01/12/2017

We Are Facing A Climate Emergency: The Time Has Come For Civil Resistance

ABC Religion and Ethics - Thea Ormerod*

The world is now in the grip of a climate emergency, and this requires a response which is ethically informed and courageous, rather than cautious and self-protective. Credit: STILLFX / getty images
Every week, it seems, new and dirtier secrets are unearthed about the unethical nature of Adani's operations and its close ties to Australian governments. For the most part, the Australian public looks on with a sense of powerlessness.
However, there are sections of civil society, including the Australian Religious Response to Climate Change (ARRCC), which are moving from helplessness to collective, creative, peaceful action aimed at disrupting the ailing status quo.
Conventional approaches to social change have proven ineffective against an entrenched malignancy that is poisoning our nation's proper response to the current climate emergency. Therefore, the Board of ARRCC is embracing civil resistance as one of its approaches to change.
I want here to explain why peaceful civil resistance could be a healing and transformative moral response at this pivotal moment.

This fight is a moral one
Quietly, most Australians have had a gutful of the incestuous connections between the big end of town and our elected representatives. In their book Game of Mates, Cameron Murray and Paul Frijters expose how well-connected business interests have perverted decision-making in this country in order to line their own pockets. Coal, oil and gas corporations are exerting undue influence over governments at every level.
Adani's new coal project is but another example of this - except, this time, the implications are truly global.
For the world to have any chance of avoiding an escalation of dangerous damage to the climate, experts tell us that much, if not all, of the world's oil reserves should remain in the ground. If Adani's proposed Carmichael coal mine is established, it will be a mega-mine. The result of its annual output would be greenhouse gas pollution greater than the annual emissions of whole countries like Sri Lanka or Bangladesh, and equivalent to that of Malaysia.
Furthermore, if Adani's planned rail link and port expansion go ahead, several other coal mining companies are waiting to dig for coal in the Galilee Basin. More cheap coal will flood the world's markets, undermining the competitiveness of renewables. This would indeed be one of the "carbon bombs" that Bill McKibben talks about.
The lives and livelihoods of hundreds of millions of people are already being affected and currently low-lying habitable parts of the world will almost certainly disappear from rising sea levels. Extreme weather-related disasters are increasing in frequency and severity. The Great Barrier Reef will be gone forever, as will other ecosystems and their diverse species. The resulting depths of suffering are unimaginable.
This is indeed a climate emergency, yet Australian governments - state and federal - remain in denial.
Instead, at ARRCC, we hold up a vision of renewable energy, the protection of ecosystems and sustainable lifestyles enabling a safe climate and fairness for all. Grounded in our various religious traditions, we envisage economies geared for human need rather than human greed, and respectful of planetary limits. This would mean more constrained lifestyles for the wealthy, including more use of public transport and reduced meat consumption; and it would mean decentralised, non-polluting, relatively inexpensive electricity for those currently facing energy poverty. It would also mean just, orderly transitions for communities affected by the shift away from coal mining.
As a nation, we have the resources to support regional communities who are being affected by our necessary transition away from mining. Already various towns such as the Hunter Valley have been through boom and bust. Instead of allowing such communities to be left flailing, there could be an orderly, planned transition so that these communities can be productive and flourishing into the future. In our vision for the future, just a fraction of the $1bn loan sought by Adani from the Northern Australia Infrastructure Facility could produce more and more sustainable employment opportunities.

When what is legal is not what is moral
This struggle is beyond the political. It is a deeply moral one. Along with others working to address global warming, those of us who are inspired by our spiritual traditions see our elected decision-makers marching in lockstep with coal and other mining lobbies, and regard it as immoral.
Their obsession with coal and gas has set the nation travelling in entirely the wrong direction. Our emissions are rising. Our governments pronounce they are controlling our emissions, while at the same time doing all they can to facilitate fossil fuel extraction and frustrate the take-up of renewables. In every other sphere, leaders are issuing calls to move away from the mining, export and burning of fossil fuels. They are not only climate scientists, public health experts, religious leaders, farmers and many business leaders.
The distortion of the political moral compass has meant that police powers are being actively and increasingly used to prevent civil society from challenging extractive industries. State and federal governments are actively seeking ways to silence organisations who speak out for climate action, threatening their tax deductibility or charity status. Environmentalists are publicly belittled.
The law supports continued, unfettered fossil fuel exploration and extraction. It allows huge tax breaks and other forms of subsidy to flow to fossil fuel companies. It protects mining companies, sanctioning poor practices by under-regulation. Climate injustice is legitimised by spurious economic mantras.
Penalties for protesting in a number of states have been increased dramatically. Large scale police intervention was used near Bentley in the northern rivers district of NSW to protect the interests of coal seam gas mining company, Metgasco. Over the course of three years, several hundred people were arrested at Maules Creek by NSW police to protect Whitehaven Coal, which has incidentally been issued paltry fines for numerous breaches of the conditions of their mining license.
Across Australia, ordinary citizens who non-violently protest threats to farmlands, groundwater, old-growth forests and water catchments must face potential arrest by police who are being directed to protect profit-seeking companies.
Australia's legal and regulatory systems have become divorced from ethical value systems.

