13/10/2017

Liberal Statesman Tells Malcolm Turnbull To Stand And Fight Tony Abbott On Climate

Fairfax - 

A former Liberal leader has urged Malcolm Turnbull to defy Tony Abbott in the party room over climate and energy policy, saying that by "drawing a line in the sand" he could deliver better policy and save his prime ministership.
In a searing assessment of the Coalition's chances of recovery, John Hewson told Fairfax Media that Mr Turnbull looked weak for failing to assert his past commitments on climate change, tax policy and marriage equality, and for refusing to call out Mr Abbott despite the growing absurdity of his arguments.
Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull. Photo: Andrew Meares
Dr Hewson cited Mr Abbott's claim this week that global warming could be good for the world saying the statement had laid bare the former prime minister's role as a wrecker while further isolating him from mainstream Australian voters.
He said Mr Abbott had adopted every position on climate change from "it being a significant issue to being crap".
Former Liberal leader John Hewson (pictured centre) says Malcolm Turnbull needs to stand up to Tony Abbott in the party room.  Photo: Andrew Meares
"In those circumstances, I'd call him out," he said.
But he said while Mr Turnbull failed to implement a proper policy that drove new energy investment it would be Mr Abbott's attention-grabbing statements from the conservative right that would define the government to voters.
"It's a bit ironic but they [voters] elect governments to take the hard decisions and when you don't take them you look really weak," he said.
But a senior minister defended the Prime Minister's restrained handling of the Abbott-led climate insurgency, saying the policy, which is expected to go before cabinet within days or weeks, would aim to deliver reliability, affordability and to achieve emissions reductions consistent with Australia's Paris commitment as a by-product.
Former Liberal leader John Hewson. Photo: Alex Ellinghausen
It was suggested that the policy, likely to adopt a hybrid approach, could even land in a political "sweet spot" by forcing Mr Abbott to choose between falling in behind it, or perhaps voting with Labor in opposing it.
Labor has floated the idea of backing a clean energy target but is unlikely to support a policy that falls short of that mechanism.
Energy Minister Josh Frydenberg hinted that the government will sidestep the final outstanding recommendation from chief scientist Alan Finkel for a clean energy target, in favour of a clutch of other measures.
However, Dr Hewson believes Mr Abbott is not Mr Turnbull's biggest problem, which is more the Prime Minister's reluctance to openly confront his predecessor.
He said Mr Turnbull should draw a line in the sand in the full knowledge that adopting a progressive clean energy target would spark a reaction from Mr Abbott and his small coterie of supporters.
He said Mr Abbott would "make a bit of noise" and there would be "a few that would back him", but ultimately mainstream voters would applaud a Prime Minister who stood up for his beliefs.
Dr Hewson said the alternative facing Mr Turnbull was to accept that his government would be defined as much by Mr Abbott as himself.
"How long do you want to sit back and be beaten up, because that's what Abbott's doing," he told Fairfax Media.
"Abbott's taking every opportunity, you know, day in, day out, to undermine Turnbull, it doesn't really matter what the issue is."
Dr Hewson who unsuccessfully led the Coalition to the 1993 election, said voters wanted to believe in the Turnbull government but needed to see the Prime Minister stand up to critics and stand up for its principles.
"It's time for Malcolm to just take a stand and I think the electorate is looking for him to show leadership on so many issues. I think the the electorate would cut him a lot of slack for doing so," he said.
Addressing a climate sceptics meeting in London on Monday, Mr Abbott railed against climate change dogma, suggesting it had done more harm to the world than global warming itself, which was probably a net benefit because more people died from cold snaps than heatwaves.
A former close ally of Mr Abbott, Mr Frydenberg rounded on his former boss's London comments.
"We take our advice from the scientific experts. We believe we need to reduce our emissions. That is why Tony Abbott signed up to the Paris agreement. I point out that, at the time, Tony Abbott said that the agreement Australia struck at Paris was a definite commitment and that it was economically responsible and environmentally responsible. They were Tony Abbott's words," he said.
But while Mr Turnbull was being urged to stand up to Mr Abbott, another longstanding MP, speaking on background, said Mr Abbott had a right to speak out because there was a multiplicity of views on climate change across the party and the community, and because, "there is always going to be a response when you tear down a first-term prime minister".

