25/04/2021

(AU Video) ABC 7.30 Special: Climate Emergency

ABC 7.30Andy Park

From the Torres Strait, to Mallacoota, Perth and across the country, Andy Park presents 7.30's special four-part series on the climate emergency and the action Australia can take to make a difference.

   
Part One - Climate Emergency
Australia on the frontline of climate change
10mins 36secs
Transcript
For generations, Indigenous Australians have thrived on the islands in the Torres Strait but rising sea levels, more extreme weather and coastal erosion are devouring some of the 17 inhabited islands in the region and threatening their way of life.


Part Two - Climate Emergency
How disasters could become serious national security challenges
11mins 52secs
The Black Summer bushfires gave us a taste of what we can expect if the world warms 1.5 degrees. The science tells us that every fraction of a degree that global temperatures rise will make future cyclones, floods and bushfires more severe.


     Part Three - Climate Emergency
Is carbon neutrality an economic reality?
11mins 58secs
The Federal Government is pledging more than half a billion dollars for new energy projects in an attempt to create jobs and cut Australia's carbon emissions. The money will go towards so-called 'clean hydrogen' projects and investing in carbon capture and storage technology for existing coal-fired power plants.


Part Four - Climate emergency
Mounting global pressure on Australia to do more
12mins 40secs
For decades now, the clear warnings from scientists that the world must rapidly cut carbon emissions or face catastrophic climate change have been met with inertia and inaction but that is rapidly changing and under President Joe Biden the US has dramatically scaled up its reduction targets and is using its considerable diplomatic weight to push other countries to do the same.

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(AU The Guardian) Morrison Government Flags $540m For Hydrogen And Carbon Capture Ahead Of Biden Summit

The Guardian |

The extra technology roadmap funding comes as critics say the Coalition is increasingly isolated due to a lack of climate ambition

Scott Morrison participating in the virtual Quad leaders meeting with Joe Biden and others in March 2021. This week the prime minister will attend a global climate action summit hosted by the US president. Photograph: Dean Lewins/AP

The Morrison government has flagged increased investment in regional hydrogen hubs and carbon capture and storage projects ahead of a global climate action summit to be hosted by the United States president, Joe Biden, at the end of this week.

The Australian government says the looming May budget will include an additional $539.2m for hydrogen and CCS, building on investments promised during last year’s budget of $70m over five years for hydrogen and $50m for CCS. The spending on CCS will increase to $263.7m.

Australia will spruik the additional expenditure at the virtual Biden summit, which the prime minister, Scott Morrison, will attend.

While Morrison continues to signal a favourable disposition towards Australia adopting a net zero target by 2050, the Coalition is not expected to make a concrete commitment at the summit, or unveil any change to its medium-term emissions reduction targets.

The additional funding under the technology roadmap comes as two former Australian prime ministers, Kevin Rudd and Malcolm Turnbull, have warned the Morrison government has been left “effectively isolated in the western world” by its refusal to increase its climate commitments over the next decade or to adopt a firm timeline for the country to reach net zero greenhouse gas emissions.

In a joint opinion piece for Guardian Australia, the former prime ministers say Biden’s election in the US had been a “massive shot in the arm” for international climate action on a scale beyond what was expected.

It had galvanised new commitments from several other countries leaving Australia fairly behind.

Rudd and Turnbull say the Biden administration is expected to this week announce a 2030 pledge twice as deep as Australia’s as the president hosts 40 world leaders at the virtual summit.

New announcements are also expected from Japan, Canada and South Korea, with the possibility of China following later this year ahead of a major climate conference in Glasgow in November.

“Our country, however, continues to bury its head in the sand, despite the fact that Australia remains dangerously at risk of the economic and environmental consequences that will come from the climate crisis barrelling towards us,” the ex-PMs say.

Rudd and Turnbull say Australia’s 2030 emissions target - a 26-28% cut compared with 2005 levels - is now “woefully inadequate” and was always intended under the Paris agreement to be increased this year.

“The main thing holding back Australia’s climate ambition is politics: a toxic coalition of the Murdoch press, the right wing of the Liberal and National parties, and vested interests in the fossil fuel sector,” Rudd and Turnbull say.

