20/12/2020

(AU) 'Zero Return': Government Savaged Over Taxpayer Grants To Open Up New Gas Basin In Australia

The Guardian -  |

Coalition funding for gas exploration in Northern Territory labelled a costly plan ‘for a climate catastrophe’

Resources minister, Keith Pitt, has repeated claims the Beetaloo basin is hot property but critics say grants to help explore gas deposits will return nothing to taxpayers.

The Morrison government has been accused of embarking on an “expensive plan for a climate catastrophe” after it announced it would pay the gas industry up to $50m to speed up exploration in the Northern Territory.
The commitment, revealed on Thursday, also prompted warnings that taxpayers’ money could flow offshore to companies linked to tax havens and a Russian oligarch.

Keith Pitt, the federal minister for resources, water and northern Australia, said the government would offer grants to accelerate exploration and development in the NT’s Beetaloo basin, which lies south of Katherine and has been estimated to hold more than 200,000 petajoules of gas.

He said Beetaloo had been described as “the hottest play on the planet” with the potential to be a world-class gas resource that could transform the NT economy and create 6,000 jobs over 20 years.

The basin’s potential as a gas source has attracted the attention of investors from around the globe, including a company that has Viktor Vekselberg – a Russian oligarch who collects jewel-encrusted Faberge eggs and has been sanctioned by the US – as a major shareholder, and another company, whose ownership is unclear and is registered in the US tax haven state of Delaware.

Pitt said the funding was “a key, early step” in the government’s promised “gas-fired recovery” which received $28.9m in the budget. The grants would apply only to work that occurred before June 2022 and could cover up to 25% of a company’s exploration costs, capped at $7.5m per gas well.

The minister’s statement on Thursday did not mention the government’s climate commitments, which have been repeatedly criticised for their lack of ambition compared with other countries.

Gas is often described as having half the emissions of coal but studies have suggested it could be significantly more than that due to methane – a potent but short-lived greenhouse gas – leaking during extraction and transportation.

Climate campaigners at 350 Australia said the grants for the gas industry were a “shameful waste of public funds”. The group released an analysis that suggested the potential emissions from five gas basins the Morrison government would like to open up could cancel out the government’s climate policies five times over.

Lucy Manne, the group’s chief executive, said the government’s strategic gas basin plans were “an expensive plan for climate catastrophe”. “They should be investing in creating secure jobs in renewable energy, green manufacturing, and planning for an economic recovery that invests in climate solutions,” she said.

Bruce Robertson, a gas analyst with the Institute for Energy Economics and Financial Analysis, said the grants would bring “zero return” for taxpayers.

He said there was at least $11bn in gas assets for sale in Australia, with companies including ExxonMobil and Origin Energy struggling to find buyers, and the NT was a remote market unlikely to produce cheap product unless it was heavily subsidised.

“The gas industry is not even investing itself so why would the federal government?” he said.

Rod Campbell, research director with the Australia Institute, said subsidising oil and gas made little sense from either an economic or climate perspective. He said the gas industry employed fewer than one person for every $1m spent, while investment in health and education employed more than 10.

The Russian investor Vekselberg is, through an investment company, the biggest shareholder in Falcon Oil & Gas, a Canadian company headquartered in Ireland that holds a gas tenement in the basin.

The billionaire was among oligarchs sanctioned by the US Treasury in April 2018 when it froze their US assets and prohibited Americans from doing business with them over a number of matters including the Russian invasion of Ukraine.

Falcon’s second biggest shareholder, Australian company Sweetpea Petroleum, owns 6.28% of the group. It is owned by Longview Petroleum in the US state of Delaware, which is regarded a tax and secrecy haven. Its ultimate owners are unclear.

Last week, the Australian Financial Review reported that Sweetpea is to be sold to another Beetaloo basin player, Tamboran Resources, in a deal that will give Longview almost 30% of Tamboran’s shares and a seat on the board.

Clancy Moore, the national director of the Publish What You Pay coalition, said the government “must rule out subsidies going to companies in the Beetaloo basin using secrecy or low-tax jurisdictions including Delaware and Ireland”.

“The Australian public should be alarmed that precious government money could be flowing to a Russian oligarch and anonymous company owners,” Moore said. “Any company that receives public subsidies must adhere to the highest levels of transparency and these companies are simply hiding in the shadows.”

Concern last week about Australia’s failure to live up to the goals of the 2015 Paris climate agreement led to Scott Morrison being refused a speaking slot at a global climate ambition summit hosted by Britain, France and the UN.

In addition to the gas exploration grants, government MPs including the treasurer, Josh Frydenberg, this week flagged they may set up an inquiry to grill financial regulators and banks over plans to reduce lending to, or insuring of, projects considered an investment risk as the world moves to cut emissions.

The government also announced $2.5bn in support for struggling oil refineries. A leaked draft electric vehicle strategy showed it was not proposing policies to reduce the cost of buying a clean car or to ban the sale of fossil-fuel cars, as planned in other countries including Britain, Japan and Norway.

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(NZ) Climate Change Refugees: The Landmark Case Of Teitiota V New Zealand

Environment Journal - Melanie Desert

Climate change causes immeasurable damage world-wide; however, its effects are not felt evenly throughout the world and small Pacific island populations are some of the most vulnerable. 