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12/10/2017

'Well, Climate Change Is Real': Josh Frydenberg Reminds Tony Abbott He Signed Paris Deal

Fairfax - 

Environment Minister Josh Frydenberg has pointedly reminded Tony Abbott that "climate change is real", and that it was the former prime minister's decision to sign Australia up to the Paris climate change deal.
Mr Frydenberg has been politically close to Mr Abbott throughout his career, including a stint as the former prime minister's parliamentary secretary. Like fellow cabinet ministers Peter Dutton and Mathias Cormann, he remained loyal to Mr Abbott until the end of his leadership but has since wholeheartedly backed Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull.

Abbott shut down over climate comments
After saying global warming was a good thing because more people die in the cold, the former PM has been rebuked by Energy minister Josh Frydenberg.

Mr Abbott delivered a major speech in London on Monday in which he suggested the science of climate change was not settled and that Australia's decision to sign up to the Paris climate deal was "a compromise based on the advice that we could achieve it largely through efficiencies, without additional environmental imposts".
The former prime minister has also questioned the value of the Paris deal in recent months and suggested Australia's commitment to reduce its emissions by 26-28 per cent by 2030 against 2005 levels was only aspirational.
In a sign of the growing frustration within the Liberal Party at Mr Abbott's frequent interventions over energy policy and other issues, Mr Frydenberg delivered a sharp response to the former prime minister on Wednesday.
"Well, climate change is real. We take our advice from the scientific experts. We believe we need to reduce our emissions. That is why Tony Abbott signed up to the Paris agreement. I point out that, at the time, Tony Abbott said that the agreement Australia struck at Paris was a definite commitment and that it was economically responsible and environmentally responsible. They were Tony Abbott's words," he said.
"I am not going to run a commentary on Tony Abbott's speech other than to say we have firm commitments we agreed to at Paris. The government will meet, and Australia will meet those commitments, just as we be at our first Kyoto target, just as we're on track to beat our 2020 target."
Mr Frydenberg ducked questions about whether the former prime minister should dial back his frequent contributions to public debate on the clean energy target; however, his reminder that it was in fact Mr Abbott who signed up to the Paris deal will be understood as a rebuke to Mr Abbott.
Josh Frydenberg with then prime minister Tony Abbott in 2015.  Photo: Andrew Meares
Mr Turnbull echoed Mr Frydenberg's comments on Wednesday, also pointing out that Mr Abbott had made the decision to sign up to the Paris accord and that ​"indeed, as Mr Abbott said at the time, Australia is a nation that when it makes international commitments of this kind, keeps them".
Political allies and friends of the former leader on the backbench went to ground on Tuesday following the incendiary speech to the sceptic Global Warming Policy Forum in London.
Environment and Energy Minister Josh Frydenberg with Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull last month.  Photo: Andrew Meares

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Expert Views Make Way For Political Expediency In Climate Debate