Morrison used a speech to the Business Council of Australia on Monday night to begin to frame the inevitable transition to the low emissions economy as a boon for regional Australia, in a departure from the “Whyalla wipe out” hyperbole of the Abbott era.

The prime minister noted the transition would be “won” in places like “the Pilbara, the Hunter, Gladstone, Portland, Whyalla, Bell Bay, the Riverina”, some of which are potential sites for the new hydrogen hubs or CCS projects.

But Morrison also invited controversy by declaring that Australia would not “achieve net zero in the cafes, dinner parties and wine bars of our inner cities”.

The shadow climate change minister, Chris Bowen, said on Tuesday that Morrison needed to set Australia up for a significant economic transformation, not engage in more “cynical identity politics” pitting metropolitan and regional Australians against one another.

Bowen said Morrison should focus on uniting Australians “around a national objective”.

In a statement about the new investments in hydrogen and CCS, Morrison noted the world was changing rapidly.

He said Australia would “need to be competitive in a new energy economy to support the jobs of Australians, especially in our heavy industries and regional areas that depend on affordable and reliable energy”.

“We cannot pretend the world is not changing,” Morrison said. “If we do, we run the risk of stranding jobs in this country, especially in regional areas.”

The new funding will support five hydrogen hubs that could be operational by 2022.

The government says potential locations for CCS hubs include Moomba in South Australia, Gladstone in Queensland, the Darling Basin in NSW, the North West Shelf and Bonaparte Basin in Western Australia and Darwin.

Links
  • Scott Morrison seeks international partners to develop low-emissions technology at Biden climate summit
  • Coalition told it must hugely increase clean energy investment beyond hydrogen, carbon storage promise
  • Morrison government guilty of 'absolute failure' in electric vehicles policy
  • Scott Morrison refuses to commit to net zero emissions target by 2050
  • Australia's carbon emissions fall just 0.3% as industrial pollution surges
  • Morrison government has not ruled out supporting coal, energy minister says
  • Australian government backs coal in defiance of IPCC climate warning
  • Coalition votes to allow Clean Energy Finance Corporation to invest in carbon capture

(AU The Conversation) As Morrison Struggles With 2050, Climate Leaders Up The Ante For 2030

The Conversation

Lukas Coch/AAP

Author
 is Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra
We shouldn’t be surprised at the Kevin Rudd-Malcolm Turnbull bromance. After all, we saw the same with Malcolm Fraser and Gough Whitlam.

The stronger the earlier political antipathy, it seems, the closer the later collaboration. Rudd’s fury over Turnbull’s refusal to back him for United Nations secretary-general might never have existed.

With Whitlam and Fraser, the republican cause and media issues were unifiers.

With Rudd and Turnbull, a mutual commitment to action on climate change and a passionate hatred of the Murdoch media provide the glue.

Each of them, in his ascendancy, regarded the Murdoch empire more benignly than now. But they’ve both been consistent on climate change, an issue central in Turnbull losing his leadership twice, and important in Rudd’s 2010 ousting from the prime ministership.

This week, ahead of US President Joe Biden’s (virtual) climate summit, the duo co-authored an article in The Guardian, in which they argued: “The main thing holding back Australia’s climate ambition is politics: a toxic coalition of the Murdoch press, the right wing of the Liberal and National parties, and vested interests in the fossil fuel sector.”

Despite community concern about the issue, until recently the government, post Turnbull, judged it could slough off criticisms of Australia’s inadequate climate policy. After all, wasn’t Labor the side with the problem?

Now that’s changed. There are multiple reasons but most immediately the election of Biden, who has put climate change at the heart of his international agenda, has left Australia without a fig leaf and with nowhere to hide.

It has to account for itself at high-profile international occasions. After the Biden summit comes the June G7 meeting in the United Kingdom, to which Australia has been invited. Then there’s the November United Nations climate change conference in Glasgow.

Scott Morrison understands he must pivot the government’s climate policy – specifically, that sometime this year he needs to formally embrace the widely accepted target of net-zero emissions by 2050. In his Thursday night speech to the summit he said Australia would update its strategy for Glasgow.

He knows market forces are driving much of the pace on climate policy. Climate risk is increasingly significant in investment decisions.

And, in trading terms, other countries could disadvantage Australia for being a laggard. The European Union is preparing a plan for a price on the carbon content of imported goods. This is due to be tabled this year and, after consultations, imposed in 2023.