Elected leaders' alignment with Adani
The obsession with coal of our ruling elites has already led to the cynical alignment of both federal Labor and the Coalition with Adani, against the Wangan and Jagalingou people who are courageously defending their ancestral lands in central Queensland through the Courts. It has had the Queensland Palaszczuk government granting Adani relatively unlimited, long-term access to the state's precious artesian waters for a negligible cost. It now has the Townsville local council expecting taxpayers to foot the bill for an airstrip to be used by Adani, at a time when 140 of the council's own employees are being laid off.
It has both Queensland Labor and the federal Coalition in full support of Adani despite the exposure of Adani's corrupt practises, numerous well-researched submissions, visits from constituents, letter-writing campaigns, petitions and public polling results. Nothing appears to shake their commitment to Adani and the company's disingenuous promises of employment.
For the citizen who is morally opposed to the mine and desires to avoid all complicity with its establishment, civil resistance has become the only option left. As Quaker and civil resistance advocate, Jason MacLeod, has written:
"Asking whether individual and collective action is legal or illegal is, in my opinion the wrong question. Cooking the climate, trashing Traditional Owner rights, destroying the living wonder of the Great Barrier Reef, and poisoning our water are all legal. There is no intrinsic value in legality, especially when laws are divorced from ethical value systems. A better question, is what action will lead us into right relationship with one another and God's creation? What will take us closer to a just and sustainable peace? What individual and collective action clearly communicates 'no' to injustice while simultaneously saying 'yes' to dignity?"
The power of civil resistance
Civil resistance is clearly not the ethical person's first choice of strategy, given that laws are generally important for the protection of life and property. However, it has historically played a positive role in transforming societies where injustice appears to be irredeemably entrenched. Many successful social change movements have included civil resistance - the overthrow of communism in Poland, Ceausescu in Romania, apartheid in South Africa, British rule in India, to name a few.
Civil resistance is not the same as individual acts of civil disobedience. It works by mobilising large numbers of people who maintain nonviolent discipline, and act in strategic concert over time to withdraw their consent and cooperation from unjust rulers or systems. It is also known as people power, nonviolence, nonviolent action, and nonviolent resistance.
Nonviolent resistance serves to draw public attention to a form of violence or injustice, and to delegitimise it by juxtaposing it with nonviolence. The belief of those who practice nonviolence is that voluntary suffering can educate and transform the public's helpless acquiescence to an ongoing injustice.
The Board of the Australian Religious Response to Climate Change believes that, in our own society today, people of goodwill are facing various injustices which have become entrenched. One of these is the close connection our elected representatives have with fossil fuel industries, especially coal. As a faith-based organisation, we should do what is morally needed in the situation. While adhering to principles of nonviolence, including the love of our enemies, we believe it is ethical to organise civil resistance actions against those forces which threaten all that we love.
The world is now in a climate emergency, and this requires a response which is purely ethically informed and courageous, rather than cautious and self-protective. To refrain from doing all we can to oppose Adani and other fossil fuel extraction companies is to hold back from full solidarity with the Wangan and Jagalingou, with coming generations and with all those currently suffering because of climate disruption.
Some believe this to be extreme. In our view, it is being truly conservative to act according to our traditional values with the goal of conserving this sacred earth. We believe that in our context today, it is part of our mission as people of faith to include civil resistance in the suite of options we offer faith communities as they respond to the climate challenge.
Some other parts of the environment movement are also moving in this direction. What ARRCC hopes to add is the legitimation which comes from our historical connections with long religious traditions, our beliefs and values which are grounded in scriptures and spiritual practices.
Nonviolence is at the heart of all the major faiths. For example, the Israelite prophets warned the people and their rulers, at the risk of losing liberty or life. The Christian tradition has a well-grounded theology around the power of redemptive suffering and self-sacrifice for the good of others. The Buddhist tradition has for thousands of years aspired to loving-kindness towards all beings. This includes people with whom we disagree, people who are doing wrong and other sentient beings which also deserve our respect.
From the Hindu tradition, Mohandas Gandhi taught his followers in the Indian Independence movement Satyagraha, which informed other liberation movements such as the U.S. Civil Rights movement. In Gandhi's own words, it means "the Force which is born of Truth and Love or non-violence." It aims not to coerce an opponent, but to convert the wrongdoer in order to achieve true cooperation.
ARRCC will continue to take all legal options open to us to convince our leaders to act for climate justice. However, henceforward if and where necessary, ARRCC will not stand back from civil resistance in the spirit of Satyagraha.
Always with compassion. Always peaceful. Always respectful. We will stand up for climate justice if and when necessary. We will seek to win open dialogue. We will seek consensus. Always in love.

*Thea Ormerod is the President of the Australian Religious Response to Climate Change.

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A Fresh Start For Climate Change Mitigation In New Zealand

The Conversation

New Zealand’s Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern, seen here with Australia’s Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull during this month’s Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) meeting, has moved climate change onto the new government’s priority list. Mick Tsikas/AAP
The election of the sixth Labour-led government heralds a new direction for climate change policy in New Zealand.
As part of the new government’s 100-day priority plan, it pledged to set a target of carbon neutrality by 2050 and to establish the mechanisms to phase out fossil fuels. In doing so, New Zealand will join a small group of countries that have established this goal since last year: France, Germany, Sweden (by 2045) and Norway (by 2030).

From commitment to action
The government plans to set up an independent climate commission, likely based on the one established in the UK with nearly unanimous parliamentary support in 2008. UK emissions are down not just to 1990 levels, but to 1900 levels.
The climate commission’s tasks will include providing advice on effective pricing mechanisms for climate pollution, on the transition to 100% renewable electricity by 2035, and on bringing agriculture into the NZ Emissions Trading Scheme.
All parties to the Paris Agreement have already agreed to become carbon-neutral in the second half of this century. The snag is turning that commitment into action.

