17/06/2017

New Research May Resolve A Climate ‘Conundrum’ Across The History Of Human Civilization

The Guardian - 

The new study also confirms the planet is warming 20 times faster than Earth's fastest natural climate change
Stalagmites and stalactites in the caves of Diros in Greece. Photograph: Alamy Stock Photo
Earth's last ice age ended about 12,000 years ago. The warmer and more stable climate that followed allowed for the development of agriculture and the rise of human civilization. This important period encompassing the past 12,000 years is referred to as the Holocene geological epoch. It also created a "conundrum" for climate scientists, because global temperatures simulated by climate models didn't match reconstructions from proxy data.
To be specific, the overall temperature change during the Holocene matched pretty well in reconstructions and models, but the pattern didn't. The best proxy reconstruction from a 2013 paper led by Shaun Marcott estimated more warming than models from 12,000 to 7,000 years ago. Then over the past 7,000 years, Marcott's reconstruction estimated about 0.5°C cooling while model simulations showed the planet warming by about the same amount.
A new paper led by Jonathan Baker may help to resolve that discrepancy. The scientists examined stalagmites from a cave in the southern Ural Mountains of Russia. The ratio of oxygen isotopes in the stalagmites can be used to estimate past winter temperatures. The Marcott study had one known shortcoming – the proxy temperature data they used mostly represented the summer season. And as Baker explained, changes in the Earth's orbital cycles have caused cooling in the northern hemisphere summer and winter warming during the Holocene:
Because our orbit is elliptical, we're not always the same distance from the sun. About 10,000 years ago, Earth was closest to the sun during summer and farthest during winter. Today it is the opposite. Based on this variable alone, we would expect winter warming and summer cooling in the northern hemisphere (and vice versa in the southern hemisphere) over the last 10,000 years.
During the period from 15,000 to 7,000 years ago, temperatures were rising because large ice sheets were disappearing. That was especially true in the summer because back then, the Earth was closest to the sun during that season.
So the Marcott temperature reconstruction, which was predominantly based on summer temperature proxies, estimated a lot of warming from 15,000 to 7,000 years ago (more than in model simulations), then a small cooling thereafter, while models simulate a slight warming over the past 7,000 years due to a slow rise in greenhouse gases.
The stalagmite data in the Baker study show that winter temperatures behaved differently and can reconcile the discrepancies between the Marcott reconstruction and model simulations.
This suggests that the climate models are right – Earth's surface temperature warmed rapidly at the end of the last ice age, from about 17,000 to 7,000 years ago, then the rate of warming slowed as the climate stabilized. However, it didn't reverse into a cooling trend, because atmospheric greenhouse gas levels were rising.
Then of course came the Industrial Revolution 200 years ago, and carbon dioxide levels consequently shot up due to humans burning fossil fuels. As a result, temperatures have spiked as well. Over the past 130 years, global surface temperatures have risen about 20 times faster than when the Earth transitioned out of the last ice age. Over the past 40 years, the rate of global warming has been 3 times faster yet.
And that's in comparison to Earth's fastest natural climate change, when it's transitioning from an ice age to a warm period. Over the past 7,000 years, when human civilization was able to develop and thrive, Earth's temperatures and climate were quite stable. The temperature change during the past 7,000 years was about 0.5°C.
Humans have caused that much warming in just the past 25 years. If we follow through with the Paris agreement and manage to limit global warming to 2°C over a 200-year period, in that best-case scenario the Earth would still warm 20 times faster than a natural ice age transition. If we fail to cut carbon pollution, that rate could speed to more than 50 times faster than Earth's fastest natural climate change.
There are several important points we can take from the Baker study.
First, climate models are able to simulate climate changes over the history of human civilization fairly accurately.
Second, when there's a discrepancy between data and models, people have a tendency to distrust the models, but sometimes the problem lies more in the data.
Third, if not for the human influence, the climate would continue the stable conditions of the past 7,000 years, during which time human civilization developed and thrived.
Fourth and most importantly, humans are in the process of destabilizing the climate, and we're already causing global warming at a rate 20 times faster than Earth's fastest natural climate change. That's why climate scientists are so concerned, and why the Paris agreement is so important.