As he manoeuvres on climate policy, Morrison is rather like the boy on the skateboard trying to navigate an awkward change of direction.

He insists the government’s approach will be based on “technology not taxes”. By stressing advances in technology, he’s preparing the way to sign up later to the 2050 target.

German Chancellor Angela Merkel takes part in the virtual international climate summit with US President Joe Biden and other world leaders. Picture: Getty Images

Ahead of the Biden summit, the government announced more than $1 billion in funding (spread over a decade) to support the development of technology. Morrison’s rhetoric casts Australia as an international leader on that front.

According to his current mantra, “‘when’ is not the question [in climate policy] anymore. ‘How’ is the question.”

But climate leaders are very much focused on the “when”. With Britain and the United States upping their medium-term ambitions, the debate is about toughening 2030 targets, and the paucity of Australia’s position is further exposed.

As Morrison inches towards the 2050 commitment, international attention is shifting to what should be done 20 years before that. But Morrison had no revised medium-term Australian target to put on Biden’s summit table.

If Morrison had been dealing with this challenge in late 2019, after his unexpected election triumph, it would be a whole lot easier. He’d have had maximum authority to make shifts of policy.

But the PM’s authority, while still substantial, has been eroded, especially by the setbacks in the vaccine roll-out. Within his own ranks, there’s more criticism, and it’s no longer assumed he couldn’t lose next year’s election.

The government’s parliamentary numbers are on a knife edge after the exit of Craig Kelly to sit as an independent.

Morrison is acutely aware he has to keep his ranks solid – hence his failure to demand Queensland Liberal Andrew Laming be forced to the crossbench.

Resistance to a meaningful shift in climate policy is strongest among the rebels in the Nationals, including the outspoken Queensland senator Matt Canavan, a big spruiker for coal. These are the people who’d seize any excuse to move on Nationals leader and Deputy Prime Minister Michael McCormack. The last thing Morrison wants is a destabilising stoush within the Coalition’s minor partner.

The dilemma faced by Australia – and Morrison – was bluntly called out in a pre-summit briefing given by Biden administration officials.

Asked where Australia’s policy was, and what the US expected in increased ambition, one briefer pointed to the “very difficult political conversation” in Australia about “how much ambition is there”.

“I think that our colleagues in Australia recognise that there’s going to have to be a shift,” the official said. “It’s insufficient to follow the existing trajectory and hope that they will be on a course to deep decarbonisation and getting to net-zero emissions by mid-century.

"I think the differences are very largely about what the trajectory is and how do you get on it. One view of the world says, ‘Don’t worry, technology will solve the problem.’ The other view of the world says, ‘At the end of the day, technology will contribute but is insufficient on its own to solve the problem, and you have to have a set of policies, you have to have national intent, you have to follow up with actions and commitments.’

"I think that there’s movement. […] We are hopeful [Morrison] will come to the summit and make announcements around both and commit the country to next steps that we think would be critical.”

With the message that technology is not enough to deal with the climate challenge, the US official pricked the balloon into which Morrison had been assiduously blowing as much air as he could.

Links

24/04/2021

(AU The Conversation) Spot The Difference: As World Leaders Rose To The Occasion At The Biden Climate Summit, Morrison Faltered

The Conversation | 

Mick Tsikas/AAP

Authors
  •  is Professor, Department of Biological Sciences, Macquarie University
  •  is Emeritus Professor, Fenner School of Environment & Society, Australian National University     
Prime Minister Scott Morrison overnight addressed a much anticipated virtual climate summit convened by US President Joe Biden, claiming future generations “will thank us not for what we have promised, but what we deliver”.

But what will his government actually deliver?

Morrison’s speech was notable for its stark lack of ambition and a defensive tone at odds with the urgent, front-footed approach of other world leaders.

He resisted the peer pressure to enter the global fold on climate action by setting clear goals, saying Australia made only “bankable” emissions-reduction commitments.

Morrison instead pointed to Australia’s “transformative technology targets”. As we will explain below, those targets are small, vague and certainly not “bankable”. And the spending commitments pale in comparison to the past and future cost of extreme weather in Australia.