A story of good intentions
It is now 20 years since New Zealand first signed the Kyoto Protocol – two decades of fine words and twists and turns in policy while emissions continued to rise. Surprisingly, while Australia has followed a twisty path of its own, perhaps with not so many fine words, the effect has been the same: gross greenhouse gas emissions have risen 24% in New Zealand since 1990, compared to a rise of 27% in Australia.
New Zealanders built a lot of gas-fuelled power stations in the 1990s and bought a lot of cars in the 2000s. Astoundingly, we now have more cars per capita than Australia.

The frustrating story is told in the documentary Hot Air. New Zealand spent ten years getting a strategy in place, ending up with an emissions trading scheme (ETS). Another decade of tinkering later, the scheme involves a complex system of discounts, free allocations, exemptions and, crucially, unlimited access to international emissions units.
After 2012, New Zealand companies used this access to buy large numbers of low-integrity units from the Ukraine, enough to officially cover a quarter of all our emissions. The price of carbon, currently NZ$19, adds about 4c per litre to the price of petrol, and about 1c per kilowatt-hour to gas-powered electricity. So far, New Zealand’s ETS – like others worldwide – has not delivered.
New Zealand’s state-owned mining company, Solid Energy, was pushed into some risky deals and ultimately into managed bankruptcy. The remaining assets have been sold to Bathurst Resources. Chief executive Richard Tacon said recently:
… there is no viable alternative to coal. I mean we realise it’s a transition fuel, but there’s a lot of business, dairy … that rely on coal to be a reliable, storable source of energy.
Has even an Australian coal baron ever called coal a “transition fuel”? But then again perhaps Tacon has a point: the dairy company Fonterra burns more than half of all New Zealand’s coal, and the dairy industry as a whole emits 2.2 million tonnes of carbon dioxide per year burning coal to dry milk.

Civil society perseveres
Against this background, climate activists have had a hard row to hoe. Law student Sarah Thomson took the government to court in July 2017 over its inaction on climate change. In a victory for both sides, the judge ruled that the government should have reviewed its 2050 target, but declined to order a judicial review because the government had since changed.
The youth climate group Generation Zero campaigned for a Zero Carbon Act. The former parliamentary commissioner for the environment, Jan Wright, called for a UK-style Climate Change Act. Thirty-nine mayors pressed the government to take stronger action.
Data from a 20-year longitudinal study of social attitudes in New Zealand show increasing agreement with climate change.
A third review of the ETS removed a 50% discount, with further strengthening scheduled. The Environment Ministry was asked to advise specifically on domestic emissions reductions. The Productivity Commission, a government think tank, was asked to report on a low-emission economy.
However, during the election campaign, climate change was not a major issue, and official projections showed a continued rise in emissions. Under current policy settings, net emissions will rise a further 58% by 2030.

Aiming for carbon neutrality
That brings the story to New Zealand First’s decision to choose a Labour-led government, with the Green Party in a confidence and supply arrangement. The Greens now have five ministers, including co-leader James Shaw as minister for climate change. Labour, having first introduced the ETS in 2008, will now amend it to try to make it work.
Already, since the election, Fonterra has announced a commitment to cut processing emissions (mostly due to coal, but also natural gas and transport) by 30% by 2030, matching the national target, and 100% by 2050.
Carbon neutrality calls for, among other things, a complete stop to burning fossil fuels and to buying products that burn them, such as petrol cars. The year 2050 is not that far away.
In truth, by 2050 anything might happen: organic solar cells might become as cheap as newsprint, unleashing economic growth and making “sunlight-to-liquid fuels” economic – or not. Positive carbon feedbacks from the oceans, forests and Arctic methane might overwhelm our mitigation efforts. Climate sensitivity might surprise us on the high or low side.
We can’t say what parts of the natural world will survive climate change and the attempted sustainability transition. But New Zealand is taking a step in the right direction.

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'History In The Making': Tesla Switches On World's Largest Battery In SA

Fairfax - Cole Latimer

The world's largest lithium-ion battery has officially launched on Friday in South Australia.
South Australian Premier Jay Weatherill  and Neoen deputy chief executive Romain Desrousseaux flipped the switch on the Tesla-made battery storage installation, stating that "this is history in the making".

Tesla's mega battery turned on
The world's largest lithium-ion battery launches in South Australia on Friday, December 1.