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Coal Is A Dinosaur And So Is The Growth Economy

Post Carbon Institute - Richard Heinberg


In a recent paper, Justin Ritchie, a Ph.D. candidate in resources and the environment at the University of British Columbia, and his co-author, UBC professor Hadi Dowlatabadi, pointed out that global estimates of the amounts of coal that are economically and technologically recoverable have fallen by two-thirds since the 1990s. This observation also formed the substance of my 2009 book, Blackout: Coal, Climate and the Last Energy Crisis, so it’s nice to see the point taken up by others. However, Ritchie and Dowlatabadi go a step further and think through the implications of the ongoing coal reserves downgrades for climate modeling.
The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) has for years produced computer-generated models of several possible trajectories for future greenhouse gas emissions through the remainder of the century. These “representative concentration pathways,” or RCPs, include an extreme high emissions case, RCP 8.5, that is commonly referred to as “business as usual.” In this scenario, “coal use in particular increases almost 10 fold by 2100” according to IPCC authors.


At the 2015 American Geophysical Union meeting in San Francisco, at a session co-organized by Post Carbon Institute and other organizations, PCI Fellow David Hughes gave a presentation in which he showed that actual recoverable fossil fuel reserves are consistent only with low-emissions RCP scenarios. The new paper from Ritchie and Dowlatabadi reaffirms much of Hughes’s argument (though Hughes looked more broadly at reserves of all fossil fuels, plus uranium).
What does this downgrading of likely carbon emissions mean for climate change modelers, climate activists, policy makers, and concerned citizens? According to Ritchie, the implication is clearly not as simple as “don’t worry, fossil fuel depletion will solve climate change for us.” Instead, “The same finding that shrinks CO2 emissions may also lower the cost of dealing with global warming, making the Paris Agreement that addresses climate change easier to achieve,” as a Bloomberg article on Ritchie’s paper puts it. That’s because costs of climate action are typically measured against the economic growth presumed to occur if the world continues burning coal and other fossil fuels at ever-increasing rates extrapolated from recent decades. If those extrapolations are unrealistic (too high), then keeping emissions within a two-degree Celsius limit will be easier and cheaper.
Ironically, Ritchie’s and Hughes’s questioning of likely future carbon emissions (no official change has filtered through the IPCC apparatus as of yet) occurs just as Donald Trump undertakes telegenic coal advocacy and abandons the Paris climate accord. In view of the reality that America’s best coal has already been dug and burned, the notion that the industry can somehow be revived at our president’s whim would be laughable—except that the sad joke is on the hundreds of thousands of coal country voters who fell for Trump’s fake promises.
Why has the world dragged its feet in adopting more realistic fossil fuel resource estimates? Pushback from the fossil fuel industry is certainly understandable: coal, oil, and gas companies—whether traded on stock markets or government owned—derive market value from their assets, which consist of future production potentials. Lower reserves estimates translate to lower asset valuations. The motives of climate scientists and activists in overestimating burnable carbon reserves are harder to divine; one can only guess that they accept at face value the numbers from the fossil fuel industries, and then pad those numbers further out of caution (more on this in a moment). In any case, more realistic fossil fuel reserves estimates should help us come to terms with reality in several ways—not only with regard to climate modeling, but economic expectations and political prospects as well.
Every few years, the IPCC issues a major new “assessment” crammed with data and models, aimed at informing policy makers. Unfortunately, these assessments are also filled with what Oliver Gedens has called “magical thinking.” For example, the most recent IPCC assessment (its fifth, released in 2014) described a series of computer-generated models of energy and emissions pathways that would keep the world below two degrees C. Eighty percent of these rely on negative emissions technologies, of which the primary one is Bio Energy with Carbon Capture and Sequestration (BECCS). The idea with BECCS is to grow enormous amounts of biomass, burn it, then capture the carbon and bury it. In order to capture and bury enough carbon to make enough of a difference, lots of biomass would be needed; by Gedens’s calculations an area larger than the size of India would have to be planted in fast-growing crops destined to be combusted. The carbon dioxide that’s captured would have to be compressed and moved through thousands of miles of pipelines to old, depleted oil and gas wells to be buried forever, requiring an infrastructure comparable to that of the current global oil industry. The costs would be enormous, as would be the risks.
Again, unrealistic assumptions about fossil fuel reserves, and therefore emissions, lead to unrealistic (i.e., implausibly expensive and risky) methods for keeping those emissions down. The only realistic solution to our climate crisis is not to put so much carbon in the atmosphere in the first place. But that path runs counter to expectations about economic growth—which requires energy. And that is almost surely at the root of the IPCC’s assumptions about future fossil fuel consumption (regardless of whether those fossil fuels are actually available to be consumed).
So far humanity has increased the global atmospheric CO2 concentration from 280 parts per million to over 400 ppm—an already dangerous level. David Hughes figures burning our remaining realistic reserves of coal, oil, and natural gas would send us to about 550 ppm. There’s an easy way of not getting to 550 ppm: leave most of those fossil fuel reserves in the ground. But that would sink the economy, unless we very rapidly develop alternative energy sources (nuclear, which is expensive and risky; or solar and wind, which are more realistic alternatives). Is it even possible to make the energy switch so quickly and completely as to avoid major bumps along the road? Building alternative energy infrastructure will itself require energy, and during the crucial early stages of the transition most of that energy will have to come from fossil fuels. There’s no way to bootstrap the energy transition process with energy from, say solar panels and wind turbines, because wind, and especially solar, technologies take years to energetically pay for their own manufacture and installation. So to avert burning even more fossil fuels than we otherwise would (in order to build all those solar panels, wind turbines, electric cars, heat pumps, and so on), resulting in a big pulse of carbon emissions, we would have to severely curtail the use of fossil fuels for current purposes—the maintenance of business as usual. That would also imperil economic growth. And we are talking about a remarkably small time window available for the shift, compared with the decades required for past energy transitions. It’s all so complicated that one can get a headache just thinking about it.