Expectations of Australia heading into the summit were low – a fact perhaps reflected in the summit’s agenda. Morrison’s address was way down in the running order – he was 21st of 27 speakers. Biden was reportedly not in the room when Morrison spoke. And in an unfortunate glitch, Morrison’s microphone was on mute at the start of his speech.

The summit did deliver some major gains. There was palpable relief as Biden brought the US back to the table on global climate efforts, committing to an emissions-reduction target twice the ambition of Australia’s. Other nations including Japan, Canada and Britain also outlined major new commitments.

But sadly for Australians, the summit revealed the stark contrast in climate policy leadership between Morrison and his international peers.

The contrast on climate policy leadership between Scott Morrison and Joe Biden was on display at the summit. Mick Tsikas/AAP

The world steps up

Biden opened the summit by emphasising the urgent need to keep global warming below 1.5℃ This century. Failing to do so, he said, would bring:
More frequent and intense fires, floods, droughts, heat waves, and hurricanes tearing through communities, ripping away lives and livelihoods, increasingly dire impacts to our public health […] We can’t resign ourselves to that future. We have to take action, all of us.
Biden committed the US to a 50-52% emissions reduction by 2030 compared with 2005 levels. Other notable emissions-reduction pledges included:
There were hopes Morrison would use the summit to announce Australia would finally join more than 100 countries to set an emissions target of net-zero by 2050. (Australia’s current emissions trajectory has us on track to get to net-zero in the year 2167).

But Morrison dashed those hopes early, telling world leaders: “For Australia, it is not a question of if or even by when for net-zero, but importantly how”.

He pointed to the government’s Technology Investment Roadmap, including A$20 billion to bring down the cost of clean hydrogen, green steel, energy storage and carbon capture. He also spoke of a goal to produce clean hydrogen for A$2 a kilogram, and his dream that Australia’s hydrogen industry would one day rival the scale of California’s Silicon Valley.

Morrison spruiked Australia’s high uptake of rooftop solar. Shutterstock

Will technology save us? Not likely

Earlier this week, Morrison set the scene for his address by announcing a suite of technology funding commitments. Let’s take a closer look at them.

On Wednesday Morrison announced A$540 million for regional hydrogen hubs and carbon-capture and storage (CCS) projects. Some A$275 million will be committed to seven hydrogen hubs in regional areas over five years – that’s about A$7.8 million per hub each year.

It’s hard to see this buying much more than a plan on a piece of paper. Further, there’s little detail on how much will be spent on clean vs dirty hydrogen – that is, hydrogen generated from renewables vs fossil fuels. However the proposed location of some of these hubs in fossil-fuel rich areas, such as the Latrobe Valley and Hunter Valley, does not bode well.

A further A$263.7 million over ten years will fund CCS projects. Since 2003, the Australian government has spent more than A$1 billion on CCS projects, with very little to show for it.

Globally, CCS has been criticised as unproven and expensive, simply designed to extend the life of fossil fuel industries.

CCS critics say it is simply a move to prop up fossil fuel industries. Shutterstock

The third tranche of funding, announced on Thursday, is A$566 million for research partnerships with other countries for new technology such as green steel, small modular nuclear reactors and soil carbon storage. There was little detail in the announcement, so for now it remains rather hypothetical.

In sum, the government will spend a relatively small amount on hydrogen production and CCS, spread wafer thin in various regional areas (and at least some of it subsidising fossil fuels), plus hypothetical funding for research.

Compare this to the A$35 billion cost of extreme weather disasters in Australia between 2010 and 2019, as detailed in this Climate Council report.

More recently, the New South Wales government estimated the potential cost of last month’s devastating floods at A$2 billion. A report by the NSW Treasury estimated by 2061, future economic costs of climate impacts in four key risk areas (bushfires, sea level rise, heatwaves and agricultural production) could reach up to A$17.2 billion a year – and this is just for NSW.

The recent NSW floods caused $2 billion in damage, the state government says. James Gourley/AAP

A tale of two leaders

Morrison told world leaders Australia would update its emissions-reduction target ahead of the Glasgow climate summit later this year. The current target – a 26-28% cut by 2030, based on 2005 levels – is broadly viewed as woefully inadequate.

Any increased ambition would be long overdue. However, more broadly, the contrast on climate policy between Morrison and Biden could not be clearer. Biden used the summit to tell world leaders:
Your leadership on this issue is a statement to the people of your nation and to the people of every nation, especially our young people, that we’re ready to meet this moment […] We really have no choice. We have to get this done.
Morrison, depressingly, showed little sign of hearing that message.