"South Australia is now leading the world in dispatchable renewable energy, delivered to homes and businesses 24/7," Mr Weatherill said.
The 100-megawatt battery system provides 129-megawatt hours of energy, reduces intermittency issues, and manages increased demand during summer peak loading periods, potentially providing enough energy to power 30,000 homes for eight hours, or 60,000 homes for four hours.
It is paired with French energy firm Neoen's Hornsdale wind farm, located near Jamestown, about 200 kilometres north of Adelaide.
Tesla billionaire Elon Musk was not in attendance at the switch-on.
Mr Desrousseaux said the launch is a major achievement in Australia's energy landscape.
"Neoen is pleased to be able to reinforce its Australian footprint through the achievement of the Hornsdale Wind Farm & Battery and is extremely proud to contribute further to the development of renewable energy in Australia," Mr Desrousseaux said.
SA Premier Jay Weatherill during the launch of Tesla's 100 megawatt lithium-ion battery at Jamestown. Photo: AAP
Tesla said this battery will support the state and provide increased security for summer, helping South Australia meet heavy demand.
"The South Australian government should be congratulated for ensuring their energy supply is not only sustainable, but will help solve power shortages, reduce variability, and manage summertime peak load," a Tesla spokesman said.
Tesla Powerpacks used to form the mega battery.. Photo: Carla Gottgens
Praveen Kathpal, vice president of rival battery technology firm AES Energy and chairman of the Energy Storage Association in the US, said the state should be celebrated for its actions.
"We commend the state government for not just being forward thinking, but forward acting," Mr Kathpal told Fairfax Media.
He said the technology is moving to the stage where it is becoming a more mainstream tool for the energy sector.
"Battery storage creates a much more resilient system as you can respond to a crisis in a much quicker way," he said.
The battery had its first real test a day earlier, providing 59 megawatts of power into South Australia's grid in order to meet Thursday's peak demand period.
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While the future baseload contract prices are significantly higher for South Australia, reaching nearly $173.25 per megawatt hour in the March 2018 despite the battery's installation, AEMO stated this is due to upcoming heatwaves set to hit the region, driving up prices for the quarter.
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The new battery comes as the Australian Energy Market Operator forecasts a Lack Of Reserve 1 for South Australia due to the hotter than expected November.
This means AEMO has indicated power generators in South Australia's market should generate more to provide a buffer for increased energy demand ahead.
"This scenario is exactly what AEMO has planned for in our summer readiness plan," AEMO Chief Executive Officer Audrey Zibelman said.
"As widely reported over the last two days, AEMO has procured generation and demand response reserves that can be activated if the need arises," Ms Zibelman said.
As part of its wider energy storage push, South Australia has also green lit more than $8 million in support of four new projects through the Renewable Technology Fund.
These include two major solar and battery storage projects, a thermal storage that holds heat generated from waste water, and a hydrogen production project.
"We are seeing major international businesses like Tesla and SolarReserve investing in South Australia because we have world-class renewable energy resources," South Australian Energy Minister Tom Koutsantonis said.
"The Renewable Technology Fund is harnesses this momentum so we can drive new projects and establish South Australia as a global hub for the storage of renewable energy."

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30/11/2017

Why South Australia Must, And Will, Lead World On Renewables

RenewEconomy - 


When Tesla founder and CEO Elon Musk held a party in late September to celebrate a connection agreement for the already half complete Tesla big battery in South Australia, and declared the installation to be “not just talk but reality”, the timing would not have been lost on premier Jay Weatherill.
It was a year and a day after the state-wide blackout that put the whole idea of turning the state into a renewable energy laboratory into question. It was painted as a black day for wind and solar, but it turned out to be a reality check about Australia’s ageing and dysfunctional grid.
On Friday, at the start of what could be a long, hot summer, Weatherill and energy minister Tom Koutsantonis will preside over the official opening of the world’s biggest lithium-ion battery, and they are not backing off or slowing down.
When they say they intend to make the state “self sufficient” in energy, and even promise to “go it alone”, they are not kidding.
While the long-term renewable energy transformation is stalled at federal level by ideology, ignorance and plain bloody-mindedness, Weatherill and Koutsantonis are going hard into to the future that may not have seemed so easy to grasp when the lights went out last year.
What is clear now is that, having got to 50 per cent wind and solar, nearly a decade before they intended, it would be too late to turn back now. It would leave a project half baked, and allow the major generators to continue to extract their oligopoly rents, and consumers to suffer.
The Weatherill and Koutsantonis strategy is to embrace new technologies, cheap wind and solar and storage, smart software and smarter management, and put into practice the sort of scenarios envisaged by the CSIRO, Energy Networks Australia and more recently by the storage review commissioned by chief scientist Alan Finkel.
And the formal opening of the world’s biggest lithium ion battery into the world’s most elongated grid, in the state with the highest penetration of wind and solar, is the start of a whole series of ground-breaking and world-leading projects coming in the next few years.
The Tesla battery will be quickly followed by two more – at the Wattle Point wind farm (by May, 2018) and Lincoln Gap wind farm in 2019.
And on Wednesday, as we report here, South Australia announced funding for four “next wave” storage projects including lithium-ion and flow batteries, hydrogen fuel cells, thermal storage and a range of concepts and applications.