Photo Credit – MartyNZ (Pixabay)

Economically developed nations continue to cause environmental degradation yet are often able to remain comfortably removed from the consequences of their actions and decisions. It is within this paradox that the case of Teitiota v New Zealand has occurred.

In this landmark case, the UN Human Rights Committee (HRC) ruled, for the first time, that expelling an individual to a place where they may be exposed to life threatening risks due to the adverse effects of climate change could violate the right to life.

In 2013, Ioane Teitiota (the claimant) and his family left their home on the small atoll of Tarawa, part of the Pacific nation of Kiribati, for New Zealand, where they applied for refugee status on the basis that climate change had devastated Kiribati so much so that remaining there posed a risk to their lives.

The Pacific ocean has experienced a great degree of sea level rise, double the global average, which has meant low lying islands like Kiribati (only 2-3 metres above sea level) face complete inundation.

With increasing sudden on-set environmental events such as storm surges and tropical storms, which now occur 3-4 times a month, much of the land is becoming uninhabitable.

The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) predicted that within the next decade Kiribati will be wiped off the map if global temperatures and sea level continue to rise.

In the meantime, extensive flooding continues to cause salination of arable land and fresh water, as well as overcrowding in the only areas of Kiribati that remain habitable, causing violent land disputes and allowing disease to spread more quickly than usual.

The contamination of fresh water supplies has left approximately 60% of Kiribati’s population to have to obtain drinking water from national rations. And, because many Kiribatian families, including Teitota’s, rely on subsistence agriculture and fishing, the population’s health has been deteriorating, with deficiencies in vitamin A, malnutrition and fish poisoning.

Climate change had exacerbated the ability for Teitiota and his family to live with dignity in Kiribati; they were thus forced to migrate to New Zealand and seek protection, cutting loose their deep cultural ties with Pacific island life.

 Claiming to be a climate change refugee

At first instance, the Immigration and Protection Tribunal in New Zealand rejected Teitiota’s asylum claim as a climate change refugee. The Tribunal decided that Teitiota did not objectively face a real risk of being persecuted if he and his family were returned to Kiribati, the necessary proof to qualify for asylum.

This decision was upheld by the High Court, Court of Appeal and Supreme Court. And so Teitiota and his family were deported to Kiribati.

Teitiota then took his case to the HRC, claiming that by forcibly returning him to Kiribati, New Zealand had violated his right to life under Article 6 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (Covenant).

The HRC had to determine whether New Zealand, which is party to the Covenant, had breached its duty not to expel Teitiota if there was sufficient evidence that there was ‘a risk of imminent, or likely, risk of arbitrary deprivation of life upon return to Kiribati’. So being, a loss of life did not have to occur to breach Article 6.

To determine whether the duty had been breached, the HRC considered 3 points.
  1. Had the New Zealand courts given proper consideration to climate change when deciding whether Teitiota could remain? – it concluded, yes.
  2. Was Kiribati taking steps to reduce the impact of climate change? – again it said yes, as the 2007 National Adaptive Programme of Action set policies and goals to address the water crisis.
  3. Finally, was the threat to life ‘imminent’ (the minimum threshold required to establish a breach of Article 6)? Whilst the HRC accepted Teitiota’s evidence that ‘sea level rise is likely to render Kiribati uninhabitable’, it decided that because this could take 10-15 years, there was still enough time for action to be taken by Kiribati and other nations to mitigate the crisis.
The ruling and its impact

Overall, Teitiota was unable to establish that his right to life had been violated by New Zealand.

However, two judges disagreed with majority of the HRC, urging that protecting the right to life meant upholding the sanctity of life and human dignity. They argued the HRC had placed an unreasonable burden of proof on Teitiota to show he had no access to safe drinking water and sanitation.

One of the dissenting judges, Duncan Laki Muhumuza, felt the difficulty in accessing fresh water and the fact that some deaths were occurring in Kiribati should be enough to reach the burden of proof. Teitiota’s child was already suffering from blood poisoning caused by the water.

‘It would indeed be counterintuitive to the protection of life’ to wait for a complete lack of water and for deaths to be frequent before the burden of proof is met.

The other dissenting, Vasilka Sancin, said: it should be Kiribati’s responsibility to demonstrate it takes ‘positive action to protect life from risks arising from known natural hazards’.

The HRC has determined outside this case that action would include providing access to food, water, sanitation, housing and electricity, along with disaster management plans which prepare the nation for climate change disasters affecting the right to life. Yet in fact, water and sanitation policies in Kiribati are yet to be implemented.

By creating these human rights obligations against the backdrop of climate change, the HRC reiterates the interdependence between states fulfilling social and economic rights, as well as civil and political rights, such as the right to life.

Yet it is perplexing that such obligations are placed on small, island nations which are still developing, particularly given that the main contributors to climate change are the developed nations. In response to this reality, the HRC ruling provided some unprecedented observations.

It established: ‘environmental degradation, climate change and unsustainable development constitute some of the most pressing and serious threats to life’, and if concrete national and international action is not taken, then individuals may be exposed to a violation of their rights to life in certain places, triggering the obligation of states like New Zealand not to forcibly return them.

In other words, by verifying that a state’s obligation not to forcibly return someone can arise, an interest is created in requiring one another to take action to curb the adverse effects of climate change on people’s lives, else nations will have to grant climate refugees protection in the future.

