17/09/2018

Australia Has No Climate-Change Policy — Again

NatureAdam Morton

Scientists say the country will now struggle to meet it commitments to the Paris agreement.
Large parts of Australia are enduring a crippling drought. Credit: David Gray/Reuters
Australia’s new prime minister has abandoned the country’s policy for cutting greenhouse-gas emissions. Climate scientists say the move means the government has effectively dropped its commitment to the 2015 Paris climate agreement.
“They’ve walked away from Paris without saying it, hoping no one would notice,” says Lesley Hughes, a climate-change scientist at Macquarie University in Sydney. Without a policy to cut carbon dioxide pollution, the government is dropping its international commitment by default, she says.
Australia now becomes the second advanced economy after the United States to drop emissions-reduction policies since the 2015 Paris climate conference. President Donald Trump signed an executive order to start removing climate regulations in March 2017 and pulled the US out of the Paris agreement in June 2017.
Australia’s effective abandonment of Paris can be traced back to late August, when the ruling conservative Liberal Party abruptly replaced former leader Malcolm Turnbull with Prime Minister Scott Morrison. The leadership change came after some party members objected to a policy that would have required electricity companies to meet emissions targets. Morrison subsequently said that he was abandoning the policy, called the National Energy Guarantee (NEG), and would instead focus on reducing the cost of energy for the public.
The NEG is the fourth national climate policy rejected by Australia’s conservative government since it was elected in 2013, and comes as large parts of country feel the effects of global warming — a crippling drought grips the eastern states and dozens of bushfires have erupted unseasonably early in those regions.
Some government members have even suggested that the country should join the Trump administration in officially withdrawing from the Paris agreement. Morrison has rejected this idea. He says Australia is on track to meet the target it announced before the Paris conference: to cut emissions by 26–28% below 2005 levels by 2030.
But there is little evidence to suggest the government will be able to meet this target without new policies. In August, government advisers said it was unlikely that the electricity sector, responsible for one-third of Australia’s emissions, would reduce its emissions by 26% unless a policy was introduced to drive cleaner energy generation over the next decade.
National emissions have risen each year since 2014, when the government repealed laws requiring big industrial emitters to pay for their emissions. There are also no significant policies to reduce the other major sources of pollution, such as transport, agriculture, heavy industry and mining, which together generate nearly two-thirds of Australia’s carbon emissions.
Although the NEG was a modest policy, proposed after several more effective schemes failed to win political support, it had the potential to win the backing of the centre-left opposition Labor Party, says John Church, a specialist in sea-level rise at the Climate Change Research Centre (CCRC) at the University of New South Wales in Sydney. That would have enabled the policy to pass through parliament and into law. The policy also had the support of the business community, which has been calling for climate and energy strategies that encourage investment in new and cleaner power plants, he says. “Walking away from it was a disaster.”
Sarah Perkins-Kirkpatrick, an authority on heatwaves, also at the CCRC, says government motivation to do something about climate change seems to have disappeared altogether. When she briefed senior officials on the latest climate-change science in August, she left the meeting feeling optimistic that more policies were coming. “People were trying to get things done, but now that’s not the case at all,” she says. “I’m extremely frustrated.”

Public concern
The decision to drop the policy also goes against the public’s support for action on climate change, says Hughes. A poll of 1,756 people, published on 12 September by research and advocacy organization the Australia Institute, found that 73% of respondents were concerned about climate change and 68% wanted domestic climate targets in line with the country’s Paris commitment.
But Australia’s lack of climate policy could be short-lived. A national election is due by May 2019, and recent polls suggest that the Labor Party, led by former union boss Bill Shorten, is favoured to win. Labor says it would set a new emissions target of a 45% cut by 2030, although it has not revealed how it would reach the target. In the meantime, some states have mandated ambitious renewable-energy targets, and business leaders say investment in clean energy is increasing because it is now the cheapest option.