Fairfax - Nicole Hasham

The patient's vital signs are not good. Power prices are high, and emissions haemorrhaging. Reliability and security of supply are in doubt. We need a treatment plan, and fast.
Such was the diagnosis of the national electricity market on Monday by Australia's chief scientist Alan Finkel, the man whose blueprint to improve the system was supposed to take the politics out of energy policy. So, how's that working out?
A Clean Energy Target would help make sure that as ageing coal-fired power plants are retired, there is enough investment in renewables to replace them. Photo: Simon O'Dwyer
The answer is, pretty poorly. In his speech to the National Energy Summit on Monday, Environment and Energy Minister Josh Frydenberg gave the strongest hint yet that the prospect of any clean energy target was dead and buried, claiming the falling cost of renewable energy meant the subsidies were no longer necessary.
Cue the cycle of politicking and tail-chasing that has wasted more than a decade of Australian climate policy, frustrating the business community and leaving the public wondering: is any leader capable of stopping the bleeding?
Dr Alan Finkel insisted on Monday that Australia still needs a clean energy target. Photo: Ben Rushton
Let's be clear. Dr Finkel is Australia's top scientist. He spent six months working on the report. His expert panel consulted widely, visiting regulators and operators in Europe and the United States and commissioning a review of best practices from the International Energy Agency.
His call for a clean energy target wasn't without critics: less politically palatable options, such as an emissions intensity scheme, are widely thought to be a better way to cut emissions.
But Dr Finkel's brief prevented such a finding, and Australia needs policies to encourage renewables. So a clean energy target is better than nothing, as long as it is strong enough to meet Australia's commitments under the Paris climate deal.
The measure would build on the current renewable energy target, and help make sure that as ageing coal-fired power plants are retired, there is enough investment in renewables to replace them.
In a speech to the National Energy Summit on Monday, Energy and Environment Minister Josh Frydenberg gave the strongest hint yet that the Clean Energy Target was dead and buried. Photo: Ben Rushton
Dr Finkel, calm and armed with the facts, insisted on Monday that Australia still needs a clean energy target.
He says a massive drop in the price of renewables would mean the price of renewable energy certificates under the scheme would also fall, so the cost to electricity retailers, and their customers, would be minimal.
And a few years down the track, a government could increase the slope of the emissions reduction trajectory, having shown itself capable of managing the introduction of renewables without the sky falling in.
But in this erratic policy climate, the considered view of experts comes a far second to political expediency.
It was a Coalition government that in 1998 created the Australian Greenhouse Office, the world's first government agency dedicated to reducing greenhouse gas emissions. Six years later the same government dismantled it.
In 2007 the Labor government created a Department of Climate Change. In 2013 it too was scrapped.
And of course, Australia became the first nation to undo legislated action on climate change, when the Abbott government repealed the Gillard government's carbon price (as well as slashing the renewable energy target and trying to abolish government agencies supporting the renewables sector).
Labor says it will support a clean energy target. Research shows a majority of Australians support it, and the business community is crying out for the investment certainty it would bring.
But a dogged rump of hard-right conservatives opposed to the target has Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull by the collar.
Dr Finkel on Monday urged Australia to start its treatment regime and take the "red pill" – an orderly transition to a cleaner energy market, which starts with the clean energy target.
Let's hope the government's response is one we can swallow.

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E.P.A. Announces Repeal Of Major Obama-Era Carbon Emissions Rule

New York Times - 
Scott Pruitt, the E.P.A. chief, at the White House in June. Credit Al Drago/The New York Times 
WASHINGTON — The Trump administration announced on Monday that it would take formal steps to repeal President Barack Obama’s signature policy to curb greenhouse gas emissions from power plants, setting up a bitter fight over the future of America’s efforts to tackle global warming.
At an event in eastern Kentucky, Scott Pruitt, the head of the Environmental Protection Agency, said that his predecessors had departed from regulatory norms in crafting the Clean Power Plan, which was finalized in 2015 and would have pushed states to move away from coal in favor of sources of electricity that produce fewer carbon emissions.
“The war on coal is over,” Mr. Pruitt said. “Tomorrow in Washington, D.C., I will be signing a proposed rule to roll back the Clean Power Plan. No better place to make that announcement than Hazard, Kentucky.”
The repeal proposal, which will be filed in the Federal Register on Tuesday, fulfills a promise President Trump made to eradicate his predecessor’s environmental legacy. Eliminating the Clean Power Plan makes it less likely that the United States can fulfill its promise as part of the Paris climate agreement to ratchet down emissions that are warming the planet and contributing to heat waves and sea-level rise. Mr. Trump has vowed to abandon that international accord.
It also is a personal triumph for Mr. Pruitt, who as Oklahoma attorney general helped lead more than two dozen states in challenging the rule in the courts. In announcing the repeal, Mr. Pruitt made many of the same arguments that he had made for years to Congress and in lawsuits: that the Obama administration exceeded its legal authority in an effort to limit greenhouse gas emissions from power plants. (Last year, the Supreme Court blocked the rule from taking effect while courts assessed those lawsuits.) A leaked draft of the repeal proposal asserts that the country would save $33 billion by not complying with the regulation and rejects the health benefits the Obama administration had calculated from the original rule.
Coal- and natural-gas-fired power plants are responsible for about one-third of America’s carbon dioxide emissions. When the Clean Power Plan was unveiled in 2015, it was expected to cut power sector emissions 32 percent by 2030, relative to 2005. While many states are already shifting away from coal power for economic reasons, experts say scrapping the rule could slow that transition.
Environmental groups and several states plan to challenge the repeal proposal in federal courts, arguing against Mr. Pruitt’s move on both scientific and economic grounds.
Industry groups cheered the announcement, but have also indicated that they would prefer that Mr. Pruitt replace the Clean Power Plan with a new, more modest regulation on power plants in order to blunt any court challenges. The E.P.A. is still required to regulate greenhouse-gas emissions because of a 2009 legal opinion known as the endangerment finding.
“We have always believed that there is a better way to approach greenhouse gas emissions reductions,” Karen A. Harbert, the president of the Chamber of Commerce’s Global Energy Institute, said in a statement. “We welcome the opportunity for business to be at the table with the E.P.A. and other stakeholders to develop an approach that lowers emissions, preserves America’s energy advantage and respects the bounds of the Clean Air Act.”