And the ruling makes a call to arms to all nations tackle environmental destruction as one; Laki Muhumuza felt New Zealand’s action was more like ‘forcing a drowning person back into a sinking vessel’.

This means that nations less affected by climate change, often those more economically developed, must act now, and help save those more vulnerable. If they do not, they could be held responsible for some of the most unforgiveable violations yet of the right to life.

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Venus Was Once More Earth-Like, But Climate Change Made It Uninhabitable

The Conversation - 

An artist’s rendering of the surface of Venus. (Shutterstock)

Author Dr. Richard Ernst Ph.D. is Scientist in Residence in the Department of Earth Sciences, Carleton University, Ottawa, Canada, and a Professor in the Faculty of Geology and Geography at Tomsk State University, Tomsk, Siberia. 
We can learn a lot about climate change from Venus, our sister planet.

Venus currently has a surface temperature of 450 C (the temperature of an oven’s self-cleaning cycle) and an atmosphere dominated by carbon dioxide (96 per cent) with a density 90 times that of Earth’s.

Venus is a very strange place, totally uninhabitable, except perhaps in the clouds some 60 kilometres up where the recent discovery of phosphine may suggest floating microbial life. But the surface is totally inhospitable.

However, Venus once likely had an Earth-like climate. According to recent climate modelling, for much of its history Venus had surface temperatures similar to present day Earth. It likely also had oceans, rain, perhaps snow, maybe continents and plate tectonics, and even more speculatively, perhaps even surface life.

Less than one billion years ago, the climate dramatically changed due to a runaway greenhouse effect. It can be speculated that an intensive period of volcanism pumped enough carbon dioxide into the atmosphere to cause this great climate change event that evaporated the oceans and caused the end of the water cycle.

Evidence of change

This hypothesis from the climate modellers inspired Sara Khawja, a master’s student in my group (co-supervised with geoscientist Claire Samson), to look for evidence in Venusian rocks for this proposed climatic change event.

Since the early 1990s, my Carleton University research team — and more recently my Siberian team at Tomsk State University — have been mapping and interpreting the geological and tectonic history of Earth’s remarkable sister planet.

Soviet Venera and Vega missions of the 1970s and 1980s did land on Venus and take pictures and evaluated the composition of the rocks, before the landers failed due to the high temperature and pressure.

However, our most comprehensive view of the surface of Venus has been provided by NASA’s Magellan spacecraft in the early 1990s, which used radar to see through the dense cloud layer and produce detailed images of more than 98 per cent of Venus’s surface.

A visualization of Venus’s surface produced by radar on board the Magellan spacecraft.

Ancient rocks

Our search for geological evidence of the great climate change event led us to focus on the oldest type of rocks on Venus, called tesserae, which have a complex appearance suggestive of a long, complicated geological history.

We thought that these oldest rocks had the best chance of preserving evidence of water erosion, which is a such an important process on Earth and should have occurred on Venus prior to the great climate change event.

Given poor resolution altitude data, we used an indirect technique to try to recognize ancient river valleys. We demonstrated that younger lava flows from the surrounding volcanic plains had filled valleys in the margins of tesserae.

To our astonishment these tesserae valley patterns were very similar to river flow patterns on Earth, leading to our suggestion that these tesserae valleys were formed by river erosion during a time with Earth-like climatic conditions.

My Venus research groups at Carleton and Tomsk State universities are studying the post-tesserae lava flows for any geological evidence of the transition to extremely hot conditions.

A portion of Alpha Regio, a topographic upland on the surface of Venus, was the first feature on Venus to be identified from Earth-based radar. (Jet Propulsion Laboratory, NASA)


Earth analogies

In order to understand how volcanism on Venus could produce such a change in climate, we can look to Earth history for analogues. We can find analogies in super-eruptions like the last eruption at Yellowstone that occurred 630,000 years.

But such volcanism is small compared to large igneous provinces (LIPs) that occur approximately every 20-30 million years. These eruption events can release enough carbon dioxide to cause catastrophic climate change on Earth, including mass extinctions.

To give you a sense of scale, consider that the smallest LIPs produce enough magma to cover all of Canada to a depth of about 10 metres. The largest known LIP produced enough magma that would have covered an area the size of Canada to a depth of nearly eight kilometres.

The LIP analogues on Venus include individual volcanoes that are up to 500 kilometres across, extensive lava channels that reach up to 7,000 kilometres long, and there are also associated rift systems — where the crust is pulling apart — up to 10,000 kilometres long.

If LIP-style volcanism was the cause of the great climate change event on Venus, then could similar climate change happen on Earth? We can imagine a scenario many millions of years in the future when multiple LIPs randomly occurring at the same time could cause Earth to have such runaway climate change leading to conditions like present-day Venus.

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19/12/2020

A 10 Billion-Tree Plan Is Restoring Pakistan’s Lost Forests

Bloomberg Green - 

  • Government has begun planting 3.3 billion trees in first stage
  • Pakistan has one of the lowest levels of forest cover

A worker prepares planting bags at the Model Colony forest nursery in Karachi. Photgrapher: Asim Hafeez/Bloomberg

Pakistan’s arid climate and rocky deserts may seem an unlikely place to look for a green revolution, but the nation of more than 200 million people has begun one of the world’s largest reforestation programs.

The government is in the first phase of planting 3.25 billion trees at an estimated cost of around 105 billion rupees ($650 million), Malik Amin Aslam, minister for climate change said in an interview. Prime Minister Imran Khan wants to extend that to almost 10 billion by the time his term in office ends in 2023.