Then there is Australia’s first large-scale solar tower and molten salt facility to be built near Port Augusta, the site of the last coal-fired power station, accompanied by what could be the country’s biggest wind-solar hybrid project, with battery storage added.
Even more dramatic is the decision by the new owners of the Whyalla steelworks to build up to 1GW of solar, battery storage, pumped hydro and demand management to slash their costs and turn the argument that you can’t power heavy industry with renewables on its head.
Elsewhere, there are another two pumped hydro storage proposals, any number of new solar projects – both big and small – and other ambitious but less certain projects such as Lyon Group’s solar and storage facilities.
ElectraNet, the state’s major transmission line, estimates that there are already 650MW of what they consider “committed” wind and solar projects to add to the 1800MW of large-scale solar, and the rapidly growing rooftop solar PV capacity (already at 730MW and growing at 100MW a year).
It seems hardly fazed by the inferred jump in renewable share towards 70 per cent of local demand within the next five years. In fact, if you add in Whyalla, Aurora, and DP Energy, then the amount of wind and solar is likely to be at least doubled in the next five years.
And nor is the Australian Energy Market Operator overly fazed. Cautious yes, and since the blackout it has had reason for a wholesale rethink about its own practices and the way it manages the grid.
What was ignored in the blackouts (preventative action like dialling down the interconnector, putting plants on standby, reading weather reports) is now standard practice when a potential threat emerges.
And for all the hand wringing about the impact of wind and solar on the grid, AEMO says that once the potential shortfalls this summer are negotiated, it sees no major red flags on the horizon.
The report by The Australia Institute’s energy analyst Hugh Saddler, you can read it here, bears testimony to that – the state grid has been running at more than 63 per cent wind and solar in the last two months, with barely a glitch.
“Welcome to the 21st century,” Koutsantonis likes to say. And the state government says it will not be held back by the stalling and name-calling in Canberra, and the complete lack of any policy vision that could take advantage of Australia’s huge wind and solar resources.
Koutsantonis recently gave one of the outstanding speeches on the energy transition at a conference sponsored by what is now known as the Smart Energy Council.
We reported on some of its contents here – his take down of the Federal government’s weak-kneed and totally useless national Energy Guarantee – but the remainder of the speech is also worth noting.
In it, he pointed to the state’s troubled history, of near total reliance on local brown coal, imports, and local gas generators. It was almost entirely dependent on other states, and at the mercy of a private energy oligopoly, and dirty fossil fuels.
That’s what he wants to change. The coal is gone, and the addition of storage to the state’s huge fleet of wind farms and the highest penetration of rooftop solar will start to tip the tables against the incumbents.
He speaks of the monopoly rents extracted by the privately owned gentailers through their deliberate policy of scarcity, shutting down generation in order to increase the price of electrons.
“It’s a deliberate policy of scarcity ….Had it not been for renewable energy providing cheap affordable power, imagine the monopoly power those companies would have now.”
Koutsantonis says South Australia recognises that the next stage is storage, and points to the government tender where the 150MW Aurora solar tower and molten salt storage project in Port Augusta beat off a host of competing gas proposals.
“Don’t underestimate the shock waves that tender sent through the fossil fuel industry, not only in Australia but round the world,” he said.
It was a groundbreaking contract – and ingenious; not because it suddenly lowered the cost of solar thermal technology, but because it recognised the value of storage. And by doing that, the benefits flow through to the customer, which in this case is the government.
“Wherever you go people in industry are asking themselves: How did that solar thermal plant beat gas-fired generation in a tender for a 20-year contract?” Koutsantonis said. “They did it, and they did it hands down, and they did it without subsidy.”
The idea of self sufficiency promoted by the Labor government does not mean cutting the connection to Victoria – it couldn’t manage that. But Koutsantonis is in no hurry to build a new connector to NSW, as many suggest, including the two main transmission line owners.
He wants, first, to bring more renewables into the market, initially to reduce the reliance on that connection to Victoria, and secondly to break the oligopoly of the big gen-tailers in his own state.
Once that is done, then he might support a new link to NSW – mostly to export South Australian wind and solar resources eastward, rather than the other way.
That view was supported by US-based AES Systems, one of the biggest battery storage operators in the world. Mark Leslie, its Asia-Pacific head, says storing excess wind and solar energy in South Australia makes sense.
“We have had a very 19th Century view of how that reliability should be delivered – based around centralised generation and long power lines,” Koutsantonis said in his speech. “But we will get more reliability and at a fraction of the price with solar and storage.
“The key question is where those savings go – into the pockets of retailers and asset owners, or shared with consumers. South Australia is said to have the most expensive electricity prices in the world.
“Whether that is true enough or not does not matter. The price of electricity in Australian cities is hugely inflated – not because of the cost of the technology, but the monopoly rents of the major players.
“That is the fight of the 21st Century: How to share in those savings of increased behind the meter solar and storage, and more renewables. It will ultimately save our economy in unnecessary interconnection.
“We want to stabilise our market first, start the transition and then start exporting.
“That is our goal – we can marshal our vast resources so we can export – and we can run Olympic Dam (mine), Karapateena (mine), the Cooper Basin (oil and gas), with solar and storage resources, pumped hydro, hydrogen, and other forms of storage.
“There are lots of opportunities. Do we keep on building billion dollar transmission lines or do we start investing behind the meter?
“To me the answer is clear: virtual batteries where neighbourhoods can share, community grids, micro grids – this is way for the future.
“The difficult part is how to regulate it, and distribute the benefits. It is a difficult question but we are up for it.”
Sadly, that’s not the sort of vision you hear much from other states, and particularly not the Coalition parties.
And when, unexpectedly it is – as it was by NSW energy minister Don Harwin earlier this year when he debunked the myth of baseload – there is no follow through.
Which is ironic, because NSW is potentially at a greater threat of outage this year than South Australia, precisely because it is so dependent on 20th Century technology.