The main stumbling block that leads policy makers to twist their logic into pretzels is economic growth. Remove the requirement for growth, and it’s barely possible (not easy, but possible) to reconcile carbon reserves, emissions, energy sources, and warming targets—if governments somehow dedicate enough money and policy effort to the job. However, with further economic growth as an absolute requirement, the resulting climate models fester with internal contradictions and with assumptions about speculative technologies that very few people believe can be scaled up sufficiently, and that may have economic, environmental, and political repercussions that no one is prepared to deal with.
We cannot afford to hide the implications of realistic fossil fuels reserves estimates behind magical thinking. Perhaps the most important of those implications is that the world is probably just about at peak energy right now, give or take a decade. If we act immediately and strongly to rein in climate change, then a peak in world energy usage will likely occur more or less immediately. If we don’t act, then we may have another decade before fossil fuel depletion results in peak energy anyway. Our energy mix will shift: in the case of strong climate policy, oil will start to decline first (due to depletion), probably before 2020, and coal as well (due to policy), with natural gas growing until roughly 2020-2050, when it peaks globally from depletion. Without strong climate policy, coal peaks anyway (due to depletion) around 2025 (Chinese coal consumption appears to have peaked in 2013-2014). The amount of energy we get from nuclear power probably won’t change much over this time period. Renewables will contribute a larger share, depending on investment levels and policy supports, but cannot realistically expand far enough, fast enough, to maintain energy growth and therefore economic growth.
So overall, one way or the other, we have just about hit the maximum burn rate our civilization is likely to achieve, and it’s mostly downhill from here. That has implications for robust economic growth (it’s essentially over), and hence for war and peace, inequality, political stability, and further population expansion. Dealing with the end of energy growth, and therefore economic growth, is the biggest political and social challenge of our time—though it’s unlikely to be recognized as such. (Our biggest ecological challenges consist of climate change, species extinctions, and ocean acidification.) The impacts of the end of growth will likely be masked by financial crashes and socio-political stresses that will rivet everyone’s attention while a quiet trend churns away in the background, undoing all our assumptions and expectations about the world we humans have constructed over the past couple of centuries.
If we’re smart, we will recognize that deeper trend and adapt to it in ways that preserve the best of what we have accomplished, and make life as fulfilling as it can be for as many people as possible, even while the amount of energy available to us ratchets downward. We’ll act to rein in population growth and aim for a gradual overall population decline, so that per capita energy use does not have to decline as fast as total use. We’ll act to minimize ecological disruption by protecting habitat and species. We’ll make happiness, not consumption, the centerpiece of economic policy.
If we’re not so smart, we’ll join the dinosaurs.