Trees and plants are grown along the M9 highway in Karachi. Photgrapher: Asim Hafeez/Bloomberg

“We are trying to unleash a green economy,” Aslam said by phone.

The task is enormous. Pakistan is among the six countries that face the biggest impact from climate change, according to the United Nations, with risks of floods, melting glaciers and droughts. Its forest cover is now among the lowest in the world – about 5% of the land, compared with a global average of 31%, according to UN’s Food and Agriculture Organization.
“Unfortunately, we never cared about them,” said Khan at a tree-planting ceremony in July. “After independence from the British, we have lost forests instead of adding to them.”

Pakistan is planting trees that need relatively little water, like the azadirachta indica, a fast-growing mahogany commonly known as the neem tree. Neems typically don’t need to be watered after the first five years, while the other species that have been chosen only need extra water for the first few months, according to Tabish Hussain, a government-employed forester in Karachi.

A Sindh Forest Department employee pours water over a sapling in a mangrove plantation island on the Karachi coast. Photgrapher: Asim Hafeez/Bloomberg

Khan has been advocating reforestation since his days as a professional cricketer more than three decades ago. He has added nine new national parks, the first additions since independence in 1947. As provincial ruler of Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa province he oversaw a billion-tree planting program that raised the region’s forest cover to forest cover to 27%, from 20%, in the five years to 2019.

When Saudi Crown Price Muhammad Bin Salman visited Pakistan for the first time last year, he was invited to add some soil with a shovel and to water a plant at Pakistan’s Prime Minister House. On Aug. 9, Khan asked everyone in the nation to plant a tree, with a target of 3.5 million for the day.

Trees line an intersection on Karachi’s Northern Bypass. Photgrapher: Asim Hafeez/Bloomberg

Despite Khan’s efforts to raise public awareness, economic pressures continue to beset the nation’s forests. The need to feed the world’s fifth largest population means that most fertile land has already been turned over to food grains like wheat or cash crops like cotton. Trees are also cut down to make firewood, though the government has tried to curb the practice in recent years.

Critics say the government may struggle to undo the damage to the nation’s forests.

A plant nursery raises saplings by the M9 highway in Karachi. Photgrapher: Asim Hafeez/Bloomberg

“It’s not enough,” said Lahore-based climate policy consultant Dawar Butt. “The government has other agendas as well.” He said that while the central administration has the environment as a top priority, “actual environment-related laws are broken by state institutions.”

Often in the past, many energy and infrastructure projects skipped public environmental-impact hearings and many construction programs still do, Butt said.

Wind turbines generate renewable power behind a mangrove plantation near Karachi. Photgrapher: Asim Hafeez/Bloomberg

The nation has also been investing heavily in coal, one of the biggest polluters. With Chinese backing, Pakistan inaugurated its biggest coal mine last year and produced a record 20% of its electricity from the fossil fuel in the fiscal year through June. It generated only 3% from solar and wind. The government has set a target of drawing 30% of its power from renewables by 2030.

In addition to restoring some eco-systems and absorbing planet-warming carbon emissions, the tree plantation drive has provided thousand of jobs in a country that struggles with unemployment. “I am hopeful that we can save our nation,” said Khan. “You go to Dubai, its all a desert, they don’t have trees. God has given us everything, we just need to take care of it.”

A portion of land at the Shaheed Benazir Bhutto Park in Karachi that has been dedicated to urban forestry. Photgrapher: Asim Hafeez/Bloomberg



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(AU) Bob Carr: I wrote to other countries about Australia's obstinance on climate change. Their pressure might save us

The Guardian - 

They deserve to know that Australia’s leaders are playing with climate policy, pitching a nationalist and populist message to their base

‘In Australia, domestic politics trumps all.’ Photograph: Lukas Coch/AAP

Author
Bob Carr is a former foreign affairs minister of Australia and a premier of New South Wales. He is professor of business and climate change at University of Technology, Sydney.
Australia ends the year as one of the only developed countries not committed to net zero emissions by 2050.

To this, prime minister Scott Morrison is adding another distinction. Australia is about to become the only developed country with a parliamentary committee charged with persuading corporates not to move beyond carbon.

The work will be steady, not to say unrelenting. The committee may need to be in permanent session, like the National Assembly during the most exciting phases of the French Revolution.

With a flow of decisions from corporates this year, beginning with BlackRock’s in January, major global investors are signing up to net zero emissions by 2050 – or sooner. At last count 100 of the world’s reserve banks can be added to this list.

But Australia is now saying investors and regulators will be held to account in the parliament and forced to justify decisions on carbon exposure. This is a major statement of Australian climate policy and will have to be regarded as such by the world community.

Why on earth – and with what level of consideration – did the prime minister and treasurer sign up to Nationals MP George Christensen’s agenda? In a long career of opposing climate policy, Christensen has spoken at a Las Vegas conference of US climate deniers mocking climate science as comparable to disaster horror movies. He has just been licensed to have his way with banks and insurers, foreign and domestic alike.

This week I publicised Australia’s last ditch stand to roll back private sector climate initiatives. Writing to Pacific Island states, Western Europe and the UK, and advisers to the incoming Biden administration, I pointed out Australia will become the only developed country in which corporations cleaving to the international consensus on climate will be challenged to justify their actions in the national parliament.