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(Yale) In Europe, A Backlash Is Growing Over Incinerating Garbage

Yale Environment 360

For years, European countries have built “waste-to-energy” incinerators, saying new technology minimized pollution and boosted energy production. But with increasing concern about the plants’ CO2 emissions, the EU is now withdrawing support for these trash-burning facilities.


A waste-to-energy incinerator at Haverton Hill near Middlesbrough, England. Islandstock / Alamy Stock Photo

For decades, Europe has poured millions of tons of its trash into incinerators each year, often under the green-sounding label “waste to energy.” Now, concerns about incineration’s outsized carbon footprint and fears it may undermine recycling are prompting European Union officials to ease their long-standing embrace of a technology that once seemed like an appealing way to make waste disappear.

The EU is in the process of cutting off funding for new incinerators, but there’s little sign most existing ones —currently consuming 27 percent of the bloc’s municipal waste — will close any time soon. And, even without EU financial support, new plants are in the works, many in southern and eastern European countries that have historically incinerated less than long-standing waste-to-energy proponents such as Germany, the Netherlands, and the Scandinavian nations.

Meanwhile, across the English Channel, post-Brexit Britain is charging ahead with proposals for dozens of new garbage-burning projects.

Without a more decisive change of course, critics argue, that adds up to an existential threat both to Europe’s promise to slash carbon emissions to net-zero by midcentury and its dreams of a “circular economy” in which reuse and recycling largely take the place of waste disposal.
Britain burns nearly half of its waste — more than it recycles.
“Burning plastic in a climate emergency, that’s insane,” said Georgia Elliott-Smith, an environmental engineer and Extinction Rebellion activist who is suing the British government over its decision to exclude incinerators from its new emissions trading system.

Plastic, hard to recycle and ubiquitous in garbage, is made from fossil fuel derivatives and emits carbon dioxide when burned, accounting for a substantial chunk of incineration’s climate damage.

In a case scheduled to be heard in the High Court this month, Elliott-Smith contends Britain violated its Paris Agreement commitments by omitting the waste-to-energy sector from the market it created when it left the European greenhouse gas emissions trading system as part of its divorce from the E.U.

While she also argues the new system is too weak to shrink Britain’s carbon footprint, including incinerators could, in principle, put a cost on their emissions.

Sinking billions of pounds into new incinerators now could lock Britain into decades of garbage-burning and make it harder for cash-strapped local authorities to boost recycling and composting rates, she said.

The country already burns nearly 45 percent of its waste — more than it recycles, the Channel 4 show Dispatches recently reported. “The way incineration works, it skews the economics of waste by its very existence,” Elliott-Smith said. “Once you build the beast, you’ve got to keep feeding it.”

Worries that incinerators sicken those who live near them — disproportionately poor, and people of color — have long dogged the industry. Wealthy nations such as Sweden and Denmark, which rely heavily on waste-to-energy plants, say their sophisticated emissions treatment systems mean such concerns are misplaced.

But critics note many nations lack the resources for the best pollution-control systems. Dangerous emissions such as dioxin and particulate matter sometimes go unreported, and enforcement is often porous, environmentalists say.

Garbage headed to an incinerator's oven in Helsinki, Finland. ALESSANDRO RAMPAZZO/AFP via Getty Images

The climate concerns are newer, crystallized in a report the consulting firm Eunomia produced for ClientEarth, an advocacy group.

 It found that British incinerators’ power generation was more carbon-intensive than electricity from natural gas, and second only to coal. Overall, European incinerators pumped out an estimated 95 million tons of carbon dioxide in 2018, about 2 percent of total emissions.

That footprint helped prompt EU officials to drop incineration from a draft of important green investment guidelines, known as the “sustainable finance taxonomy,” expected to be formally adopted this month.

Not only can trash-burning plants no longer get subsidies designated for environmentally beneficial projects, they have also been cut off from other major EU funding streams. And the European Parliament has urged member nations to minimize incineration.

“It looks like things are really changing in Brussels,” said Janek Vähk, a coordinator at Zero Waste Europe, a network of advocacy groups. Leaders, in his view, have “started understanding that incineration is a big source of greenhouse gases.”