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It’s 30 Years Since Scientists First Warned Of Climate Threats To Australia

The Conversation

The Barossa Valley in 1987 – the year that Australians (winemakers included) received their first formal warning of climate change. Phillip Capper/Wikimedia Commons, CC BY
Keen students of climate politics might recognise November 30 as the anniversary of the opening of the historic Paris climate summit two years ago. But you might not know that today also marks 30 years since Australian scientists first officially sounded the alarm over climate change, at a conference hailed as the dawn of the ongoing effort to forecast and monitor the future climate of our continent.
November 30, 1987, marked the start of the inaugural GREENHOUSE conference hosted by Monash University and attended by 260 delegates. The five-day meeting was convened as part of a new federal government plan in response to the burgeoning global awareness of the impending danger of global warming.
The conference’s convenor, the then CSIRO senior research scientist Graeme Pearman, had approached some 100 researchers in the months leading up to the conference. He gave them a scenario of likely climate change for Australia for the next 30 to 50 years, developed with his CSIRO colleague Barrie Pittock, and asked them to forecast the implications for agriculture, farming and other sectors.
As a result, the conference gave rise to a book called Greenhouse: Planning for Climate Change, which outlined rainfall changes, sea-level rise and other physical changes that are now, three decades on, all too familiar. As the contents page reveals, it also tackled impacts on society – everything from insurance to water planning, mosquito-borne diseases, and even ski fields.
Internationally, awareness of global warming had already been building for a couple of decades, and intensifying for a couple of years. While the ozone hole was hogging global headlines, a United Nations scientific meeting in Villach, Austria, in 1985 had issued a statement warning of the dangers posed by carbon dioxide and other greenhouse gases.
Pearman wasn’t at that meeting, but he was familiar with the problem. As he wrote after the 1987 conference, the strength of the Villach statement was “hardly a surprise, as recent evidence had suggested more strongly than ever that climatic change is now probable on timescales of decades”.
Meanwhile, the Commission for the Future, founded by the then federal science minister Barry Jones, was seeking a cause célèbre. The Australian Academy of Science organised a dinner of scientists to suggest possible scientific candidates.
The commission’s chair, Phillip Adams, recalls that problems such as nuclear war, genetic modification, artificial intelligence, were all proposed. Finally, though:
…the last bloke to talk was right at the far end of the table. Very quiet gentleman… He said, ‘You’re all wrong – it’s the dial in my laboratory, and the laboratories of my colleagues around the world.’ He said, ‘Every day, we see the needle going up, because of what we call the greenhouse effect.‘
Summit success
The GREENHOUSE 87 conference was hailed as a great success, creating new scientific networks and momentum. It was what we academics like to call a “field-configuring event”.
British magazine New Scientist covered the conference, while the Australian media reported on Jones’s opening speech, the problems of sea-level rise, and warnings of floods, fire, cyclones and disease
The GREENHOUSE conferences have continued ever since. After a sporadic first couple of decades, the meetings have been held biennally around the country since 2005; the latest was in Hobart in 2015, as there wasn’t a 2017 edition.

What happened next?
The Greenhouse Project helped to spark and channel huge public interest in and concern about climate change in the late 1980s. But politicians fumbled their response, producing a weak National Greenhouse Response Strategy in 1992.
The Commission for the Future was privatised, the federal government declined to fund a follow-up to the Greenhouse Project, and a new campaign group called Greenhouse Action Australia could not sustain itself.
Meanwhile, the scientists kept doing what scientists do: observing, measuring, communicating, refining. Pittock produced many more books and articles. Pearman spoke to Paul Keating’s cabinet in 1994 while it briefly pondered the introduction of a carbon tax. He retired in 2004, having been reprimanded and asked to resign, ironically enough for speaking out about climate change.
As I’ve written previously on The Conversation, Australian policymakers have been well served by scientists, but have sadly taken little real notice. And lest all the blame be put onto the Coalition, let’s remember that one chief scientific adviser, Penny Sackett, quit mid-term in 2011, when Labor was in government. She has never said exactly why, but barely met Kevin Rudd and never met his successor Julia Gillard.
Our problem is not the scientists. It’s not the science. It’s the politics. And it’s not (just) the politicians, it’s the ability (or inability) of citizens’ groups to put the policymakers under sustained and irresistible pressure, to create the new institutions we need for the “looming global-scale failures” we face.

A South Australian coda
While researching this article, I stumbled across the following fact. Fourteen years and a day before the Greenhouse 87 conference had begun, Don Jessop, a Liberal senator for South Australia, made this statement in parliament:
It is quite apparent to world scientists that the silent pollutant, carbon dioxide, is increasing in the atmosphere and will cause us great concern in the future. Other pollutants from conventional fuels are proliferating other gases in the atmosphere, not the least of these being the sulphurous gases which will be causing emphysema and other such health problems if we persist with this type of energy source. Of course, I am putting a case for solar energy. Australia is a country that can well look forward to a very prosperous future if it concentrates on solar energy right now.
That was 44 years ago. No one can say we haven’t been warned.

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Banks Warned Of 'Regulatory Action' As Climate Change Bites Global Economy