They deserve to know that Australia’s leaders are playing with climate policy, pitching a nationalist and populist message to their base. I concluded my letter by inviting them to mark down our effort accordingly. We deserve it. If they mark us down they might educate us.

Our partners have moved beyond these political games. Boris Johnson is redesigning the UK’s international character around climate. Japan and South Korea announced two months back their commitment to net zero emissions by 2050. China in September committed to 2060, which would appear to mandate abandonment of plans for more coal fired power when the 14th five year plan comes out next March. India is wildly embracing renewables.

At midday on 20 January the US gets a new president committed to reentering the Paris agreement on his first day in office, hitting the carbon sector with new regulations, no carbon at all in the power network by 2035 – phasing coal and gas out of the system rapidly – and net zero emissions by 2050.

What investor is going to hold out against a trend line as unambiguous? And because of pressure from climate sceptic MPs in the Australian parliament?

Any merchant bank is still going to be obliged to anticipate a post-carbon world – an Australian entity like Macquarie, for example, the wold’s biggest investor in renewables, committed two weeks ago to net zero emissions by 2040. A huge investor in the US, it might see itself moving in happy accordance, as it happens, with Biden’s policies.

So would the New York State Retirement Fund with funds of $260bn which also adopted the 2040 target two weeks ago, and which any Australian state might reasonably seek to recruit as an investor.

But not so fast! Their executives must now anticipate being summoned to explain themselves in Canberra before Queensland Nationals breathing hot indignation on behalf of mines in the Galilee Basin.

The heads of the big four banks might be marshalled to appear, huddled like the Hollywood 10 before the House Un-American Activities Committee, facing the quaking jowls of climate denialists. In vain might they plead that their policies have been shaped with reference to statements by the country’s own regulators – Apra, Asix, ASX and the Reserve Bank – about the desirability of weighing the financial risk of climate change. Or that their shareholders on sound commercial grounds insist on reduced exposure to thermal coal.

Expect their adversaries to be implacable and unmoved as they seek to dictate the tidal force of market flows.

BHP surely deserves a roughing up by Christensen for stating this year that the Paris trajectory is good for business because in a Paris-compliant world there are bigger profits in minerals other than coal. And while BHP is down in Canberra how could the committee not grill them on its decision to sell the biggest single coal mine in Australia, Mount Arthur at Muswellbrook?

If the Christensen committee goes after the Big Australian then Anglo American can’t be neglected, with a decision only three days ago to exit thermal coal by 2023 to concentrate on copper.

And Morrison can really lob a populist rocket at big investors by having his committee haul in the leadership of asset manager BlackRock.

Christensen can nag them for a morning at least about BlackRock becoming signatory to Climate Action 100+, an alliance of 545 investors with 52 trillion in assets under management.

BlackRock’s chair Laurence D Fink might soon notice the economic nationalism taking off in the Great South Land and let Wall Street colleagues know Australia seemed to be taking a curiously contrarian path, measured against the policies of Biden and Johnson, Brussels and Tokyo.

Weaponising a committee to pursue companies that embrace decarbonisation contradicts recent attempts by Morrison to soften the government’s opposition to a 2050 pledge. Morrison appeared to be taking account of the decision by Johnson not to award Australia a speaking slot at last weekend’s summit. He would also be conscious of the importance of climate policy in the campaign to have Mathias Cormann selected as secretary general of the OECD.

Obeying this spirit, Frydenberg might have talked the inquiry down and talked up the boldness with which Australian capitalism and the market system were generating jobs in new sectors. A prime minister Bob Hawke would have told insurance companies to quickly solve any unintended effects on small businesses of their climate policies, a Paul Keating would have blasted them into doing it – but in private calls or one-on-one chats.

Instead, Frydenberg publicly backed the inquiry, and without caveats.

It raises the question whether the Department of Prime Minister and Cabinet is up to the job of policy traffic cop which is, after all, its fundamental function.

One part of the government seems to want to shift towards the consensus on climate of the developed world. I’m sure that Cormann wants that as he struggles to live down a 12-year history as whip for the Coalition’s most obdurate climate resistors.

But the bet our partners should make – the Pacific island states seeing their villages and reefs threatened or the Europeans embarked on green recoveries or the US organising summits to push beyond Paris – is that Canberra is doubling down, running a populist, nationalist agenda on climate aimed at central Queensland seats in an early election next year.

In Australia, domestic politics trumps all.

In my letter I quoted Morrison saying, “Our policies won’t be set in the United Kingdom. They won’t be set in Brussels. They won’t be set in any part of the world other than here.”

Our partners deserve to have this contempt for the world’s opinion brought to their attention.

In the end, it’s their pressure that might save us from our government’s most retrograde and unworthy instincts.

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The Role Of Business In Climate Change

Financial Times - 

The global pursuit of net-zero carbon emissions is a huge undertaking, and only possible with the help of businesses

© FT montage; Bloomberg; Getty Images

In October the FT Future Forum assembled a panel to discuss the role of business in tackling climate change. It featured Emmanuel Faber, chief executive officer of Danone, the food company, and Huw van Steenis, group managing director and chair of sustainable finance at UBS, the financial services group. It was moderated by Pilita Clark, a business columnist at the Financial Times.