How does Trump plan to roll back the Clean Power Plan?
In order to regulate pollution from existing power plants, the E.P.A. has to set goals for each state based on what is technically feasible and cost-effective. Under the Clean Power Plan, the Obama administration set targets by assuming utilities could improve the efficiency of their coal plants, shift from coal to cleaner natural gas and add more renewable energy to their grids.
But Mr. Obama’s approach was controversial, because the E.P.A. assumed utilities could reduce emissions at individual plants by taking actions outside of those plants — say, by replacing coal plants with wind farms elsewhere. Industry groups and more than two dozen states challenged this move in court, arguing that the E.P.A. can look only at cleanup measures that can be undertaken at the plants themselves.
Mr. Pruitt is proposing to repeal the Clean Power Plan on this basis. He also argued that the Obama administration overstated the benefits of its rule by factoring in the gains from curbing global warming in other countries as well as from reducing harmful air pollutants other than carbon dioxide.
If Mr. Pruitt does end up pursuing a replacement rule, it would almost certainly be confined to inside-the-fenceline measures, like upgrading coal-plant boilers. Previous E.P.A. analyses found that such upgrades would lead to a roughly 4 percent increase in efficiency at coal plants.

What does this mean for emissions?
While the repeal of the Clean Power Plan offers a reprieve for America’s coal industry, it is unlikely to halt the decline of coal altogether. Even in the absence of the rule, many utilities around the country have opted to shift to natural gas, wind and solar, driven by cost concerns and state-level policies. Many states, like California and New York, are already moving ahead of the targets set by the Clean Power Plan as they develop their own climate policies.

Document

The Trump Administration’s Proposal to Repeal the Clean Power Plan
The Trump administration will file a proposal in the Federal Register to repeal the Clean Power Plan, arguing that the Obama administration exceeded its legal authority in an effort to limit greenhouse gas emissions from power plants. OPEN Document

Gov. John Hickenlooper of Colorado, a Democrat, noted that his state has plans to exceed the goals that had been set under the Clean Power Plan because the state is closing coal plants early and developing jobs in wind and other renewables.
“We have dramatically cleaner air and we are saving money. My question to the E.P.A. would be, ‘Which part of that don’t you like?’ ” Mr. Hickenlooper said.
A new analysis by the research firm Rhodium Group estimated that United States electricity emissions are currently on track to fall 27 to 35 percent below 2005 levels by 2030, roughly in the range of what the Clean Power Plan originally envisioned, even if the regulation is repealed.
But John Larsen, the author of the Rhodium Group analysis, estimated that if Mr. Obama’s policies had remained in place, as many as 21 states would have had to make deeper reductions than they are currently expected to do without the rule — including Texas, West Virginia, Georgia, Pennsylvania and Wisconsin — and emissions most likely would have fallen further than the 32 percent originally envisioned.
“So for certain states,” Mr. Larsen wrote, “today’s announcement is a big deal.”
Experts also note that the Clean Power Plan would have prevented a rebound in coal use in case natural gas unexpectedly became more expensive or various policies to promote renewable energy were blunted. The repeal comes on the heels of a proposal by the Department of Energy to subsidize coal and nuclear plants by revamping electricity markets.
Jody Freeman, director of the environmental law program at Harvard Law School, said the Energy Department proposal combined with the Clean Power Plan repeal signals the Trump administration is putting its thumb on the scale in favor of fossil fuels.
“You see a pretty powerful message. Disavow any effort to control greenhouse gases in the power sector, and instead, intervene in the market to promote coal. It’s a wow,” she said.