The Guardian

Australian Prudential Regulation Authority says it is quizzing companies about their actions to assess climate risks
Australia’s banks have been urged to start adapting to climate change. Photograph: Joel Carrett/AAP
Australia’s financial regulator has stepped-up its warning to banks, lenders and insurers, saying climate change is already impacting the global economy, and flagged the possibility of “regulatory action”.
Geoff Summerhayes from the Australian Prudential Regulation Authority (Apra) revealed it had begun quizzing companies about their actions to assess climate risks, noting it would be demanding more in the future.
Apra also revealed it has established an internal working group to assess the financial risk from climate change and was coordinating an interagency initiative with the corporate watchdog Asic, the Reserve Bank of Australia (RBA) and federal Treasury to examine what risks climate change was posing to Australia’s economy.
In February, Summerhayes put banks, lenders and insurance companies on notice, urging them to start adapting to climate change and warning that the regulator would be “on the front foot on climate risk”.
Now, in the first significant update to Apra’s thinking on the topic since that speech, Summerhayes said Apra’s view was that climate change and society’s response to it “are starting to affect the global economy”.
In an extended version of a speech to the progressive Centre for Policy Development, and circulated to journalists ahead of its delivery, Summerhayes said a shift occurring in the global economy was increasingly being driven by commercial imperatives – investments, innovation and reputational factors – rather than what scientists or policymakers are saying or doing.
“Apra is not a scientific body and I can’t say with 100% conviction to what extent scientists’ predictions of increasing temperatures, rising sea levels, more frequent droughts and more intense storms will impact the Australian economy,” Summerhayes said.
“But what I can tell you with absolute certainty is that the transition to a low-carbon economy is underway and moving quickly.”
Summerhayes reported that a Sustainable Insurance Forum meeting in December was told that “that keeping the planet on track to meet the Paris agreement’s two-degree target could reduce fossil fuel revenues globally by a cumulative $33 trillion by 2040”.
“So while the debate continues about the physical risks, the transition to a low-carbon economy is underway and that means the so-called transition risks are unavoidable,” Summerhayes said.
He noted that Apra would be conducting a survey of entities it regulated over the next few months, to find out what the emerging best practice was, and that there is a global trend towards a requirement for companies to disclose climate-related risks.
Summerhayes said Apra had already begun scrutinising the financial sector in this regard and had begun coordinating with other agencies.
He said the regulator had already been asking questions of companies about what they have done in relation to his comments in February and said over time they will expect “more sophisticated answers, especially from well-resourced and complex entities”.
He said the inter-agency initiative created between Apra, Asic, the RBA and Treasury would investigate whether companies are taking steps to protect themselves and their customers from the physical, transitional and liability risks caused by climate change.
The involvement of Asic in the initiative is interesting following advice from Noel Hutley SC last year finding company directors who do not properly consider the material impacts of climate change on their business risk personal liability for breach of duty.
“So whether due to regulatory action or – more likely – pressure from investors and consumers, Australia’s financial sector can expect to see more emphasis on discourse around climate risk exposure and management,” Summerhayes said.

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A Poison In Our Island

ABC Foreign Correspondent - Mark Willacy

Rising seas caused by climate change are seeping inside a United States nuclear waste dump on a remote and low-lying Pacific atoll, flushing out radioactive substances left behind from some of the world’s largest atomic weapons tests.


The dome comes into view
The size of the dome on the sliver of land it sits on can be seen in this aerial shot. ABC: Greg Nelson

“We call it the tomb,” says Christina Aningi, the head teacher of Enewetak’s only school.
“The children understand that we have a poison in our island.”
It’s “Manit Day” on Enewetak Atoll, a celebration of Marshall Islands culture when the Pacific nation’s troubled past seems a distant memory.
Schoolchildren sit cross-legged on the coral sands as they sing of the islands and atolls, the sunshine and the breeze; “flowers and moonlight, swaying palm trees”.

A schoolgirl holds a sign reading "Happy Manit Day", a Marshall Islands' national celebration. Foreign Correspondent: Greg Nelson
A colourful sign welcomes visitors to Enewetak Atoll. ABC News
Kids have grown up on Enewetak but some of their parents can remember returning to the island. Foreign Correspondent: Greg Nelson
Locals hope their return to Enewetak will not be short lived, but climate change threatens to change that. Foreign Correspondent: Greg Nelson
They were born decades after the last nuclear explosion ripped through the warm Pacific air with a thunderous roar. But it’s hard to escape the long echo of the bombs.
“Gone are the days when we live in fear, fear of the bombs, guns and nuclear,” they sing.
“This is the time ... this is my country, this is my land.”
But those old fears, thought to be long buried, are threatening to reawaken in their island paradise.


On an atoll in the far-flung west of the Marshall Islands, halfway between Australia and Hawaii, sits “the dome”. Approaching from the water, it’s hard to appreciate the true scale of the concrete vault, with its shallow profile obscured by palm trees and scrub. But from the air it looks like a giant flying saucer has crashed on the tip of a deserted island. Buried beneath this vast disc is 85,000 cubic metres of radioactive waste — a toxic legacy from the dawning of the thermonuclear age.

In the late 1970s, Runit Island, on the remote Enewetak Atoll, was the scene of the largest nuclear clean-up in United States history.
Highly contaminated debris left over from dozens of atomic weapons tests was dumped into a 100-metre wide bomb crater on the tip of the uninhabited island.
US Army engineers sealed it up with a half-metre thick concrete cap almost the size of an Australian football ground, then left the island.
Now with sea levels rising, water has begun to penetrate the dome.