The issue of climate change has been to the fore since the UN Paris Agreement in 2015, which aimed to limit the average rise in global temperatures to 2C above pre-industrial levels and to try to keep the increase below 1.5C. This target has been adopted by almost every nation on earth.

The pace of government activity has accelerated quickly. In 2019 the UK, New Zealand and France made laws that commit them to achieving net-zero emissions by 2050. Sweden has given itself a goal of 2045. This year China, Japan and South Korea made similar promises, although their targets have yet to become law. 

According to the Energy and Climate Intelligence Unit, economies accounting for half of the global gross domestic product have made a commitment of some sort.
Worldwide, policies are being put in place to deal with vehicle emissions
Even the US, whose withdrawal from the Paris Agreement took effect in November, is likely to return to the fold when president-elect Joe Biden replaces Donald Trump on January 20. The “Biden Plan” promises to invest $2tn in an “equitable green-energy future”. The urgency of the issue is shown by how quickly thought has turned into action.

In November, Rishi Sunak, the UK chancellor, followed countries such as Germany and Sweden when he announced Britain’s first green government bonds to fund low carbon projects. He also said that from 2025 disclosure of climate threats would be mandatory for listed and large private companies under a framework created by the Task Force on Climate-related Financial Disclosures (TCFD). Disclosure is the first step but it is data that will allow companies and their investors to appreciate the risk posed by climate change. 

Matthew Bell, the Asia-Pacific climate change and sustainability services leader for EY, the professional services consultancy, says: “Unlike a lot of these other standards, which are kind of point-in-time reporting, TCFD says what’s your business model and how is it impacted by these multi-decadal changes to the climate.

 “It gets organisations to think about risk management and governance, setting metrics and targets and establishing a strategy to deal with existential threats — and that’s new.”

The challenge

The challenge to reach net zero is huge, so practical action is a priority. The International Energy Agency says that by 2030 emissions must fall by 45 per cent relative to 2010 to be on track to reach net zero. Rapid progress, it says, is “crucial”. Success will depend on cleaning up energy sources, reducing emissions from appliances and retrofitting buildings, as well as making gains in efficiency to enable energy demand to fall by nearly a fifth, back to the level of 2006, despite the larger global economy.

All this will cost. A rule of thumb is that one to two per cent of global GDP will need to be spent to achieve climate goals. The OECD estimates that the necessary infrastructure will cost $7tn a year up to 2030.

Other data present an optimistic picture. In the UK, the opposition Labour party identified net benefits to the economy of £800bn if the energy sector’s net-zero target is brought forward and reached by 2030. A 2018 Stanford University study predicted a 60 per cent chance that keeping global warming within 1.5C instead of 2C by 2050 would result in accumulated global benefits of $20tn, although it does make caveats.

Progress to date

A first step towards lower emissions has been to clean up the power sector, notably coal-fired electricity generation. This seems to be working. In August, Global Energy Monitor reported in Carbon Brief that global coal-fired power capacity shrank for the first time in the first half of 2020, although countries such as China continue to expand.

In the UK, the effect of policies for greener economic growth and cleaner air has been marked. Emissions related to energy supply have declined. Provisional figures for 2019 published in March show that the sector’s CO2 emissions are down by nearly two-thirds since 1990, against an aggregate fall of 41 per cent. The transport sector is next. Having barely reduced its emissions since 1990, it ranks as Britain’s worst emissions offender.

Worldwide, policies are being put in place to deal with vehicle emissions. In 2019, France became the first country to legislate to phase out combustion engines, with a target year of 2040. By June, according to the IEA, 17 countries had announced 100 per cent zero-emission targets or the phasing-out of vehicles powered by internal combustion by 2050. In November, as part of the UK plan to tackle emissions, the government said it would ban sales of petrol and diesel cars and vans by 2030, bringing that target forward by 10 years.

So far, in the UK at least, a reduction in emissions has had no effect on economic growth. The Clean Growth Strategy of 2017 said Britain’s economy had expanded by two-thirds since 1990: it outpaced other G7 nations and it also did better at cutting emissions.



The outlook for business

British business will not be let off the hook. In 2018 the commercial sector was responsible for 18 per cent of CO2 emissions, just behind homes. In the same year, US industry accounted for more than a fifth of greenhouse-gas emissions, according to a Senate Democrats’ report. In its 2019 progress report, the UK committee on climate change said: “It will be businesses that primarily deliver the net-zero target and provide the vast majority of the required investment”, adding that policy needed to give a “clear and stable direction”.

The UK, which is due to host the COP26 summit in Glasgow in November 2021, is priming companies for action with policies directed at specific sectors.

At the opening of the COP26 private finance agenda in February, before Covid struck in the west, Alok Sharma, the COP26 president and UK business secretary, highlighted the need for a shift in funding. “Only decarbonised economies”, he said, “will be able to grow through the worst impacts of climate change.”

Speaking later to business leaders, Mr Sharma noted that the fight against climate change “has to be a joint endeavour between nations, civil society and business”. He called on businesses to commit to targets such as sourcing 100 per cent renewable energy by 2050 and switching all vehicles to zero emissions by 2030.

The climate-related shift could be as transformational as the advent of the internet. Businesses that do not adapt will be at risk, while those that embrace change will see greater opportunities. Dr Bell describes climate change as “the greatest economic transformation in our lifetime, because it impacts on every single industry sector. Nobody’s immune”. Andy Howard, head of sustainable investment at Schroders, the investment manager, agrees. “[Given] the scale of disruption we are talking about, there won’t be any easy wins,” he says.