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16/06/2017

Voters Prefer Low Emissions Target To Carbon Trading – Guardian Essential Poll

The Guardian - 

Thirty-six per cent of voters in the Guardian Essential Poll said they didn't know whether a low emissions target or a carbon trading scheme was best. Photograph: Bloomberg via Getty Images
Australian voters would back a new low emissions target over emissions trading as a policy to reduce carbon pollution, but are not sure about including "clean" coal in the mix, according to the latest Guardian Essential poll.
The latest survey of 1,785 voters, which follows Tuesday night's three-hour Coalition party room meeting in which significant concerns were ventilated about the Finkel review, also taps significant community concerns about the rising threat of terrorism in Australia.
Seventy-four per cent of the sample said the threat level in Australia had increased over the past few years, and 46% believe the Turnbull government should be spending more on counter-terrorism measures.
A new clean energy target is the centrepiece of the review of the national electricity market by Australia's chief scientist, Alan Finkel, handed to the prime minister and the state premiers on Friday.
While Coalition MPs spent Tuesday night arguing about the impact of the clean energy target on power prices in the biggest internal Coalition stoush about climate policy since 2009 – and the energy minister, Josh Frydenberg, said afterwards it was too soon to say whether the Coalition would ultimately adopt the policy – Australian voters seem sanguine about the idea.
Forty-five per cent of the Guardian Essential sample preferred a low emissions target to carbon trading, while 20% endorsed an emissions intensity scheme. Thirty-six per cent said they didn't know which option was best.
The voters most likely to prefer a low emissions target were people aged 65+ (51%), Liberal/National voters (51%) and high-income earners. Greens voters preferred carbon trading to a target.
Government conservatives, egged on by the Canberra-based lobby group representing the resources industry, are pushing to have high-efficiency coal included the new scheme, but the new poll suggests voters aren't sure.

The Finkel review - Politics over science

Asked whether they thought coal generation with 100% capture and storage should be considered a "low emission" energy source under the proposed low emissions target, 27% of the sample agreed, 29% said no, and 44% of the sample weren't sure.
In an interview with Guardian Australia this week, Finkel said it would be "surprising" if governments went on to legislate a clean energy target that "incentivised" new coal-fired power stations.
He also pointed out that modelling commissioned as part of the review did not predict any construction of new coal-fired power. "Under the modelling, none came in," the chief scientist said.
But with internal pressure mounting from conservatives, the prime minister used question time to insist Finkel had proposed a clean energy target which "does not penalise coal, [and] does not prohibit the construction of a coal-fired power station or indeed a gas-fired power station".
Turnbull said: "What he seeks to do there is to provide incentives for lower emission technologies including, but not exclusively, renewables."
Frydenberg repeated that sentiment after the internal debate at special party room meeting. "Dr Finkel has made it very clear he is not putting in place any prohibitions on coal or any form of generation capacity".
"He is putting in place incentives for lower emission generation. It is not a price on carbon or a tax on coal. Indeed, it has similarities to what John Howard put forward back in 2007".
Voters most likely to think coal should be in the mix were Coalition supporters (36%), men (33%) and older people. People most likely to have the contrary view were Greens voters (55%), people under 24 (37%), and South Australians (35%), with that state having a high proportion of wind energy.
With the energy fight expected to drag on for many weeks as the government finalises its response to the Finkel review, this week's Guardian Essential poll has Labor still ahead of the Coalition in the national political contest on the two party preferred measure, 52% to 48%.
The gap between the major parties narrowed in the month following the May budget, but within the poll's margin of error, which is 3%. This week's two party preferred result was the same as last week.
The apparent narrowing of the gap between the major parties has come at a time when terrorism has been firmly back in the headlines, both domestically and internationally.
The survey asked voters whether they approved of the way Turnbull was handling the terror threat. Forty-seven per cent approved of the prime minister's handling of the issue, down 9% since October 2015, and 24% disapproved, up 7%.
The questions in 2015 were put to voters during the Turnbull honeymoon – shortly after he took the Liberal party leadership from Abbott.
Voters most likely to approve of Turnbull's handling of the issue were Liberal/National voters (68%) and people aged 65+ (61%). Men (51% approve) were also more likely to approve than women (45%).
Interestingly, the group most likely to disapprove of the prime minister's approach were voters signalling their intention to vote independent or other (38%), followed by Labor voters.
Forty-six per cent thought the government should be spending more on anti-terrorism measures, which is up 7% from when the question was previously asked in March 2015, and 9% thought the government should be spending less (down 3%).
Voters were asked about the balance between security and personal liberty. They were asked whether they thought there should be more restrictions on rights and freedom for some people so there could be more security for others – or whether they thought laws already went too far in restricting freedom.
Fifty-four per cent thought there should be more restrictions on rights and freedom in an attempt to combat terrorism. Twelve per cent thought current restrictions went too far, and 19% thought they struck the right balance.
People more inclined to support restrictions were older voters (79%), "other" party and independent voters (68%) and Liberal/National voters (66%).
The cohort most likely to think the right balance is being struck were Greens voters (36%) and young people (29%).
Concern from voters about the threat level was roughly the same as when questions were previously asked eight months ago.
Voters most likely to think the terror threat had increased were older – 88% of 55-64 year olds, and 87% of over 65s – as well as Liberal/National voters (81%).