For its part, the industry says it is unfair to compare its carbon emissions directly with those of plants whose main function is to generate power.

“The primary reason why we exist is for waste treatment, not energy production,” said AgnÄ— RazgaitytÄ—, a spokeswoman for the Confederation of European Waste-to-Energy Plants, or CEWEP, an industry group. “So it’s not exactly comparable in the same way.”
EU waste incineration doubled from 1995 to 2019, to 60 million tons annually.
Without incineration, she said, landfill costs tend to rise, increasing the danger of European trash leaving the continent, and ultimately being burned in uncontrolled settings or littering beaches and waterways.

And landfills have their own climate impact — any organic waste in them generates the potent greenhouse gas methane as it decays. What’s more, incinerator operators salvage metals from the ash left over after burning, allowing their reuse.

“We’re at home in the circular economy,” RazgaitytÄ— said. “We do give value to the waste that otherwise would be just lost.” No matter how much is recycled and composted, she added, there will always be something left over: “I don’t think the waste-to-energy sector as such is going out of business any time soon.”

The EU’s shift comes after a building spree that doubled EU countries’ municipal waste incineration between 1995 and 2019, to 60 million tons annually. Such plants now provide power to 18 million Europeans and heat to 15 million, the industry says.

Individual countries remain free to fund and commission new incinerators. Those plants still make money from waste-disposal fees and by selling electricity and, in some places, heat.

In some countries, operators can still claim subsidies designed to support renewable energy, as long as they burn waste that has been collected in separate streams so recyclable or compostable material is not incinerated.

The Amager Bakke waste incinerator in Copenhagen, Denmark has a ski slope on its roof. Oliver Förstner / Alamy Stock Photo

What’s more, Vähk warned, the EU’s aim for countries to landfill no more than 10 percent of municipal waste by 2035 will unintentionally bolster incinerators’ appeal. “There’s a lot of pressure on minimizing landfill,” he said. That’s worrying, “because we don’t want to move from landfilling to incineration.”

It all comes as the EU is pushing to reduce waste, particularly plastic, by ratcheting up targets for composting and recycling, mandating that plastic bottles contain 30 percent recycled content by 2030, and banning — as of this July — single-use items such as cutlery, cups, and stirrers.

The EU has also adopted a new “circular economy” plan that aims in the longer term to encourage better product design so reuse and recycling are easier.

Continued incineration, critics argue, could threaten those goals. Once built, they say, incinerators cannibalize recycling, because municipal governments are often locked in by contracts that make it cheaper to get their rubbish burned than to sort it for recyclers.

One nation now grappling with the legacy of its long embrace of incineration is Denmark. The country, one of Europe’s biggest waste producers, built so many incinerators that by 2018 it was importing a million tons of trash.

The plants generate 5 percent of the country’s electricity and nearly a quarter of the heat in the local networks, known as district heating systems, said Mads Jakobsen, chairman of the Danish Waste Association, which represents municipal authorities and waste companies.

Pushing to meet ambitious carbon-cutting goals, Danish lawmakers agreed last year to shrink incineration capacity by 30 percent in a decade, with the closure of seven incinerators, while dramatically expanding recycling.

“It’s time to stop importing plastic waste from abroad to fill empty incinerators and burn it to the detriment of the climate,” said Dan Jørgensen, the country’s climate minister.

But in focusing only on Denmark’s own carbon footprint, Jakobsen said, the country’s politicians had failed to consider what would happen to the waste Denmark turns away. And with loan repayments still due on many plants, he said, “I’m also concerned about the stranded costs. Who’s going to answer for those costs? Will it be the citizens in my municipality?”
In central and eastern Europe, “there is strong pressure and a lucrative market for new incinerators,” says a critic.
Two regions of Belgium are also seeking to reduce incineration capacity. But few other parts of Europe are following suit. Indeed, some countries are planning new plants. Greece, Bulgaria, and Romania landfill most of their waste, and will probably need more incineration capacity, said RazgaitytÄ—. Italy and Spain are among the others that may also build new plants, she said.

In central and eastern Europe, “there is very strong pressure and a lucrative market for new incinerators,” said PaweÅ‚ GÅ‚uszyÅ„ski, of the Society for Earth, a Polish advocacy group. Poland has about nine incinerators now, plus a similar number of cement plants that use processed waste as fuel, he said.