The Race to Zero Coalition, a global initiative under the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change, counts among its supporters more than 1,000 companies, 450 cities, 549 universities and 45 investors. Climate Action 100+, an investor initiative that started in 2017, includes more than 500 investors that urge companies into action on climate issues. CDP, which runs a disclosure system for environmental effects, publishes an annual climate action ranking of groups, based on a questionnaire; in 2020, 9,600 companies took part. 



Risks
  

■ Physical

The most tangible risk to assets lies in areas that climate change will directly affect. This includes those that may be submerged as the seas rise, as well as assets affected by the result of extreme weather, including more frequent severe storms, droughts and wildfires.

For existing assets, there are few solutions other than insurance. For new projects the risk must be assessed at conception.

■ Existential

As the shift to a low-carbon world gathers pace, assets in several sectors face obsolescence: they risk becoming stranded assets. Extractors of fossil fuels and the producers of energy sourced from coal, oil and dirty gas are obvious examples.
Carbon offsets are no longer considered a good way to counter emissions
The risk also applies to areas including the auto industry and aviation. Construction is also affected because of the carbon footprint of concrete and steel. Innovation may create green alternatives but in the meantime producers will have to reduce emissions in existing processes.

Shipping, which accounts for nine-tenths of global freight by volume, is responsible for three per cent of greenhouse-gas emissions, according to Climate Action Tracker. While the International Maritime Organisation has adopted targets, the analysis suggests that action so far is inadequate, with emissions likely to grow.

Carbon offsets are no longer considered a good way to counter emissions. The Science Based Target initiative, which champions defined paths to net-zero emissions, says offsets should not count towards targets as they do not reduce emissions. The consensus is that abatement not offsetting will power the shift to net zero.

■ Transitional

Business models will have to change. Transport, for instance, must shift to zero-emission vehicles. In June, British Gas made the largest UK order of electric vehicles. Volvo has said it will soon have fully-electric lorries on sale.

Emissions from offices also need to be cut. A fifth of UK emissions are from commercial property, so the designers of new projects will have to consider the climate, and old stock will have to be adapted. Schroders highlights innovations in its London premises such as recycling heat from refrigeration to the hot water system, while Freshfields, the law firm, says its move to new premises was made with sustainability in mind.

The Urban Land Institute, a think-tank, says landlords that invested in climate-resilient commercial real estate have reaped dividends. As a result they can charge higher rents to companies that value continuity.

The effect of transition will be felt all the way from company to consumer. Huawei, the Chinese technology group, says its approach is twofold: moving to renewable energy at all of its premises and working to improve energy efficiency and the recycling rates of its products. It says: “These measures often help customers reduce total cost of ownership, creating a strong economic incentive for climate action.”

During the FT Future Forum panel event, UBS said that as well as reducing its own effect on the climate it was making use of capital allocation to bring clients into a low-carbon world. This is significant. Even companies that avoid setting a target will be affected by decisions taken elsewhere. Tesco, among others, has made commitments to reduce emissions in its supply chain, forcing its suppliers into action too.

■ Regulatory

If companies and consumers do not voluntarily work towards low-carbon targets, regulation will force the issue. This could be costly for those late to make the change.

The UN-backed Principles for Responsible Investment forecasts that “abrupt, forceful and disorderly “policy change will come by 2025 and could wipe up to $2.3tn in value from the world’s largest companies. Much of that will be the result of carbon pricing, which Dr Bell describes as “an effective and fair mechanism to rapidly reduce emissions”. Such a system would penalise any company that has failed to reduce emissions to national limits.

“First, companies’ costs will go up because they are now paying for something that they weren’t paying for before”, says Mr Howard. “Second, all of their suppliers’ costs will go up . . . then the price of products will also increase, because ultimately that will be passed on.”

Factoring in a corresponding fall in demand, Schroders concludes that this could eliminate an average 15 per cent of cash flows across companies in the MSCI All Countries World Index.

■ Reputational

Despite these pressures, for many businesses transition may still seem a distant problem. If customers do not appear to care, acting on emissions can look like an unnecessary expense. This is dangerous — and not only because of the high likelihood of carbon taxes. Young people, the consumers of the future, are particularly engaged in the issue and some have run a “Mock COP” in place of the postponed official COP26.

As visible climate offenders such as oil and gas are sidelined, consumers will shift scrutiny to companies in sectors that are thought to be avoiding action. Increased transparency makes it easier to identify lower-carbon alternatives and so empowers consumers in making choices. In September, Amazon  introduced a “climate pledge friendly” initiative to flag up sustainable products.

More such data could lead to stranded assets or unviable products in sectors that thought they were safe.

James Hilburn, director of financial services at Carbon Intelligence, believes that the demand for beef and cheese, and out-of-season vegetables, could shrink. “As the carbon emission of these items becomes more transparent and is eventually priced into the product, it may accelerate a market shift away from them.”

In better news for old-world wine drinkers, Mr Hilburn says that “a bottle of wine has an average CO2 footprint of 1.2kg per bottle, but using a natural cork rather than a screw-top can reduce the emissions by a quarter because of the carbon sequestration of the cork tree”.