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World Coal Production Just Had Its Biggest Drop on Record

Bloomberg - Rakteem Katakey

  • Fossil fuel sees 'decisive break' from period of demand growth
  • Carbon emissions show little or no growth for third year: BP

The Coming Storm of Climate Change

It's the end of an era for coal.
Production of the fossil fuel dropped by a record amount in 2016, according to BP Plc's annual review of global energy trends.
China, the world's biggest energy consumer, burned the least coal in six years and use dropped in the U.S to a level last seen in the 1970s, the company's data show.
Coal, the most polluting fuel that was once the world's fastest growing energy source, has been a target of countries and companies alike as the world begins to work toward the goals of the Paris climate agreement.
Consumption is falling as the world's biggest energy companies promote cleaner-burning natural gas, China's economy evolves to focus more on services than heavy manufacturing and renewable energy like wind and solar becomes cheaper.


"The fortunes of coal appear to have taken a decisive break from the past," BP's Chief Economist Spencer Dale said at a briefing in London on Tuesday. The most important outcome of this "is carbon emissions, which saw little or no growth for a third consecutive year."
The shift away from coal in most of the world's major economies comes as U.S. President Donald Trump is seeking to revive the fuel, having promised during his election campaign to restore lost jobs in mining areas such as West Virginia.
Coal's decline has been driven largely by competition from cheap shale gas, prompting skepticism that the country's withdrawal from the Paris climate agreement will do much to halt the slide.
U.S. demand for coal fell by 33.4 million tons of oil equivalent last year to 358.4 million, the biggest decline in the world in absolute terms, BP data show.
Global consumption dropped 1.7 percent last year compared with an average 1.9 percent yearly increase from 2005 to 2015, according to BP. China, which accounted for about half of the coal burned in the world, used 1.6 percent less of the fuel, compared with an average 3.7 percent annual expansion in the 11 preceding years.
"At the heart of this shift are structural, long-term factors," Dale said. These include "the increasing availability and competitiveness of natural gas and renewable energy, combined with mounting government and societal pressure to shift away from coal towards cleaner, lower-carbon fuels."


Consumption of coal fell in every continent except Africa, the BP data show. Germany, Europe's biggest user, consumed 4.3 percent less coal. U.K. demand fell 52.5 percent, the biggest percentage decline among the world's major economies, according to BP's data.
In Asia, China's decline was partially offset by higher consumption in India and Indonesia, where the fuel is still so cheap and readily available that utilities prefer it over natural gas for electricity generation.
"Chinese hunger for energy is being tempered by moves to a more sustainable growth pathway and the rapid expansion of renewables, which spells even further trouble for coal in the years to come," Jonathan Marshall, an analyst at the London-based Energy and Climate Intelligence Unit, said by email.
Global carbon emissions, which grew at an annual average rate of about 2.5 percent in the 10 years to 2013, remained stagnant in the past three years, Dale said. While some of this reflects weaker economic growth, the majority reflects faster declines in "the average amount of carbon emitted per unit of GDP," he said.


Still, there needs to be a "significant fall" in emissions in order to meet the Paris climate goals, Dale said.
The world consumed 1.6 percent more oil last year, with India's use expanding 7.8 percent, or 325,000 barrels a day, and China's 3.3 percent, according to the data.
Demand from the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, a group of industrialized nations, grew 0.9 percent in 2016, compared with an average annual decline of 0.9 percent over the previous decade.

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Memo To Tony Abbott: A Clean Energy Target Will Extend Coal's Life

AFR - Ben Potter

Abbott and his followers seem determined to perpetuate the current energy policy uncertainty.
If Tony Abbott wants to preserve a role for coal power, he should embrace Alan Finkel's Clean Energy Target plan with both arms rather than declare war on it.
In fact, he should embrace the Emissions Intensity Scheme option - detested by hardline conservatives like Abbott so intensely that the Turnbull government abandoned it in December - because that is the policy option that preserves the largest role for existing coal plants out to 2050.
That's according to the modelling by energy consultants Jacobs Group (Australia) for the Finkel review of energy security.
Abbott and his followers seem determined to perpetuate the current energy policy uncertainty, under which the Renewable Energy Target tops out in 2020 (subsidies are available until 2030) and there is no other policy signal to help guide investment and meet our Paris emissions reduction goals.
Under business as usual, coal power falls to a fifth of total demand. Jacobs Group (Australia)

But Jacobs modelling clearly shows that coal would still be supplying a larger amount of power in 2050 under an Emissions Intensity Scheme (EIS) or a Clean Energy Target (CET) than it would be under the "business as usual" scenario.
Under business as usual, coal's share of grid electricity supply would fall from 137,000 gigawatt hours in 2020 to less than 50,000 GWh in 2050. By contrast, under the CET coal plants would still be pumping out 57,000 GWh by 2050, and under an EIS coal would still be supplying 61,000 GWh.

