The Conversation - David Holmes
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| AAP/Lukas Coch |
Two weeks into a protracted election campaign, it is looking
ever-more likely that climate change is to be placed way down the order
of business – at least for the major parties.
The contest over climate change that characterised the previous three elections seems to have disappeared
off the political radar
despite the issue being more urgent than ever. Since the Paris climate
summit, global average temperatures continue to break month-on-month
records.
Just a few weeks after the summit, the North Pole was briefly not even able to
reach freezing point – in the middle of winter. And just this month,
Cape Grim surpassed a 400 ppm
baseline minimum.
Then there is the truly frightening
climate spiral
developed by Ed Hawkins from the University of Reading. It shows what
an El Niño amplified global temperature has climbed to. The spiral
assumes a tight-knit but ever-expanding ball until April 2015, when the
spiral line starts to separate dramatically from the ball. This year it
careers dangerously close to the 1.5℃ threshold.
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| Climate spiral. Ed Hawkins |
The diminishing political and media spiral on climate
While global temperatures may be spiralling out of control, the
opposite appears to be happening with the climate issue attention cycle
in Australia.
Apparently, climate is less important than jobs and growth – or, in Labor's case, health and schools.
A big part of this change in political climates is undoubtedly the
Paris summit itself. The political triumphalism of the summit belies the
scientific pessimism of so many climate scientists and
activists.
Kevin Anderson from Manchester University's Tyndall Centre for
Climate Change Research even declared the summit to be "worse that
Copenhagen", in that it is based on out-of-date science, does not
include aviation and shipping, and includes negative emissions in its
scenarios for achieving abatement.
On the other hand, after the collapse of talks at Copenhagen, some
activists see no choice but to climb aboard with the Paris agreement,
insofar as it at least signifies a mainstream seachange in action – even
if the actual measures are inadequate. The INDCs that came out of the
conference still put the world on a path to 3.5℃.
Yet so many politicians from around the globe have sought to convince
their constituents that the climate problem is all but solved. The
Coalition is banking on such a sell to the Australian electorate as it
gambles with a climate attention minimisation strategy. Much of this
sell has been left to the
"best minister in the world" Greg Hunt, both before and after the Paris summit.
Hunt has already claimed success on meeting the
2020 target, and with strategies to
meet the 2030 target.
Little of the Government's progress in meeting the 2020 target is due
to reducing emissions. Rather it has been the reduction in
land-clearing, consumer-driven domestic solar, and the decline in
manufacturing that have been decisive in meeting the 2020 targets.
The Guardian's
Lenore Taylor
has pointed out that while the Coalition is bringing back the "carbon
tax" scare campaign of 2013, its own scheme would have to draw on the
"safeguard mechanism" component of Direct Action – which is itself a
disguised ETS – to have any chance of meeting the targets.
Short of leaning on this mechanism, the only other option the
Coalition has is to increase the taxpayer-funded emissions reduction
fund to a level that would make a mockery of any claims to budget
responsibility.
Add to this the fact that recent
academic research
on Direct Action has reaffirmed its status as a form of corporate
welfare that is allocated to projects that would have happened anyway.
And all this is in an Australia that has increased its already high
emissions
3% since 2000.
Shifting voter attitudes on climate
But have Hunt's strategies worked on the Australian electorate? Not
according to a recent ReachTEL poll of 2,400 respondents on May 9, which
revealed that 56% believed the government needed to do more to tackle
global warming.
64% said they would be more likely to vote for a party that has a
plan to source 100% of Australia's electricity from renewable sources
like wind, solar and hydro in the next 20 years.
Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull seems to have switched off his
personal barometer on climate as an issue that is too politically
fraught. In 2010, he
said:
We know that the consequences of unchecked global warming
would be catastrophic … We as a human species have a deep and abiding
obligation to this planet and to the generations that will come after
us.
But since then, Turnbull appears to have sacrificed his convictions to the climate-illiterate backbench of his party.
Labor has not done much better. While it has more ambitious 2030
abatement targets than the Coalition, it has been particularly silent in
reminding voters of its climate policy alternative.
Labor and the Greens
Both major parties have opted to entrench their duopoly by not going
after big targets on any of the issues that are usually recycled at
election time.
Instead, much airtime has been spent in the opening weeks of the
campaign attacking the Greens. Liberal ministers take every opportunity
to pillory any alliance between the Greens and Labor. Last week, Finance
Minister Mathias Cormann told
Fairfax Media:
We see them very much on a unity ticket. In our
judgement, Labor and the Greens are now on an anti-business, anti-jobs,
and anti-growth unity ticket.
In the same week, Turnbull labelled Labor's proposal to double the
intake of refugees as a "gesture to the Greens" on the back of
Immigration Minister Peter Dutton's attack on the Greens' asylum-seeker
policy.
But, curiously, Labor and the Greens are at war themselves, or at
least they are desperately giving the appearance they are. According to
Michael Cooney from the Labor thinktank the Chifley Research Centre and
Ben Oquist
from the Australia Institute, Labor and the Greens have attacked each
other because nearly every inner-city seat the Greens have a chance of
winning for the first time are Labor-held.
The Greens are also distancing themselves from Labor because they
want to capture the anti-politics vote. This is best achieved by showing
yourself to be radically different from the major parties.
Labor, on the other hand, is almost forced into attacking the Greens
because of the long-run stigma that News Corp papers have attached to
any such alliance. During the first days of the election campaign, the
Daily Telegraph and The Australian were jumping in with stories that no major party would ever form government with the Greens.
In contrast to the 2013 election campaign, the Tele even had a
pro-Labor story "Save Our Albo" over the Greens' challenge to Anthony
Albanese's inner-city seat of Grayndler.
But nothing much has changed. Back in the 2010 federal election, the
The Australian declared the pride with which it had smashed any alliance between the Greens and Labor, and that the Greens:
… should be destroyed at the ballot box.
In October the same year
Rupert Murdoch referred to the "bloody Greens" as a party that would ruin Australia's economic prosperity.
What is clear to the Coalition, Murdoch, and big business in
Australia is that Labor and the Greens must be permanently isolated from
each other in a sustained ideological crusade. Failing to achieve this
would spell nothing short of game over for the Coalition.
The entire crusade, which is based on castigating the Greens as a
loony left party that would bring down the Labor Party, requires so much
journalistic theatre, compared to what could more easily be done with
the Liberal-National Party marriage of convenience. One is a party of
agrarian socialists, and the other a party serving mining capital and
finance capital. But News Corp has been particularly disciplined at
ignoring any of the tensions that these parties have had over the years.
Were Labor to form an alliance with the Greens it could take great
leadership on climate. But there are a great many forces arraigned
against them achieving a left-progressive coalition.
Whether the Labor Party has the courage to come out and challenge the Coalition to a contest over climate remains to be seen.
The Greens, for their part, are making many more inroads into this election than the last. They certainly have the
strongest climate policy,
with a renewable energy target of 90% by 2030. The ReachTEL poll
referred to earlier shows the Greens have four times the primary vote
than the National Party.
The Greens know that for under 30 voters they are already matching
the primary vote of the major parties, and that a core platform of
strong action against global warming is a big part of this support.
Whether the major parties can ignore this support that springs from
climate will be one of the biggest gambles of this election.
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