Financing

The role of capital allocators in the climate transition is increasingly important. Mr Hilburn says 60 financial institutions have committed to science-based targets. He says: “The financial sector is seen as the conduit into the market. If you can measure the ESG [environmental, social and governance] implications of capital you can actually flow down to all sectors, and you can achieve change across all sectors. That is really powerful.”

Pension funds, for instance, now invest with climate mitigation and sustainable business in mind. Banks, too, consider climate in their lending practices and direct their equity investments accordingly.

In July the UK’s largest pension fund, the government-backed National Employment Savings Trust, announced that it would divest from fossil fuel exposure. It will not be the last, as climate disclosure under TCFD becomes more common.

Several large banks in the UK and US have signed up to the Partnership for Carbon Accounting Financials, an initiative backed by Mark Carney, the former Bank of England governor.

Next June the BoE will put financial institutions through a climate stress test, which will make more people and businesses acutely aware of the risks of climate exposure.

The shift of capital is not only driven by ethics. “A growing body of evidence links good ESG performance with superior market returns”, Mr Hilburn points out, “and it comes through a number of factors. You have better cost controls, you have revenue growth opportunities, you have a more engaged, productive workforce.”

In debt funding, the move from projects with a limited shelf-life in a net zero world is feeding into costs. In October Goldman Sachs reckoned that renewables projects could secure funding at 5 per cent or less, versus 20 per cent for long-term oil projects.

Opportunities

Avoiding the downside of delayed action is likely to bring substantial benefits for businesses that move quickly to deploy strategies based on climate mitigation. There are also tangible gains. Mr Carney, who is the UN special envoy for climate action and finance, calls the transition to net zero the “greatest commercial opportunity of our age”.

Technology, for instance, brings opportunities for developers and users. Energy group Iberdrola and technology companies Lenovo and Google have deployed artificial intelligence to enhance efficiencies. The machine-learning solutions that Google created to cool its data centres are being applied to buildings worldwide. Carrefour, the French retailer, used Google AI to analyse large data sets and reduce food waste.

The services sector, including consultancies and legal firms, stands to gain business in advising clients on the best way to achieve net-zero emissions or, in the worst case, how to avoid litigation.

Meanwhile, US juveniles backed by the Children’s Trust were told they had no legal standing to sue their government for jeopardising their futures by ignoring the risks of climate change, although campaign groups such as the Centre for Climate Integrity have highlighted how climate-related costs are borne by communities but polluters are not held to account.

In its 2017 Clean Growth Strategy, the UK identified the low-carbon economy as an area of opportunity. In 2017 it forecast that the sector would expand at 11 per cent a year up to 2030, nearly four times the rate of the broader economy. In the US, the Biden Plan anticipates that millions of jobs will be created in sectors from renewable energy to innovation to low carbon-related construction. Google says its own sustainability investment should generate more than 20,000 jobs in clean energy and associated industries in the next five years.

Meanwhile, UNPRI has a positive outlook for negative emission technologies, or NETs. Just one subset, nature-based technologies, could grow to encompass assets worth $1.2tn, generating annual revenues of $800bn by 2050, larger than the current market capitalisation of the oil and gas sector.



Building Back Greener

Arguably, the coronavirus pandemic has delayed some of the more ambitious plans to invest in green targets. During the panel discussion, Danone acknowledged that its investment in climate change initiatives, announced just before the pandemic, would have to be reviewed since tackling climate change and Covid-19 together was hard.

Dr Bell, however, notes that, against expectation, EY’s survey of investors conducted during the pandemic did not indicate a return to purely alpha generation. “The opposite was true. They said, ‘Nope. It’s far more important for us to focus on ESG now than it has been ever’.”

Nations also look to the low-carbon economy to help beat the economic effect of the pandemic. In June, Germany allocated €40bn of its €130bn stimulus plan to green spending. The Just Transition Fund was introduced a year ago to aid EU economies in the move to low carbon. Its funds will assist the recovery based on low-carbon principles.

Next Steps

The imperative for business to act now should be evident. While setting targets is critical, giving the problem appropriate significance and creating structures to ensure execution are also key to success.

Danone exemplifies what consultants such as EY and PwC advocate in terms of placing climate and sustainability at the heart of strategy. In 2008 the company shut its corporate social responsibility department — an acknowledgment that such issues belong in a broader agenda — and pegged the bonuses of 15,000 managers to CO2 targets.

The FT Future Forum event distilled a three-point action plan for companies to deliver transformation: listen to your customer or clients, engage the full executive team and consult employees, especially the next generation of leaders who are impatient for reform and will leave if they do not see change.

Placing ownership of climate strategy at the right level is critical. PwC is not alone in recommending that this should rest with the board and then be communicated to the organisation using clear targets.



Conclusion

A huge amount of work lies ahead. A recent analysis of 6,000 groups by J Safra Sarasin, the Swiss bank, showed that their emissions were on track for 3.5C to 4C warming, double the level set in Paris.

Dr Bell believes 2030 will be the critical moment, because that is the date that most countries’ nationally determined contributions  should be met.

“We see a crunch coming, partly from the investor community — inadvertently. We know a number of leading investors seek to align their investment portfolios to a 1.5C outcome, or to net zero, by 2050. 
“Given that we haven’t seen mass divestments yet, you could predict that if companies don’t pivot their business models and start to decarbonise in line with that 1.5C or 2C, there’s going to be this crunch point when investors say, ‘We need to move our funds’.”

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