What happens next?
Mr. Pruitt’s proposal for repeal will now have to go through a formal public-comment period before being finalized, a process that could take months. Mr. Pruitt will also ask the public for comment on what a replacement rule should look like, but the E.P.A. has not offered a timeline.
Environmental groups and Democratic-controlled states are expected to challenge these moves on multiple fronts.
“Every step of this, from the repeal to the replacement, will involve a lot of time-consuming litigation, and we could ultimately see this end up in the Supreme Court,” said Richard L. Revesz, a professor of environmental law at New York University.
That raises the question of whether the Trump administration can craft and finalize a replacement rule by the 2020 election. Failure to do so, some industry groups worry, could allow a new administration to start over and impose a more stringent climate plan on power plants.
Partly for that reason, many states are already preparing for the prospect of tougher carbon regulations down the road.
Consider Arkansas, one of the states that challenged the Clean Power Plan in court. Ted J. Thomas, the chairman of the Arkansas Public Service commission, says that his state is nonetheless in the process of shifting from coal to cheaper natural gas. The initial rule also convinced the state to start exploring clean-energy options, like expanding wind power, promoting the use of smart meters, and developing a working group to look at carbon capture technology for coal plants.
“Even if they repeal the Clean Power Plan, or replace it with something that doesn’t require us to do very much, you still have to reckon with the fact that ultimately regulations on carbon are coming,” Mr. Thomas said. “So we need to develop options to deal with that other than sticking our heads in the sand and hoping we can just file lawsuits forever.”
“You can either be prepared or unprepared,” he added, “and that’s a pretty simple choice.”

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11/10/2017

After The Storm: How Political Attacks On Renewables Elevates Attention Paid To Climate Change

The Conversation - 

AAP/David Mariuz
This time last year, Australia was getting over a media storm about renewables, energy policy and climate change. The media storm was caused by a physical storm: a mid-latitude cyclone that hit South Australia on September 29 and set in train a series of events that is still playing itself out.
The events include:
In one sense, the Finkel Review was a response to the government’s concerns about “energy security”. But it also managed to successfully respond to the way energy policy had become a political plaything, as exemplified by the attacks on South Australia.
New research on the media coverage that framed the energy debate that has ensued over the past year reveals some interesting turning points in how Australia’s media report on climate change.
While extreme weather events are the best time to communicate climate change – the additional energy humans are adding to the climate is on full display – the South Australian event was used to attack renewables rather than the carbonisation of the atmosphere. Federal MPs hijacked people’s need to understand the reason for the blackout “by simply swapping climate change with renewables”.
However, the research shows that, ironically, MPs who invited us to “look over here” at the recalcitrant renewables – and not at climate-change-fuelled super-storms – managed to make climate change reappear.
The study searched for all Australian newspaper articles that mentioned either a storm or a cyclone in relation to South Australia that had been published in the ten days either side of the event. This returned 591 articles. Most of the relevant articles were published after the storm, with warnings of the cyclone beforehand.
Some of the standout findings include:
  • 51% of articles were about the power outage and 38% were about renewables, but 12% of all articles connected these two.
  • 20% of articles focused on the event being politicised by politicians.
  • 9% of articles raised climate change as a force in the event and the blackouts.
  • 10% of articles blamed the blackouts on renewables.
  • Of all of the articles linking power outages to renewables 46% were published in News Corp and 14% were published in Fairfax.
  • Narratives that typically substituted any possibility of a link to climate change, included the “unstoppable power of nature” (18%), failure of planning (5.25%), and triumph of humanity (5.6%).
Only 9% of articles discussed climate change. Of these, 73% presented climate change positively, 21% were neutral, and 6% negative. But, for the most part, climate change was linked to the conversation around renewables: there was a 74% overlap. 36% of articles discussing climate change linked it to the intensification of extreme weather events.
There was also a strong correlation between the positive and negative discussion of climate change and the ownership of newspapers.
The starkest contrast was between the two largest Australian newspaper groups. Of all the sampled articles that mentioned climate change, News Corp was the only group to has a negative stance on climate change (at 50% of articles), but still with 38% positive. Fairfax was 90% positive and 10% neutral about climate change.
Positive/negative stance of articles covering climate change by percentage.
Given that more than half of all articles discussed power outages, the cyclone in a sense competed with renewables as a news item. Both have a bearing on power supply and distribution. But, ironically, it was renewables that put climate change on the news agenda – not the cyclone.
Of the articles discussing renewables, 67% were positive about renewables with only 33% “negative” and blaming them for the power outages.
In this way, the negative frame that politicians put on renewable energy may have sparked debate that was used to highlight the positives of renewable energy and what’s driving it: reduced emissions.
But perhaps the most interesting finding is the backlash by news media against MPs’ attempts to politicise renewables.
19.63% of all articles in the sample had called out (mainly federal) MPs for politicising the issue and using South Australians’ misfortune as a political opportunity. This in turn was related to the fact that, of all the articles discussing renewables, 67% were positive about renewables with only 33% supporting MPs’ attempts to blame them for the power outages.
In this way, while many MPs had put renewables on the agenda by denigrating them, most journalists were eager to cover the positive side of renewables.
Nevertheless, the way MPs sought to dominate the news agenda over the storm did take away from discussion of climate science and the causes of the cyclone. Less than 4% of articles referred to extreme weather intensifying as a trend.
This is problematic. It means that, with a few exceptions, Australia’s climate scientists are not able to engage with the public in key periods after extreme weather events.
When MPs, with co-ordinated media campaigns, enjoy monopoly holdings in the attention economy of news cycles, science communication and the stories of climate that could be told are often relegated to other media.