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'Tsunami' Of New Wind And Solar Projects Drives Renewables Output To A Record

Fairfax - Peter Hannam

Large-scale solar's contribution to the grid is just beginning to soar. Photo: Supplied
Talking points
  • Wind, solar and hydro supplied 25.6% of the National Electricity Market in August.
  • South Australia led mainland states, with renewables including solar supplying 58% of power.
  • SA and Victoria, the mainland states with the largest clean energy share, had the lowest wholesale prices.
  • New renewables planned to be online by the end of 2020 would equal almost a 10th of generation over the past year.
Renewable energy supplied more than a quarter of the National Electricity Market last month amid windy weather and a "tsunami of new wind and solar projects" reaching completion, The Australia Institute said.
The progressive think tank's latest energy and emission audit found renewables including hydro and rooftop solar generated a record 25.6 per cent of electricity supplied to the market that serves about four in five Australians.
Clean energy's share of total grid supply for the 12 months to August was 16.1 per cent, beating the previous peak reached in the 12 months to 2014 when hydro plants went full-bore to take advantage of the carbon price before its scrapping by the Abbott government.
When rooftop solar is added, the 12-month share rose to 19.7 per cent - or not far shy of the 2020 Renewable Energy Target set for large-scale renewables.

Source: The Australia Institute
Wholesale prices - which are one component of what households and businesses pay for power - were lowest last month in South Australia at $72 per megawatt-hour. The state sourced 55 per cent of electricity from renewables and 58 per cent when rooftop solar was added, Hugh Saddler, an analyst with The Australia Institute, said.
Victoria's price of $79 per MW-hour was next lowest among mainland states. Renewable projects are surging in that state, with their share of supply jumping by a half in three years from 12.3 per cent to 18.9 per cent.
NSW had the most expensive wholesale power last month at $82 per MW-hour. Clean energy - including hydro running hard - reached only 14 per cent of supply in the state. NSW sources 12 per cent of its power from Victoria or Queensland, the report found.
There were record levels of renewable energy in August. Photo: Supplied
Coal debate
Dr Saddler said since the end of April, new wind farms had lifted capacity by 14 per cent while new solar farms had almost doubled capacity, though from a much smaller base.
"There's no sign of any slowdown of new projects coming on line," he said, noting these would include the 928 MW of new capacity announced last week by the Andrews government as part of its Victorian Renewable Energy Target.
Over the next two years new renewables would increase capacity by almost a 10th, or the equivalent of twice the size of AGL's ailing Liddell coal-fired power plant, the report estimates.
Despite the surge in renewables, the Morrison government continued to discuss the prospect of new coal-fired power stations, a stance at odds with market trends.
"The future is about coal - but about when the coal-fired power stations close," Dr Saddler, who is also an honorary professor at the Australian National University, said.
The rise of renewables meant emissions from the electricity sector continued to retreat, with wind and solar nudging out black coal-fired power. Still, rising fossil fuel use in the transport sector meant total energy combustion emissions "are basically flat", he said.

'Bodyblow'
In a separate blow to coal-fired power, Japan's Marubeni Corporation, one of world's largest developers of coal plants, was reported to be withdrawing from new projects.
Japan's Nikkei said Marubeni would also halve the ownership of plants it already held by 2030 and accelerate its shift to renewable energy.
Tim Buckley, an analyst with anti-fossil fuel group the Institute for Energy Economics and Financial Analysis, said the news that Marubeni was shifting its global weight behind renewables was "a bodyblow to the global coal industry and a profoundly important endorsement of the aims of the Paris Climate Agreement".
"It is inevitable that other global coal plant developers like POSCO of South Korea, Siemens of Germany and GE of America will be forced to evaluate their own position in light of Marubeni’s decision," he said.