A shot of the dome in the 1970s, shortly after it was constructed. Supplied: Ken Kasik
Soldiers digging nuclear waste on Enewetak Atoll. Supplied: Ken Kasik
Getting checked by the Geiger Counter. Supplied: Ken Kasik
A report commissioned by the US Department of Energy in 2013 found that radioactive materials were leeching out, threatening the already tenuous existence of Enewetak locals.
“That dome is the connection between the nuclear age and the climate change age,” says Marshall Islands climate change activist Alson Kelen.
“It’ll be a very devastating event if it really leaks. We’re not just talking the Marshall Islands, we’re talking the whole Pacific.”
The dome on Runit Island with a crater left behind by another nuclear test. Foreign Correspondent: Greg Nelson
Looking straight down on the dome and its nearby water-filled crater. Foreign Correspondent: Greg Nelson
The dome is unguarded on a low-lying Pacific atoll. Foreign Correspondent: Greg Nelson
The United States detonated 43 atomic bombs around the island chain in the 1940s and 50s.
Four of Enewetak’s 40 islands were completely vaporised by the tests, with one thermonuclear blast leaving a two-kilometre-wide crater where an island had been just moments before.
Enewetak’s population had been re-located to another island in the Marshalls ahead of the tests.
Residents would only be allowed to return home more than three decades later — some on the island today can still recall returning to Enewetak as children.
As part of the clean-up process, Washington set aside funds to build the dome as a temporary storage facility, and initial plans included lining the porous bottom of its crater with concrete.
But in the end, that was deemed too expensive.
“The bottom of the dome is just what was left behind by the nuclear weapons explosion,” says Michael Gerrard, the chair of Columbia University’s Earth Institute in New York.
“It’s permeable soil. There was no effort to line it. And therefore, the seawater is inside the dome.”
“That dome is the connection between the nuclear age and the climate change age.”
“That dome is the connection between the nuclear age and the climate change age.”
Marshall Islands climate change activist Alson Kelen
The sun sets in a riot of gold over the Pacific with Enewetak Atoll in the foreground, Marshall Islands, October 2017. Foreign Correspondent: Greg Nelson
Locals rarely set foot on Runit Island. They’re fearful of the lingering radiation from the dome and because it’s been ruled off-limits.
To this day, only three islands along Enewetak Atoll’s slender rim are considered safe enough for human habitation.
“[The other islands were] too hot, too radioactive to worry about,” says Giff Johnson, publisher of the Marshall Islands Journal, the country’s only newspaper.
“There was no point [cleaning them up].”
After the fall-out from the atomic testing, life for the people of Enewetak went from a traditional existence of fishing and subsistence living to one where the waters that once supported their livelihoods were now polluted.
On the main island, where most of the atoll’s few hundred people now live, concerns about the radioactive contamination of the food chain has seen a shift away from a traditional diet of fish and coconut.
The US Department of Energy has even banned exports of fish and copra from Enewetak because of the ongoing contamination.
The vast bulk of foodstuffs are now brought into the island by barge, and that means islanders are reliant on imported canned and processed goods like Spam that have triggered health problems such as diabetes.
The shelves of Enewetak’s only store are largely filled with American brand chocolate bars, lollies and potato chips.
A rusty hulk offshore from a green, palm tree-clad island. Foreign Correspondent: Greg Nelson
US Army equipment is a reminder of Enewetak's nuclear past. Foreign Correspondent: Greg Nelson
Grave stones amid the palm trees. ABC News
Locals sometimes visit Runit to scavenge from scrap copper left behind by the Americans, selling it for a few dollars to a Chinese merchant.
For 30 years, Jack Niedenthal has helped the people of neighbouring Bikini Atoll fight for compensation for the 23 atomic tests conducted there.
“To me, it’s like this big monument to America’s giant f--k up,” says Niedenthal.
“This could cause some really big problems for the rest of mankind if all that goes underwater, because it’s plutonium and cement.”
Some of the debris buried beneath the dome includes plutonium-239, a fissile isotope used in nuclear warheads which is one of the most toxic substances on earth.
It has a radioactive half-life of 24,100 years.


From the top of the dome, the view is dominated by ocean — the rolling waves of the Pacific to the east, the calm azure surface of the atoll lagoon to the west. A deep bomb crater from another atomic test is carved into the coral just a few metres away. Despite Runit Island being officially off-limits, the dome lies unmarked and unguarded. Its position on the very edge of the shoreline reinforces just how vulnerable and exposed this nuclear waste dump is.

Cracks are visible in the dome’s surface and brackish liquid pools around its rim.
“Already the sea sometimes washes over [the dome] in a large storm,” says Columbia University’s Michael Gerrard.
“The United States Government has acknowledged that a major typhoon could break it apart and cause all of the radiation in it to disperse.”
While Professor Gerrard would like the US to reinforce the dome, a 2014 US Government report says a catastrophic failure of the structure would not necessarily lead to a change in the contamination levels in the waters surrounding it.
“We call it the tomb. The children understand that we have a poison in our island.”
Christina Aningi, the head teacher of Enewetak's only school
Locals gather inside the church on Enewetak Island. Foreign Correspondent: Greg Nelson
A comforting note of assurance stapled to the wall. Foreign Correspondent: Greg Nelson
A new generation faces an uncertain future on the island. Foreign Correspondent: Greg Nelson
Locals gather around a police ute. Foreign Correspondent: Greg Nelson
“I’m persuaded that the radiation outside the dome is as bad as the radiation inside the dome,” says Professor Gerrard.
“And therefore, it is a tragic irony that the US Government may be right, that if this material were to be released that the already bad state of the environment around there wouldn’t get that much worse.”
But that is cold comfort to the people of Enewetak, who fear they may have to be relocated once again if the dome collapses or crumbles.
“If it does [crack] open most of the people here will be no more,” says Ms Aningi.
 “This is like a graveyard for us, waiting for it to happen.”
Sunset on the beach on Enewetak Atoll, Marshall Islands, October 2017. Foreign Correspondent: Greg Nelson
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Lethal Heating is a citizens' initiative