No-one wins from chaos
The result seems perverse. It comes about, according to Jacobs, because business as usual - essentially the suite of policies bequeathed to the nation by the shortlived Abbott Prime Ministership - is not good for plant owners or investors.
Uncertainty is highest, investment signals are muddy and coal plant owners have the least incentive to invest in the minimal upgrades and maintenance needed to prolong the lives and efficiency of their plant.
Under a Clean Energy Target, coal use would be higher than under business as usual. Jacobs Group (Australia)
Output and reliability fall, plants close earlier, and more costly gas generation is required to fill the gap, pushing prices for consumers and industry higher than if there were clearer investment signals under a CET or an EIS.
In short, no-one wins from chaos. Without continuing policy signals to encourage investment in wind and solar power, which increases supply and reduces wholesale prices because they have near zero marginal operating costs, retail prices are 7-10 per cent higher than they would be under a CET or an EIS. Industrial prices are more than 10 per cent higher under business as usual than under a CET or an EIS.

Coal is in decline
Old King Coal can bow out of the energy mix gracefully or disgracefully.
Coal would retain a larger role under an Emissions Intensity scheme than under business as usual or a Clean Energy Target. Jacobs Group (Australia)
The harsh reality for coal boosters like Abbott is that under any of these scenarios we are managing the decline of coal.
Total demand increases from about 200,000 GWh today to about 230,000 GWh in 2050. Coal's share of total demand falls from just more than two-thirds today to somewhere between a fifth and a quarter in 2050.
As Jacobs modelling shows, the withdrawal can be managed with optimal minimal plant upgrades and maintenance under CET/EIS policies, or the plant owners can do the bare minimum under business as usual, resulting in less efficiency, greater emissions, more unexpected failures and closures.
Hazelwood's closure in March - after just five months notice - is a good example. Owners Engie of France and Mitsui of Japan faced a $400 million bill - partly under pressure from Worksafe Victoria - to make the plant fit for use. They saw the writing on the wall and chose to close it.
Electricity prices are lowest under a Clean Energy Target, the Jacobs than under an Emissions Intensity Scheme or business as usual. Jacobs Group (Australia)
Coal plants are uneconomic
Abbott and some of his followers dismiss Finkel - and by implication Jacobs' modelling - as "magic pudding" economics, or something akin to snakeoil.
All modelling depends on assumptions, and all assumptions are open to challenge.
One of Jacobs' assumptions adds a 5 per cent risk premium to the cost of building new coal plants, on the grounds that it faces risks - stronger climate policies, carbon prices etc - that could curtail their lives early, before the investors or lenders have got their money back.
Coal plant has a much higher cost of capital than renewable or gas plant because of the risks. Jacobs Group (Australia)
Jacobs also assumes coal plant investors can borrow less than wind or gas plant investors, for the same reasons.
On this basis, Jacobs attributes a 14.9 per cent average cost of capital to coal pant, compared to just 8.1 per cent to gas plant and 7.1 per cent for renewable plant.
That helps to make coal plant uneconomic. Coal advocates are likely to seize on it as another reason to dismiss the modelling.
But it doesn't look all that unreasonable. No coal plants have been built in Australia for 10 years, partly because business now ascribes a carbon cost to new investments.

Clean coal is barely competitive
Jacobs' modelling doesn't include a carbon price. BHP Billiton assumes a carbon price of $US24 ($32) a tonne of carbon dioxide under current policies, and $US50 ($62) a tonne of CO2 under stronger policies aimed at limiting temperature increases to 2 degrees Celsius - the baseline Paris commitment.
That would add $22 to $43 a MWh to the $81/MWh price of power from an ultra-supercritical coal plant - the most efficient commercial plant - modelled by the Finkel Review.
The Finkel review finds new ultra-supercritical coal plant costs uncompetitive with wind even without a carbon price and even when some storage is added to a wind plant. They're barely competitive with large scale solar.
BHP applies a carbon price of $US24 ($A32) a tonne to new investments under current policies, rising to $US50 of stronger policies are implemented to limit temperature increases to 2 degrees Celsius. BHP Billiton
If anything, the risks are all on coal. It takes years to approve and build, adding to the risk. In the meantime, the cost of wind, solar and batteries is falling rapidly.
Finkel's findings on all-in costs look conservative. Other forecasters, such as Bloomberg New Energy Finance, find the cost of wind and solar even more competitive with coal than Finkel.
The latest wind farm deals confirm this. Origin Energy's sale of Stockyard Hill and AGL Energy's sale of Silverton wind farm included power purchase agreements at $52/MWh and $65/MWh respectively - less than new coal plant without a carbon price.