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16/09/2018

Utilities Have A Problem: The Public Wants 100% Renewable Energy, And Quick

VoxDavid Roberts

The industry is groping for ways to talk the public down.
American as apple pie. Shutterstock
Renewable energy is hot. It has incredible momentum, not only in terms of deployment and costs but in terms of public opinion and cultural cachet. To put it simply: Everyone loves renewable energy. It’s cleaner, it’s high-tech, it’s new jobs, it’s the future.
And so more and more big energy customers are demanding the full meal deal: 100 percent renewable energy.
The Sierra Club notes that so far in the US, more than 80 cities, five counties, and two states have committed to 100 percent renewables. Six cities have already hit the target.
The group RE100 tracks 144 private companies across the globe that have committed to 100 percent renewables, including Google, Ikea, Apple, Facebook, Microsoft, Coca-Cola, Nike, GM, and, uh, Lego.
The timing of all these targets (and thus their stringency) varies, everywhere from 2020 to 2050, but cumulatively, they are beginning to add up. Even if policymakers never force power utilities to produce renewable energy through mandates, if all the biggest customers demand it, utilities will be mandated to produce it in all but name.
The rapid spread and evident popularity of the 100 percent target has created an alarming situation for power utilities. Suffice to say, while there are some visionary utilities in the country, as an industry, they tend to be extremely small-c conservative.
They do not like the idea of being forced to transition entirely to renewable energy, certainly not in the next 10 to 15 years. For one thing, most of them don’t believe the technology exists to make 100 percent work reliably; they believe that even with lots of storage, variable renewables will need to be balanced out by “dispatchable” power plants like natural gas. For another thing, getting to 100 percent quickly would mean lots of “stranded assets,” i.e., shutting down profitable fossil fuel power plants.
LightRocket via Getty Images
In short, their customers are stampeding in a direction that terrifies them.
The industry’s dilemma is brought home by a recent bit of market research and polling done on behalf of the Edison Electric Institute, a trade group for utilities. It was distributed at a recent meeting of EEI board members and executives and shared with me.
The work was done by the market research firm Maslansky & Partners, which analyzed existing utility messaging, interviewed utility execs and environmentalists, ran a national opinion survey, and did a couple of three-hour sit-downs with “media informed customers” in Minneapolis and Phoenix.
The results are striking. They do a great job of laying out the public opinion landscape on renewables, showing where different groups have advantages and disadvantages.
The takeaway: Renewables are a public opinion juggernaut. Being against them is no longer an option. The industry’s best and only hope is to slow down the stampede a bit (and that’s what they plan to try).

100 percent renewables is a wildly popular goal
The core of the industry’s dilemma is captured in this slide (on the left is the industry perspective):




Utilities don’t think it is wise or feasible to go 100 percent renewables. But the public loves it.
And I mean loves it. Check out these numbers from the opinion survey:


In our polarized age, here is something we almost all agree on: Renewable energy is awesome.
Here’s the most striking slide in the presentation:


In case you don’t feel like squinting, let me draw your attention to the fact that a majority of those surveyed (51 percent) believe that 100 percent renewables is a good idea even if it raises their energy bills by 30 percent.
That is wild. As anyone who’s been in politics a while knows, Americans don’t generally like people raising their bills, much less by a third. A majority that still favors it? That is political dynamite.
Insofar as utilities were in a public relations war over renewables, they’ve lost. They face a tidal wave. So what can they do?

Explaining why 100% renewables is impossible backfires
What they can’t do is tell customers why they can’t do it. Customers do not want to hear excuses.
They tested the following message (this is an excerpt, with emphasis added): “Today, we can choose between a balanced energy mix, which provides reliable energy whenever we need it, and 100% renewable energy. But we cannot have both. We also need to consider the costs. ... The logistics, resources, and costs would be immense.”
Nope. Customers didn’t want to hear it.
“You could tell what side he was leaning toward,” said one Phoenix focus-group participant. “He offered no solutions. It was just problem, problem, problem.”
“I want to hear about how the work would get done,” said a Minneapolis participant. “I don’t want to hear him complain about how much work it will take.”
Other can’t-do arguments drew similar reactions:


Can’t-do arguments get a company branded as anti-renewables, and that means Bad Guy. After that, customers aren’t listening.
If they want people to keep listening, utilities must begin by convincing them that they are on board with renewables. Thus, the very first piece of advice on “framing the conversation” reads, “Positive, pro-renewable message first ... every time.”
An anti-renewables message, even a message that implies anti-renewables, is simply untenable.
That is worth noting. It’s something I’m not sure US climate hawks or political types have entirely internalized. There aren’t many contested political issues on which public opinion is so unequivocally on one side.