Around 70 new projects are seeking approval, he said, including proposals to convert old coal plants to burn garbage instead. Poor enforcement in Poland means emissions of toxins such as dioxins and furans often reach hazardous levels, Głuszyński said, but tightening EU rules may help,

Britain, too, seems intent on pushing ahead with an expansion of burning, with dozens of new projects under consideration. Collectively, they would double current incineration capacity.

There are hints, though, that some of what’s on the drawing board may not materialize. Wales said last month it would put a moratorium on large new waste-to-energy plants, and consider an incineration tax.

In February, Kwasi Kwarteng, Britain’s secretary for business, energy and industrial strategy, refused an application for a new incinerator in Kent, east of London, although he allowed expansion of an existing plant. In his decision, he said the project could hamper local recycling, reasoning that encouraged incinerator opponents.

Demonstrators protest the continued operation of the incinerator in Edmonton in north London: STOP THE EDMONTON INCINERATOR

In Cambridgeshire, the leafy, well-off home of the University of Cambridge, plans for another plant stalled in the face of vocal opposition from residents and local politicians.

But such decisions can raise uncomfortable questions. The North London Waste Authority, which manages waste for seven boroughs in the capital, plans to expand, and extend the life of, an aging incinerator in the neighborhood of Edmonton, which has a large Black and immigrant population and is one of the country’s lowest-income areas.

“Why is (incineration) not good enough for Cambridgeshire, but it’s good enough for Edmonton, which is poor, racially diverse and already suffers with a lot of pollution?” asked Delia Mattis, an activist with the local Black Lives Matter group. “There’s racism in the planning.”

Other groups, including Stop the Edmonton Incinerator Now, are also working to close the facility, which had been nearing the end of its life before the overhaul was proposed.

The neighborhood — where men’s life expectancy is 8.8 years shorter, and women’s 5.7 years shorter, than in wealthier parts of its borough — “is like a nonstop conveyor belt of trucks” going to and from the incinerator, Mattis said.

A report from Unearthed, Greenpeace’s investigative arm, found British incinerators are three times more likely to be sited in the poorest and most racially mixed areas as in the wealthiest, whitest ones.

Whatever countries decide on incineration, cutting waste will also require addressing its source, by pushing producers to make less throwaway packaging, and longer-lasting goods, said Jakobsen, the Danish waste association official.

“Better design, better production, more recyclable material,” he said. “That’s a huge task that has not been fully addressed.”

Links

(The Guardian) ‘Do Something’: An Intimate Look At The Personal Lives Of Climate Activists

The Guardian

Documentary The Race to Save the World makes the case for the urgency of climate action by burrowing deep into the lives of those on the frontline

A still from The Race to Save the World, released as Joe Biden seeks to re-establish US leadership on the climate crisis. Photograph: Publicity image

Early in the morning on 2 September 2014, Abby Brockway left her home in Seattle and, along with two dozen other climate activists, drove about a half hour north to a railyard in Everett, Washington.

The group erected a massive, chained tripod over the crossed tracks, blocking a large line of oil tank cars. Brockway sat atop the 20ft structure flanked by a flag which read “Cut oil trains, not conductors.”


“It was so empowering,” Brockway told the Guardian of her hours perched high above the ground and the fleet of police officers who gathered to arrest her and four others for trespassing.

The five aimed for a trial, seen in this year’s eco-documentary The Race to Save the World, which would highlight the urgency of curbing fossil fuel consumption at large, draw attention to the risk of oil train spills in their backyards, and test the “necessity defense” – the argument that civil disobedience was the only recourse for stopping fossil fuel’s harm to the planet – in court.

For Brockway, the decision to climb the tripod was “a combination of just the literal safety immediately and also long-term safety of the way we’re addicted to oil”, she said. Months earlier, an oil train derailed just a mile from her then-teenage daughter’s school; for Brockway, her daughter’s future outweighed the risk of going to jail. “I had to do this for her.”


Trailer: 02:21

Brockway is one of many featured in The Race To Save the World, a years-long documentary project following several activists, aged 15-72 and mostly based in America’s Pacific north-west, as they push, often at personal peril with incredible emotional investment, for immediate action to stem Earth’s accelerating climate crisis.