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15/06/2017

Don't Ignore Young People – We're Key To Fighting Climate Change

The Guardian - Daisy Kendrick*

Young people are consumers, employees, employers and future leaders but few NGOs take full advantage of the best space to reach us – social media
Only 11% of the globe’s NGOs employ a designated part-time or full-time social media manager. Photograph: Stephane Mahe/Reuters
For the world leaders, negotiators and advisers who gathered in Paris in November 2015, the news that the US is withdrawing from the COP 21 climate accord must have felt like a body blow.
For my generation? There’s a chance the story got scrolled past, filtered out, buried on a newsfeed, or missed altogether.
For those of us that did read it, it’s easy to feel a sort of detached but familiar disappointment. In some ways it’s just another amendment to a non-legally binding agreement that’s been written and re-written in the background for most of our childhoods, from 1995 in Berlin to 2015 in Paris.
That’s not how it should be. The news should be a starting gun for a new wave of activism, action and change. Because, while the world leaders signing accords in conference halls are important, the real change is going to come from us. Call us millennials or Gen Z or Net Gen, we’re the consumers, employees, employers and future leaders who will see the devastating effects of climate change.
We are also the most connected generation in history, with the capacity to arrange coordinated global protests like the Women’s March in a matter of days, to create a $2.5m Love Army for the Somali drought in a few weeks, or to commit to calling out #everydaysexism for half a decade.
And yet, many of the NGOs, charities and global campaigns are failing to mobilise us.
It’s easy to understand why they aren’t getting through to us – recent research shows that only 11% of the globe’s NGOs employ a designated full-time or part-time social media manager.
That means they’re losing the 28% of young people that use social media as their primary news source. It means they’re missing out on the 43% of millennials that are driven to make financial donations through social channels, the one in two who’ll share ideas with their friends online, or most importantly the one in three willing to donate their time.
Young people aren’t a “nice to have” when it comes to sustainability action and climate change. We’re 27% of the global population – how we choose to work, eat, drink and spend our money will change the whole ballgame.
Take the United Nations Ocean Conference. It’s the UN’s first ocean-focused conference, and it has come at the right time.
Henderson Island, a tiny landmass in the eastern South Pacific was found by marine scientists to have the highest density of anthropogenic debris recorded anywhere in the world.
Videos of the 18 tonnes of plastic piling up on an island otherwise untouched by humans, shared millions of time across social media, are a visceral reminder of the consequences of our one-use throw-away attitude to plastic consumption.
Plastic is deadly for fish and marine life, threatening the food supply of the 1 billion people who depend on it as their principle food source and damaging the global food chain for us all.
Yet, across the US, 500m plastic, non-biodegradable straws are used every day – for only a few minutes. In the UK, households throw out 40kg of recyclable plastic every year.
If we don’t act soon the World Economic Forum predicts that plastic will outweigh fish in the oceans by 2050.
Henderson Island has put the issue of plastics pollution on the global agenda – now it’s time for systematic behaviour change.
The key to success of the UN Ocean Conference won’t lie in agreements made or accords signed. What we need are innovative solutions – that will capture the attention and imagination of my generation.
The only way to seriously cut plastic consumption is by activating young people to bring about change. That’s change, not just as consumers, but as the people now entering management roles at the big businesses, manufacturers and retailers with the power to innovate supply chains and start evolving the world’s relationship with plastics and fossil fuels.
It might sound like an unachievable feat, but there’s good news. As the likes of Pepsi and Heineken have noticed (however controversial or limited their outputs) this generation wants to make change.
Recent research demonstrates that one in seven millennials around the world identify as “activists” and half of those recognise their activism as an important part of who they are. It’s one of the many reasons the likes of Apple, Facebook and Goldman Sachs are prioritising their environmental focus despite Trump’s actions – they know it matters to their future customers and workforce.
While many headlines have been written about the eight-second attention span of the social media-obsessed, there is another way of looking at it – it’s also a highly developed eight-second filter.
This generation has more information thrown at them in a day than people living a hundred years ago would come across in a month. We’ve become highly adept at prioritising content, and when content is important, we engage and act.
Throwing budget at social media channels isn’t a fix-all – this campaign will also be led by the brands, businesses and communities that tackle the issue with creativity and innovation.
It’s vital that we update and rethink our approach to climate and conservation, to make it the issue that mobilises this new tide of activists.
We’re probably locked into a planet that’s on track to warm by 2 degrees; temperature fluctuations are already causing widespread food shortages, unprecedented heatwaves and unpredictable weather.
The populations of small islands and developing states are faced with the prospect of becoming climate refugees, as rising seawater levels are threatening widespread flooding, contaminating drinking water supplies and destroying arable land.
My generation was born into a world where climate change is an immutable fact, not a theory to deny or accept, but a global threat, the effects of which we can see. We’ve got to make this the issue we tackle and overcome.