The public might be willing to let the experts work out the details
So utilities must convince customers that they support renewable energy, first thing, off the bat. (The best way to do that, of the options tested, was telling customers about investments — highlighting the rising level of investment in renewables. Money talks.)
If they can make that key connection, then they can swing the conversation around. Once customers are convinced that utilities are sincere about supporting renewables, they become more open to the message that getting to 100 percent will take some time, that it needs to be done deliberately, and that costs need to be taken into account.
“Given the cost and the complexities of it, it should be done gradually,” one Phoenix respondent said. “Not the next five years, but maybe by the end of our lifetimes,” said another.
The researchers tested the following message (excerpted): “[A balanced energy mix] helps us maintain consistent service for our customers and avoids over-reliance on a single fuel type or technology. This means we’re able to bring our customers increasingly more renewable energy without asking them to compromise on reliability or cost.”
That worked much better. “It seemed like we all have the same goal that we’re working toward,” said a respondent in Minneapolis. “In the meantime, they’ll use a balance to serve us. It’s sensible.”
In fact, in terms of reasons not to rely entirely on renewables, by far the most potent argument was that it would slow the transition to clean energy: “We can get to cleaner energy faster and more effectively if we use a range of sources and technologies.”
The state-of-the-art message for utilities, then, is this: Yes, we want to pursue renewables, but to protect consumers, we want to do it in a way that is “balanced, gradual, affordable, [and] reliable.” That means we should avoid, ahem, “short-term mandates.”




(How much this message will merely cover for efforts to block legislation and slow the transition depends on the utility.)

On renewables, “yes, but” is the only countermessage left
So where does this leave us in terms of the messaging landscape?
In the 100 percent renewables debate, there are roughly three camps, at least among the researchers, energy executives, climate advocates, and journalists who pay attention to these sorts of things.
The first, with most activists and advocates, supports 100 percent renewables as a clear, intuitive, and inspiring target, an effective way to rally public support and speed the transition.
The second camp believes that the cheaper, safer way to get to carbon-free electricity is not to rely entirely on renewables but to supplement them with “firm” zero-carbon alternatives like hydro, nuclear, geothermal, biomass, or fossil fuels with carbon capture and sequestration. (See this paper, from a group of MIT researchers, for the best articulation of that argument.) This camp supports the strategy California has taken, which is to mandate 100 percent “zero carbon” rather than “renewable” resources, to leave flexibility.
The third camp, containing many utilities and conservatives, flatly doesn’t believe 100 percent carbon-free electricity is possible anytime soon, and would just as soon not close working fossil fuel power plants before the end of their profitable lives. They would like to continue balancing the rising share of renewables with natural gas.
The first camp has won the public’s heart. Big time. Everyone, even those gritting their teeth, has to signal support for renewables if they want to be taken seriously.
There is some room for the third camp to convince the public that the transition to renewables needs to proceed carefully and “gradually.” That’s the ground advocates and utilities will be fighting on in coming years: not whether to go, but how fast. (There’s a lot of room within “not the next five years, but maybe by the end of our lifetimes.”)
Get used to it. Shutterstock
And there is some room for the second camp to convince the public that the transition to clean energy is best achieved by relying on sources beyond renewable energy, or at least by not locking ourselves into renewables prematurely. One of the survey’s findings is that under a range of questions, the public does not have a strong preference between increasing renewables and reducing carbon emissions. I doubt most people differentiate the two at all — they are vaguely good, environmental-ish things.
Similarly, I doubt the public at large will care much about the distinction between “renewable” and “clean,” which serves as a pretty good argument for the California approach. (The California approach, or at least earlier variants of it, has helped keep existing nuclear plants running in Illinois and New York.)
But these are implementation details. The decarbonization ship has sailed. Renewable energy is in the vanguard and, at least for now, it appears unstoppable. At this point, it is difficult to imagine what could turn the public against it. (Perhaps a giant wind spill?) The more relevant question is when lawmakers will catch on to renewable energy’s full political potential.
The basic message from the public, if I could pull together all the strands of the research, is this: We want clean, modern energy, and we’ll pay for it. We’re willing to let experts work out the details, but we don’t want to hear that it can’t be done. Just do it.
Utilities can’t make that sentiment go away, though they can and will try to soften it. In the meantime, in the off-chance that their messaging efforts fail, they’d better get serious about giving customers the clean energy they want.

