050, what that final push will be.”
Since last December, Scott Morrison has
crab-walked towards a net zero
by 2050 target. But he is coming under serious pressure from Australia’s most
important allies to put up a credible 2030 target in Glasgow. Morrison has been
unwilling to do that.
Morrison’s determination to stick to Australia’s weak, increasingly implausible
2030 target was thrust into the international spotlight at Biden’s climate
summit in April. The prime minister was one of 40 world leaders, including Xi
Jinping, who attended the virtual gathering.
It was designed to
vault the United States into a leadership role in the global climate
negotiations, and in his opening remarks Biden made it absolutely clear he
wanted deep global emissions cuts by 2030. “This is the decade we must make
decisions that will avoid the worst consequences of a climate crisis,” Biden
said. “We must try to keep the Earth’s temperature to an increase of 1.5 degrees
Celsius.”
Biden used his summit to unveil a new US 2030 target of 50–52 per cent
reductions in emissions. Japanese Prime Minister Yoshihide Suga offered up a 46
per cent reduction target and Canada’s Justin Trudeau put up 40–45 per cent.
All were close to double Australia’s 2030 target. But Morrison again
declined to commit even to a net zero by 2050 target, let alone change
Australia’s 2030 target.
Before Morrison could put his case to the summit, a senior US administration
official was briefing the media, suggesting Australia’s strategy was
unsustainable.
“At the moment I think our colleagues in Australia
recognise there is going to have to be a shift,” the official said. “It’s
insufficient to follow the existing trajectory and hope that they will be on a
course to deep decarbonisation and getting to net zero emissions by
mid-century.”
But when Morrison spoke, he stuck to the “technology not taxes” mantra and
Australia’s slower approach to reducing emissions.
“Australia is on
the pathway to net zero,” he said. “Our goal is to get there as soon as we
possibly can, through technology that enables and transforms our industries, not
taxes that eliminate them and the jobs and livelihoods they support and create,
especially in our regions. For Australia, it is not a question of if or even by
when for net zero, but importantly, how.”
To back up his argument, Morrison invoked Dr Alan Finkel, noting that the former
chief scientist was now the government’s special adviser on low-emissions
technology and the roadmap. But as one former insider put it, Morrison cannot
use Finkel as a human shield for his policy.
Morrison’s argument of “how” not “when” Australia gets to net zero missed the
point. For Biden, it is a question of when as well as how. This is not just
about the climate science. The United States sees itself in a race against China
for clean energy supremacy in the net-zero emissions world. Secretary of State
Antony Blinken made this clear shortly before the Biden summit.
PM avoids putting timeframe on zero emissions target at virtual summit.
“It’s difficult to imagine the United States winning the long-term strategic
competition with China if we cannot lead the renewable energy revolution,”
Blinken told reporters. “Right now, we’re falling behind.
China is
the largest producer and exporter of solar panels, wind turbines, batteries,
electric vehicles. It holds nearly a third of the world’s renewable energy
patents. If we don’t catch up, America will miss the chance to shape the world’s
climate future in a way that reflects our interests and values, and we’ll lose
out on countless jobs for the American people.”
Biden, like the Europeans, wants to spend big to back the rapid shift to clean
energy. US Energy Secretary Jennifer Granholm underscored the new urgency in
Washington when she announced at the summit a US goal to slash the cost of
“clean renewable hydrogen” by 80 per cent by 2030, making it competitive with
natural gas.
Australia risks being overrun in this clean energy race. If green hydrogen
becomes competitive with natural gas by the end of the decade, the oil and gas
industry will react by slashing prices, and Australian liquefied natural gas
prices will plummet. As Fortescue Metals’ chairman Twiggy Forrest put it
colourfully in his Boyer lecture, the result will be “like a knife fight in a
telephone box”.
For now, the Morrison government is making a strategic bet that the energy
transformation won’t happen this fast. It does not believe that China, let alone
India, will be able to radically shift course this decade. This will put the 1.5
Celsius plans out of reach and curb the enthusiasm in developed countries for
ambitious targets to cut emissions.
The message from Morrison and his Energy and Emissions Reduction minister, Angus
Taylor, is that Australia’s big exports of liquefied natural gas and coal will
continue for decades to come.
The latest International Energy Agency review gives some comfort for this view.
Energy-related carbon dioxide emissions are on course to surge again in 2021,
the second-largest increase in history, reversing most of the pandemic’s
decline.
This year’s expected rise in coal use dwarfs that of renewables. Some 80 per
cent of the projected growth in coal demand is expected to come from Asia, led
by China. As IEA chief Fatih Birol put it: “We remain on a path of dangerous
levels of global warming.”
But the IEA also released its own roadmap in May, warning that if the world
wanted to keep to the 1.5 Celsius goal, there could be no new oil and gas fields
approved for development beyond 2021, and no new coalmines or mine extensions.
The IEA roadmap,
“Net Zero by 2050”, flew in the face of both Labor and Coalition support for new fossil fuel
developments.
Labor’s muted response to the Biden summit and the 1.5-degree goal has
reinforced the view in the government that its current policy is the right
course politically. But outside Australia, there is a growing belief that
China’s clean energy transition will speed up, due to its capacity for
innovation and its need to compete with the US.
Former Australian diplomat Dean Bialek, who is now advising Britain on
preparations for COP26, believes there is a chance that China will bring more to
Glasgow than Xi’s
net zero by 2060 pledge.
“I think the Chinese could do it if they wanted. I think their
current policy positions are intended to leave a bit of negotiating room this
year. Both on the net zero timeline but also in terms of where they can get to
by 2030,” said Bialek.
“And indeed whether they could potentially
look at bringing forward the current target on peaking of emissions – which is
currently expressed as ‘around 2030’ – to a much earlier date, to 2025, is one
that has been bandied around.”
The need for China, India and other big emitters in the developing world to ramp
up their ambition in Glasgow explains why the US and Britain are so exercised
about Australia’s 2030 target. As a rich developed country with abundant
renewable resources, Australia’s weak target will give diplomatic succour to
other carbon-intensive economies wanting to slow the pace of change, such as
Saudi Arabia and Russia.
Johnson invited Morrison to Cornwall for the G7 meeting in June in part because
of this. His other special guests were India, South Africa and South Korea.
In their final communique, the G7 leaders reaffirmed their
commitment to reach net zero no later than 2050 and to halve their collective
emissions by 2030. They also called for international investment in unabated
coal-power generation to stop, committing to end new government support for it
by the close of this year.
The message to Morrison from the entire G7 leadership was that big-emitting
economies such as Australia needed to bring their highest possible ambition to
cut emissions to Glasgow. But Morrison baulked again at the G7, refusing to give
either Biden or Johnson a commitment to reach net zero by 2050 or to agree to an
ambitious 2030 target. Instead he kicked the decision down the road.
In Canberra, where the climate wars still haunt politicians on both sides, the
goal of keeping to 1.5 degrees is still seen by many as the naive aspiration of
climate scientists, activists and school strikers.
Morrison is
certainly trapped in this mentality, quipping to the
Business Council dinner this year: “We’re not going to achieve net zero in the cafes, dinner parties and wine
bars of our inner cities.”
Morrison has never accepted the urgency of the science on climate change, but he
is increasingly becoming an outlier among world leaders.
Between now
and November, he has a decision to make: whether he will join those leaders who
see the Glasgow summit as the world’s last best hope to get the clean energy
transition on track – or side with those whose aim is to derail it.
NOTE: This is an edited extract of Marian Wilkinson’s essay “The Outlier” from the
current issue of Australian Foreign Affairs,
Feeling the Heat: Australia Under Climate Pressure, published today.
Links