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Our Changing Climate Mind-Set

New York Times - Robert Jay Lifton*

A scene in eastern Puerto Rico after the passage of Hurricane Maria. Credit Kirsten Luce for The New York Times
Climate images have never been able to convey our full planetary danger until now.
The extraordinary recent four-punch sequence of hurricanes — Harvey, Irma, Jose and Maria — threatened the lives of millions of people, obliterated their homes and has raised doubts that some places will ever recover. The rest of us have a newly immediate sense of catastrophes of biblical proportions. As meaning-hungry creatures we search for explanations.
No wonder some have embraced the apocalyptic narrative of total destruction by an angry deity. And no wonder that climate-change rejecters like President Trump have increasing difficulty defending their position.
Even before the hurricanes we had experienced a drumbeat of storms, floods, droughts and wildfires that rendered global warming not just a remote future danger but an immediate one. This fear was reinforced by the recent hurricanes, which provided imagery equivalent to the danger, imagery equivalent to nuclear disaster.
When we viewed photographs and film of the annihilated cities of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, we sensed that the world could be ended by nuclear weapons. Now these hurricanes have conveyed a similar feeling of world-ending, having left whole islands, once alive in their beauty and commerce, in ruin.
But does this mean that we attribute this menace to global warming and to human contributions to that warming? My answer here is yes and no and yes again.
Yes: Scientists warn that hurricanes are made worse by the warming of the atmosphere and the oceans and by the increased storm surge caused by higher sea levels. Climate change can thus amplify disasters into catastrophes.
No: There are still voices ridiculing this conclusion. About the record-breaking intensity of Hurricane Irma, Mr. Trump said that “we’ve had bigger storms than this.” And Scott Pruitt, the administrator of the Environmental Protection Agency, took righteous exception to discussing the “cause and effect of these storms” as “very, very insensitive to the people in Florida.”
Both were engaging in climate rejection rather than denial. Because with climate truths so widely disseminated and accepted, both know in some part of their minds that global warming is real and threatening.
But there is good reason to believe that climate rejecters, including the president and Mr. Pruitt, are fighting a losing battle. The apocalyptic fear aroused by the recent destructive hurricanes is the latest manifestation of the mounting dread that has taken hold in the American mind-set about the implications of our steadily warming planet.
So yes again, hurricanes have now become a central component of what I call the climate swerve: the powerful shift in our awareness of climate truths. The swerve is a change in collective consciousness that includes a coherent narrative of global warming, of cause and effect and of steps necessary for mitigation. The swerve forces us to look upon ourselves as members of a single species in deep trouble.
This mind-set is evident in public opinion surveys, in the reporting of catastrophes that regularly invoke the influence of global warming, in growing doubts about a carbon economy and in challenges to the morality of extracting and burning underground fossil fuel resources.
The Paris climate conference of December 2015 was a stunning demonstration of the reach and force of the climate swerve. Virtually every nation in the world joined in what could be called a species-wide recognition of global warming and its dangers, each putting forward a promised goal of reduced carbon emissions. True, Paris was more a demonstration of universal climate awareness than an enforceable treaty. But the mind-set it expressed is crucial for all subsequent climate action.
And that mind-set could not be readily defied, as President Trump has learned. His determination to withdraw from the agreement was no surprise, since he had long rejected the idea of climate change as nonexistent, not human-caused or a hoax.
What was perhaps surprising was the immediate and overwhelming reaction to his announcement of the American withdrawal. The decision was widely denounced in this country by governors who declared that their states would hold to the Paris protocols, and by mayors who said the same of their cities. It was also condemned abroad. France, Germany and Italy insisted that the Paris momentum was “irreversible,” and China asserted that it would follow the protocols no matter what the United States did.
What followed were clarifications by the White House having to do with renegotiation and continuing to attend climate meetings — all amounting to equivocation and leaving the whole issue of withdrawal confused.
It would seem that the climate swerve is greater than any individual person, even one as dangerous to the world as Donald Trump. And while the climate swerve may ebb and flow, it is gathering momentum and will have to be reckoned with for generations.
The string of hurricanes we experienced recently and can expect again in the future raises a crucial question about the kind of adaptation we make to climate change. Of course we must prepare for extreme climate conditions, with special attention to coastal areas and flood plains, and to restrictions on what and how we build or rebuild in those areas.
But to do only that would neglect the primary cause of our danger, and would do nothing to prevent ever more lethal expressions of global warming. The climate swerve moves us to focus on the adaptation of our entire species.
That would require meeting the Paris pledges to reduce greenhouse gas emissions and going further in making renewable energies a dominant force in national and world economies. In that inclusive form of adaptation, the human species becomes our operative group, and we do all we can to bring our historical and psychological imagination to the task.
We have squandered opportunities to reduce global warming and there has already been more suffering from climate change than we have allowed ourselves to recognize. But we can still avert civilization-ending catastrophe, and even achieve a modest new beginning for our species. Yes, it is very late in the game, but at the same time far from too late.