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Drought-Stricken Farmers Challenge Coalition's Climate Change Stance In TV Ad

The Guardian

‘We need to stick to the Paris agreement, we need to stop burning coal and we need to commit to more renewable energy,’ Longreach farmer says
Jody Brown on her property in Longreach, Queensland, Australia, appearing in a new ad campaign linking drought and climate change. Australian Conservation Foundation
“This drought has really hit our family hard,” says Longreach farmer Jody Brown. “Climate change is making the droughts more severe.”
Those two sentences are the opening lines to a new advertisement challenging the federal government’s stance on climate change and the drought in Australia’s eastern states.
The 30-second ad will begin airing on commercial channels this week and will be beamed into politically important suburban areas of Australia’s three largest capital cities during the NRL grand final on 30 September.
The advertisement has been paid for by the Australian Conservation Foundation and features Brown, a sheep and cattle farmer who runs a 45,000 acre property 65km south of Longreach in central west Queensland.
Brown is a fourth-generation grazier whose family property has been affected by drought.
In the clip, she calls for “politicians to stop dancing around the issue and help us to do something about this”.
“We need to stick to the Paris agreement, we need to stop burning coal and we need to commit to more renewable energy,” she says.

Longreach sheep and cattle farmer Jody Brown features in the new Australian Conservation Foundation ad about drought and climate change. 

The campaign comes after the prime minister, Scott Morrison, described the drought as his highest priority but said the conversation about the connection between drought and climate change should be left “for another day”.
Last week hundreds of farmers and their supporters rallied outside Parliament House in Canberra demanding action on climate change.
Farmers for Climate Action board member and third-generation NSW farmer Peter Holding told the crowd that praying for rain – referencing comments by Morrison earlier this month – “is not going to cut it”.
Brown said she had become increasingly disappointed at Canberra’s unwillingness to discuss the current drought in the context of climate change.
“I think no matter where you stand or what your perspective is, droughts are part of a climate and you can’t separate those two issues,” she said.
“If you’re going to be serious about supporting farmers through drought and adapting to drought-stricken conditions, you need to be talking about climate change.”
She said many farmers were already changing their practices to try to adapt to warmer temperatures.
“It’s not going to work for everyone but there are some interesting management solutions out there,” she said. “These are the kinds of things I’d like to see governments working on as well.”
Kelly O’Shanassy, the chief executive of the Australian Conservation Foundation, said Australia could no longer put off talking about how climate change is making extreme weather events worse.
“We are launching this TV ad to try prompt the national discussion our prime minister doesn’t seem to want to have,” she said.
“Farmers, along with many others in our community, are on the frontline of climate damage. We must have their backs. Inaction on climate change both here and abroad has real-world implications for the safety and productivity of our country.”
A poll published last week showed the Morrison government is politically vulnerable on climate policy, with a growing number of Australians saying they are concerned about climate change and want action.
The prime minister has declared Australia will not pull out of Paris but also abandoned the national energy guarantee that imposed an emissions reduction target on the electricity sector.
New data published by NDEVR Environmental on Friday shows Australia is on track to miss its Paris targets, and the country’s emissions, excluding land use data, were the highest on record for the third year running.

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15/09/2018

Land Conservation Steps Into Limelight As Key Climate Change Fix

ReutersGregory Scruggs

SAN FRANCISCO - From U.S. states to retail giant Walmart, governments and businesses pledged to protect natural lands that help brake global warming at an international climate summit this week.
Important ecosystems like Brazil’s Cerrado savanna and Malaysia’s Borneo rainforest also got a boost from donors allocating new money for their conservation.
Important ecosystems like Brazil's Cerrado savanna and Malaysia's Borneo rainforest also got a boost from donors allocating new money for their conservation. (Image Credit: Twitter)