*Daisy Kendrick is a 23-year old environmental campaigner and founder of We Are The Oceans

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Clean Energy Turned Australian Politics Into A Simpsons Gag

Huffington Post - Josh Butler

The Finkel report has sent Canberra into a crazy timewarp back to 2009.
"I was elected to lead not to read!" Getty/The Simpsons
The Australian Financial Review reported 'Coalition MPs revolt against Clean Energy Target'. In the Sydney Morning Herald, the headline read: 'Tensions erupt in Turnbull government over climate and energy policy'. And News Corp headlines said, 'Backbenchers challenge Turnbull over Clean Energy Target'.
Every report on the Coalition's Tuesday afternoon party room meeting to discuss the energy report from government chief scientist Dr Alan Finkel, cast Tony Abbott as the headline act in opposition to plans for a clean energy target, with Fairfax even reporting that a Coalition MP warned: "Malcolm could lose his leadership over this".
No, we're not back in 2009, when then-opposition leader Turnbull committed to action on climate and renewable energy, and was rolled by a vocal crowd of opponents led by Abbott -- but it sure feels like it. Back then, it was Turnbull's support for an emissions trading scheme which was his downfall.
In 2017, the drama is coming from the Finkel report, which urges the government to commit to a clean energy target -- possibly up to 42 per cent of electricity production from renewable sources by 2030 -- and outlines that taking action in this area would actually be cheaper, and lead to lower power prices, than doing nothing.
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On Tuesday, Turnbull canvassed the opinions of his party room with a special meeting running for several hours. A long afternoon and evening meeting stretched on, with reports of up to 30 MPs addressing their colleagues on the report -- most opposed to, or at least harbouring concerns about, the Finkel report, according to reports.

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While energy minister Josh Frydenberg had been confidently asserting that the report would be supported roundly by his colleagues, it seems more than a few hold deep reservations about the Finkel report, driving another wedge into a Coalition party room already splintered on a handful of deep ideological issues.
An interesting point, however, is a small detail deep in the AFR's report. While Abbott has already been publicly vocal and critical of the Finkel report in media interviews, the AFR reported:
Mr Abbott, who had not read the Finkel report, slammed the CET on Monday as a "magic pudding" and "a tax on coal".Australian Financial Review
Abbott, the star attraction of the anti-Finkel crowd, has reportedly not even read the report he has been opposing. It smacks of the immortal line from 'The Simpsons Movie', as President Arnold Schwarzenegger confidently says "I was elected to lead, not to read!"


The chances of Abbott unseating Turnbull in another climate-fuelled coup seem infinitesimal -- Abbott is not thought to have anywhere close to the strength of numbers or party room popularity he enjoyed while prime minister, so Tony 2.0 is unlikely.
However, the schism in the Coalition over climate and energy policy cannot be underestimated.
There remains a hard core of MPs and senators resolutely opposed to phasing out coal and gas in favour of solar, wind or other renewable sources of energy, and they have support from the likes of key Senate crossbenchers One Nation and Cory Bernardi.
But while the Coalition tears itself apart again over climate and energy, one guy happy to sit back and watch it all go down is Labor leader Bill Shorten. The opposition leader spoke on Tuesday night of a new "civil war" in the government over the Finkel report.
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"It would appear that chaos is the order of the day," Shorten said.
"Just when Australians thought that the climate change wars were over, it looks like a new civil war in the Liberal Party has taken it up to a new level."
On Tuesday, following the meeting, Frydenberg told ABC's 7.30 program it was "too early to say" whether the Coalition could agree to a clean energy target. No doubt more will unfold in coming days and weeks.

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Lethal Heating is a citizens' initiative