*Robert Jay Lifton, a psychiatrist, is the author, most recently, of “The Climate Swerve: Reflections on Mind, Hope, and Survival.”

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Five Charts That Show Tony Abbott Is The One Who Has Lost Sight Of The Science

Fairfax - Peter Hannam

Tony Abbott's speech to the Global Warming Policy Foundation provides a mix of partial truths that are designed to create a plausible whole.
As one leading climate change scientist noted in private on Tuesday, "most statements have the classic element of truth but once confronted by the balance of evidence the statements are true but irrelevant, or true to a point and then misleading - classic sceptics' stuff".

Turnbull: "working intensely" towards affordable power
Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull, responds whether his government is backing away from the Clean Energy Target.

Still, there are enough clangers to suggest Abbott either can't read a chart or is tapping some data source that has somehow escaped the attention of the many global climate monitoring bodies from NASA to the UK Met Office or Australia's Bureau of Meteorology.
Here are some of Abbott's standout claims, and the charts that counter them.

'Only 0.3 degrees'
"Temperatures in Australia have only increased by 0.3 degrees over the past century, not the 1 degree usually claimed," is one of Abbott's statements.
According to the bureau and CSIRO's State of the Climate 2016, here's what we're seeing in Australia:

The only pockets of Australia to have warmed less than 0.5 degrees since 1910 are located in a couple of places in NSW (though not Manly, as it happens) and Western Australia.

'Photos show no sealevel rise'
Staying local, Abbott has this to say about sea-level rise: "More than 100 years of photography at Manly Beach in my electorate does not suggest that sea levels have risen despite frequent reports from climate alarmists that this is imminent."
Global warming is obvious to the overwhelming majority of scientists, despite what a few deniers would tell us. Photo: Daniel Munoz
Consider, first, the lean likelihood of avid snappers catching the same point of the tide at the same place over the years.
Imagine, too, the future lawsuits when owners of coastal developments that have been washed away submit to the court grainy, faded photographs explaining they had no idea what they were buying into.
Tony Abbott has made another pitch declining the significance to climate change. Photo: Daniel Munoz
Coastal sea-level rise can be quirky, but for those wanting to project future development, Geoscience Australia provides projections, even for Manly.
In the meantime, this readily available information from CSIRO showing global sea-level rise is accelerating:

Abbott might want to acquaint himself with the reasons for that rise in sea levels, including the well-understood fact 93 per cent of the extra heat being trapped by extra greenhouse gases ends up in the ocean.
A warmer ocean, not surprisingly expands. The melting ice caps, glaciers and sea ice absorb about 2 per cent of that extra heat and most of that ice melt ends up in the ocean, lifting their levels.
While just 2.3 per cent of the extra warming ends up in the atmosphere and 2.1 per cent in the land, that happens to be where most of the temperature readings are made and where our own lives are lived out.