Cutting down trees to grow crops or for timber, and other uses of land for food production and forestry, contribute about a quarter of global climate-changing emissions each year.
But efforts to keep peatlands, forests, mangroves and other vegetation intact receive only 3 percent of global climate finance, according to conservation group WWF.
“Land has emerged as a priority topic,” WWF’s climate lead Manuel Pulgar-Vidal, former Peruvian environment minister, told the Thomson Reuters Foundation on the sidelines of the meeting.
At the Global Climate Action Summit, which ends Friday, 17 U.S. states pledged to measure the carbon storage capacity of their forests, and incorporate land conservation into their greenhouse gas reduction plans by 2020.
States like Hawaii have already begun to restore native forests on former farmland in order to capture more carbon, like the 5,500-acre (2,225-hectare) Pu’u Mali Forest.
“We have more agricultural land than we need to produce more of the food that we want to eat,” Hawaii Governor David Ige said by telephone from Honolulu.
Other states view conservation of natural land as essential, but they flagged the lack of financial incentives to discourage landowners from selling up to real estate developers.
“The greatest threat to the Washington state environment is the conversion of working forests and lands,” Washington’s Commissioner of Public Lands Hilary Franz said in an interview.
Globally, 18.8 million acres (7.6 million hectares) of forests are converted for agriculture, livestock or human infrastructure use annually, WWF says.
Franz also highlighted the threat posed to forests by wildfires, which some scientists believe are becoming more frequent and intense due to climate change.
More than 7 million acres have burned in close to 48,000 wildfires in the United States so far in 2018, according to the U.S. National Interagency Fire Center.
To help local governments manage land more effectively, new money is starting to flow.
The Global Environment Facility announced $500 million on Thursday for a new program to help farmers and ranchers increase their yields without encroaching on more forest land.
And the Governors’ Climate and Forests Task Force, composed of state leaders from Brazil, Indonesia and the United States, announced $25 million in grants for forest restoration.
U.S. retailer Walmart Inc adopted “science-based targets” to reduce emissions from its supply chain, and said it would hire environmental groups to vet the forest-friendly credentials of its suppliers for materials like palm oil and wood pulp.
These pledges will contribute to a new goal announced at the summit of providing 30 percent of the planet’s needed climate change solutions through land-based measures by 2030.
“Countries must advance more of these conversations to set science-based targets and develop land-based solutions that will help mitigate the worst effects of climate change,” said WWF’s Pulgar-Vidal.

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When Trees Make Rain: Could Restoring Forests Help Ease Drought In Australia?

ABC ScienceNick Kilvert

If you've ever walked in a rainforest or even a greenhouse, you'll know that the air inside is heavy with moisture.
This phenomenon is caused by trees releasing water vapour through pores in their leaves called stomata.
We also know that many big forests, and rainforests in particular, tend to get more rain than surrounding areas — hence the name.
Although people have guessed that forests could help make rain, it's always been a chicken-or-egg scenario: do forests make rain or do areas with high rainfall grow forests?
An expanding body of evidence supports the idea that forests, in the right conditions, not only make rain locally but also hundreds of kilometres away.
In Australia, we've cut down nearly 40 per cent of our forests in the past 200 years, leaving a fragmented landscape in their place.
In Queensland, more than one million hectares have been cleared since 2012, and New South Wales and the Northern Territory have also recently increased logging.
So if forests create rain, and we've chopped down almost half, have we affected the amount of rainfall we get?
And is there any evidence that returning more land to forest could bring more rain?

What's the evidence that trees make rain?
In the southern Amazon, the tree canopy turns a light shade of green as trees put out fresh shoots two to three months before the onset of the official wet season.
Around the same time, researchers have noticed that the forest tends to build up low-lying cloud and rains increase.
Last year, researchers showed that the "greening" of the forest and increased atmospheric moisture were connected, and they used a hydrogen isotope to do it.
The deuterium isotope appears in vapour from trees in the same concentration as in groundwater.
Isotopes are two or more forms of the same element that have different numbers of neutrons in their nuclei, and therefore have different atomic mass.
When water evaporates from the ocean, the heavier hydrogen isotope deuterium is usually left behind in favour of the lighter protium isotope.
Water vapour produced by trees, on the other hand, has a much higher deuterium concentration.
The researchers used NASA's Aura satellite to analyse the level of deuterium present in the vapour above the Amazon during the early build up of rain.
They found the increased water vapour was almost certainly coming off the forest.
"[The level of deuterium was] too high to be explained by water vapor from the ocean," University of California researcher Rong Fu said at the time.
Later toward the wet season proper, the concentration of deuterium in the atmosphere above the forest reduced, as moisture was transported from the coast by increasing winds.
The researchers suspect that early rain from the forest triggers atmospheric circulation that begins pulling in moist coastal air, which eventuates in even more rain.
In other words, the moisture from the forest is kickstarting an early wet season.

If we've been chopping down forest in Australia, have we affected our rainfall?
The evidence for what is called "recycling of rainfall" in the Amazon has been proven beyond doubt, according to Andy Pitman from University of New South Wales. But that world-renowned rainforest is also massive.
"There's really strong evidence from isotopic analysis that on average, a molecule of water falls four to six times as it flows across the Amazon. No argument," Professor Pitman said.
"In the [Australian] tropics, there would be a similar process operating, but instead of a huge, great blob like the Amazon, you have a nice, thin pencil line of forests [along the coast].
Almost 40 per cent of Australia's forests have been cleared.
"What happens is the air masses are coming in from the oceans, flowing across this pencil line, and the notion that that would generate enough moisture to make a significant impact on rainfall is pretty unlikely."
Although difficult to quantify, recycling of rainfall is likely to occur to some extent over Australia's larger forests such as in the Blue Mountains, according to Professor Pitman.
A 2013 International Journal of Sustainable Development paper argued that a significant portion of rainfall disruption in Western Australia had wrongly been attributed to climate change.
Around 50 per cent of native forests in the state's south-west were cleared between the 1960s and 1980s, which coincided with a decrease of around 16 per cent in inland rainfall compared to coastal rain, according to University of Western Australia researcher Mark Andrich.
"Around half of the rainfall decline, at least up until the year 2000, is a result of land clearing," Dr Andrich told the ABC at the time.
Historic clearing on the east coast has had a comparable impact, according to Clive McAlpine from the University of Queensland.
"Especially in southeast Australia around the Murray-Darlin Basin area," he said.
"We have shown in those El Nino years [deforestation] makes the drought worse."
While there are differing views on whether Australian forests produce enough water vapour to also produce rain, there is less division over forests reducing temperature.
"They certainly have an impact on temperature," Professor Pitman said.
Professor McAlpine's research has also shown this.
"Trees are a micro-climate, they cool the land surface. We've done a little bit of work with satellites which shows that temperatures are 2 to 3 degrees hotter in areas that have got no trees," he said.
"In 2003 which was a bad El Nino year, it was 2 degrees hotter over a large area of eastern Australia [due to] historical clearing."

So could regrowing forests influence drought?
In regions dominated by tropical rainforest, research has shown that those forests can significantly influence broad-scale rain patterns.
A 2012 paper in Nature found that air that had passed over large tropical forests produced around double the rainfall of air that hadn't, and fell up to one thousand kilometres away.
Almost 40 per cent of Australia's forests have been cleared.
But in Australia, recycling of rainfall is more localised, according to Professor McAlpine's research.
"It's not big weather systems, it's the convective, local evapotranspiration and recycling of moisture back into the atmosphere from the vegetation that seems to have the strongest benefit," he said.
His team used models to predict the rainfall benefit that could result from regrowing Australia's cleared forests.
They experimented with keeping the "most profitable" agricultural lands cleared and returned "marginal land" to forest.
"We still had a significant benefit in terms of rainfall and temperature from restoring that vegetation," Professor McAlpine said.
"A lot of that could be restored just by letting the regrowth [take over]. Stopping clearing and letting it regenerate."
And although Professor Pitman believes forest regeneration would provide minimal benefit to rainfall, there are plenty of other reasons why it's a good idea.
"It's not a silver bullet, but it has to help, for several reasons," he said.
"First of all, it does cool, and that's no bad thing. It does produce moisture into the atmosphere, that's no bad thing. It helps with biodiversity. And it's a carbon sink. These are all good things."