Blame the sun
So here's Abbott's interpretation of what's been going on, temperature wise: "Certainly, no big change has accompanied the increase in atmospheric carbon dioxide concentration over the past century from roughly 300 to roughly 400 parts per million or from 0.03 to 0.04 per cent."
And if anything is going on, let's not blame it all on CO2, he would have us believe: "Evidence suggests that other factors such as sun spot cycles and oscillations in the Earth's orbit are at least as important for climate change as this trace gas."
Blaming the sun, as it happens, is one of the top two climate myths raised by deniers, according to the Skeptical Science website, and one of the first ruled out.
The following chart from that website helps to knock a few of Abbott's misleading interpretations on the head:
Solar radiation has in fact been on a cooling trend for the past three decades, and yet temperatures have continued to climb. And they are clearly much closer to 1 degree higher over the past century than 0.3 degrees.
This chart, also helps to put this claim by Abbott into perspective: "Even the high priests of climate change now seem to concede that there was a pause in warming between the 1990s and 2014."
News Corp commentators such as Andrew Bolt regularly play up that "no warming" has occurred in the past 10, 15, 18 or so years.
 Illustration: Matt Golding
By taking the top of the record-high El Nino year in 1998 it is possible to see warming slowed. But note Abbott conveniently ends in 2014, forgetting to include the fact that year - a record for warming - was then beaten by 2015 and 2016.
While examining a single month rarely tells us about longer-term trends, September surprisingly set global records according to preliminary data even without an El Nino influence.

'More good than harm'
Abbott would like to have it both ways. If there is warming, and if we were to be driving it, perhaps it's not a bad thing after all.
"At least so far, it's climate change policy that's doing harm; climate change itself is probably doing good; or at least, more good than harm," he said in his speech.
Australians happen to live in a nation with a highly variable climate, especially for rain.
There are ample signs of recent heatwaves, including in this spring, to have people worried with reason about the threat of worse bushfires, among other challenges.
Recent research pointing to Sydney and Melbourne likely to have 50-degree days in coming summers was dismissed as "groupthink" by Abbott on Fairfax Media's 2GB.
As the bureau and CSIRO note in their report, though, Australia has been reporting a big increase in the number of extreme heat events, with all the stresses on the health of humans (and other creatures) that they bring:

As the report notes, extreme days are defined as those above the 99th percentile of each month from the years 1910 to 2015.
"In 2013 there were 28 days over this threshold," the report said. "This compares to the period prior to 1950 when more than half the years had no extreme days."
Abbott's speech made little of the fact it was during his two-year stint as prime minister that Australia signed up to reduce its greenhouse gas emissions 26-28 per cent by 2030 compared with 2005 levels.
The pledge "was a compromise based on the advice that we could achieve it largely through efficiencies, without additional environmental imposts, using the highly successful emissions reduction fund; because, as I said at the time, the last thing we want to do is strengthen the environment (but) damage our economy".

What's 'Herculean' in Chinese?
Quite apart from the ERF being "highly successful" (see here or here), Abbott goes on to say this: "Even if reducing emissions really is necessary to save the planet, our effort, however Herculean, is barely better than futile; because Australia's total annual emissions are exceeded by just the annual increase in China's."
Well, it turns out China's emissions have actually been flat for several years.
Whether the recent plateau holds or starts to climb again remains to be seen. Concern about urban pollution and the massive construction that has already filled many of the major cities with ample subway lines, highways and tower blocks suggest returning to the run-up of emissions during the 2000-2010 is unlikely.
Perhaps the following chart from Climate Change News, though, is a better pointer to the trends in China, the world's largest carbon emitter:
It shows annual growth of energy consumption. Fossil fuel use has a diminishing share of the extra energy needed to drive what will soon be the world's largest economy.
Giving the cost of solar and wind energy continues to decline at a rapid rate - while fossil fuel extraction is if anything getting more costly as easy to access resources disappear - it's a fair bet if China's energy demand does pick up, coal and oil aren't likely to provide the lion's share of extra supply.

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