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The Global Fight Against Climate Change Just Stalled. The Clock To Restart It Is Ticking

TIMEJustin Worland


When President Donald Trump announced last year that he would withdraw the U.S. from the Paris Agreement on climate change, other world leaders pledged that they would not slow their own efforts down.
But the fight against climate change has now hit a roadblock.
Several key countries are not meeting the commitments they laid out to reduce emissions even before the Paris Agreement was negotiated, heightening concerns about ongoing negotiations on how to implement the global climate pact.
Here in San Francisco, where California Gov. Jerry Brown has convened a summit of government officials, climate activists and environmental policymakers, enthusiasm runs high for a wide range of climate change initiatives that will move the needle on global emissions, but top figures in the climate world also acknowledge that current efforts are not enough to stem serious climate change.
“The world is not achieving the goals under Paris. It’s stalled,” Brown tells TIME. “We’ve got to wake up.”
A report released last year by the United Nations Environment Programme showed that current commitments will result in temperatures rising more than 5.5°F by 2100, far short of the goal of keeping temperature rise below 3.6°F. And countries aren’t even living up those promises.
The report pointed to a long list of G20 countries who were not on track to keep their promises to cut emissions: Argentina, Australia, Canada, the European Union, Indonesia, Japan, Mexico, South Africa, South Korea and the U.S.
The report was intended to galvanize countries into action, but progress has remained stagnant since then. An attempt to implement a strong climate change policy toppled the Australian Prime Minister last month, killing any chance that the country will reach its goal. Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau’s plan to forge ahead with national carbon pricing has received pushback that threatens its survival, not to mention his own political chances in his reelection campaign next year.
Some leaders at the E.U. — including the head of the European Commission Jean-Claude Juncker — have sought more aggressive action, but have received pushback from member states. Germany in particular has remained reluctant, with Chancellor Angela Merkel rebuffing efforts to tighten E.U. emissions standards even as political leaders acknowledge the country will fall short of its commitments.
“Germany is going to fail its climate goal,” Rita Schwarzelühr-Sutter, a state secretary at Germany’s Ministry for Environment, Nature Conservation and Nuclear Safety, tells TIME. “Now every sector needs to contribute.”
U.N. negotiations on how to implement the Paris Agreement have lagged so much that officials called an extra meeting this month ahead of the pre-planned U.N. climate conference in December in Poland. That conference resulted in “uneven progress,” according to Patricia Espinosa, who heads the U.N. Climate Change program.
Of course, the biggest climate change laggard is the U.S. The Trump Administration continues to rollback climate regulation and has sought to rebuild the coal industry, a chief emitter of carbon dioxide. A coalition of U.S. cities, states and businesses that formed in the wake of Trump’s decision to pull out of Paris has sought to make up the lost ground with their own emissions reductions programs, and a report released Wednesday in San Francisco shows the group’s current policies cutting U.S. emissions 17% below 2005 levels by 2025. That’s two thirds of the way to President Obama’s commitment.
“Existing commitments are delivering real climate results today,” says Paul Bodnar, a former climate negotiator at the U.S. State Department and now a Managing Director at the Rocky Mountain Institute.
Still, despite the optimism even leaders of the coalition say the U.S. government needs to return to the table to tackle climate change seriously. “At the end of the day, the United States has to be on board,” says Brown. “It can’t be AWOL, much less sabotaging everything.”
For those who cheered the adoption of the Paris Agreement in 2015, a group that included heads of government from across the globe, the change in momentum since Trump’s election is stark and would have been hard to fathom in the weeks and months that followed the negotiations that led to the Paris Agreement. At the time, countries agreed to the deal unanimously, and it entered into force in just 11 months, a process that often takes years.
A variety of debates have emerged among leaders here in San Francisco over a slew of different plans intended to address the intricacies of climate change — from the best policy mechanism to reduce emissions in the U.S. to the effect warming will have on our health care systems and everything in between.
But climate experts and world leaders engaged on the issue agree that the clock is ticking to sort through those discussions and act as the effects of climate change become more apparent and the costs to address it continue to increase.
“Climate change is moving faster than we are,” said U.N. Secretary General António Guterres at a speech in New York Monday. “If we do not change course by 2020, we risk missing the point where we can avoid runaway climate change, with disastrous consequences.”
The clock is ticking.



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