The tactics range from tests of potentially great legal liability – Brockway’s blockage of the oil train, the “Valve Turners” who shut off the 2,700-mile Keystone pipeline in North Dakota in 2016 – to more symbolic or systemic methods.

The film follows the Great March for Climate Action, in which:
  • participants walked over 3,000 miles, from outside Los Angeles to Washington DC over the course of 2014;
  • speaks with Aji Piper and his brother Adonis Williams, who along with six other youths sued the state of Washington’s department of ecology for not doing enough to fight climate change;
  • weaves through the 2019 People’s Climate March in New York; and
  • embeds with the longtime climate activist Bill Moyer, who helped organize “kayaktivism” protests to thwart the harboring of a Shell Arctic drilling rig in Seattle with a fleet of kayaks.
The documentary, released as Joe Biden seeks to re-establish US leadership on the climate crisis with a two-day climate summit for 40 world leaders, takes the exigency of climate action and the direness the damage already done as a given.

Instead, the director, Joe Gantz, focuses on the personal lives of a representative but by no means comprehensive slate of activists, offering several small, at times mundane and very human windows into the most pressing issue for the planet.

The documentary forgoes ominous narration, expert testimony, or the listing of scientific evidence, because films that “were telling people, again and again, how bad things are and how much worse they were going to get were so overwhelming and depressing that people were tuning them out”, Gantz told the Guardian.

Photograph: Publicity image

Instead, he aimed for an “uplifting and inspiring and energizing rather than depressing” burrow into the climate crisis by flipping the crisis’s overwhelming scale with footage of individual relationships strained and deepened by the stress and constancy of the work.

“These are people who don’t really have the option of tuning it out,” said Gantz. “They have no choice but to do whatever they can even if it puts their career at risk, if it puts them in hot water with their family in many respects, or puts their freedom at risk.”

“Just like my ability to do my work depends on the strength of my relationships at home, social movement is relational,” Moyer told the Guardian.

The film’s emotional focus – footage of Aji and Adonis’s tiffs with their mother, or Moyer’s teenage daughter Aziza’s feelings about her dad’s unrelenting activist work ethic, or haircuts given during the climate walk across the country – actually evince activist strategy, according to Moyer. “Building connections to other groups, expanding alliances, is absolutely the most strategic thing you can do.”

“The fact that the film focuses on relationships gets to a kind of truth and maybe a power that we can’t get to if we only talk about statistics,” he added. “We connect to each other with our hearts, and we connect to issues from our gut. And we build solidarity by acting together, doing things together.”

The film also tracks closely the stress of legal proceedings, however much they were intended. Brockway did stand trial in a court which refused to consider the necessity defense; she and the other four activists were acquitted of obstructing the train but found guilty of trespassing.

The camera finds Brockway empowered on the tripod but tongue-tied on the witness stand, breaking down into stammers and confusion over several minutes, clearly torturous for her family to watch. Foster was also found guilty in a North Dakota court and sentenced to a year in prison, much to the dismay of his loyal girlfriend.

Photograph: Publicity image

Relationship stress, climate anxiety, and joy within protests aside, climate change is, to be clear, “an existential threat to all our futures”, said Gantz. But humans being humans, motivation to act doesn’t often arise from a pile of grim facts about the planet’s climate trajectory, its sea of plastic or extended wildfire seasons or disrupted animal migration patterns.

The Race to Save the World operates on the individual and personal levels as a relatable, disarming entry point into climate action, even if some of the actions portrayed, such as Foster’s or Brockway’s trespassing charges, probably exceed many viewer’s comfort levels.

 “The scale is so daunting, so intangible, and sometimes so invisible,” said Moyer. But “the most important thing is for people to start, and do something. And to lean into the threshold of their comfort, to expand what is comfortable for them” as “rebellion is a muscle that has to be exercised.”

“I didn’t want to underline how bad things are and how much worse they’re going to be,” said Gantz. “I wanted to show that there’s a group of optimistic people who are ready to take action and to do everything they can to affect change.

“We all need to do that if we want to effect the kind of change that needs to happen in the time frame we have,” he added. “The only way that politicians are going to make these changes is if people get into the streets and make their voices heard.”

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23/04/2021

(ABC) United States President Joe Biden Launches Global Climate Summit By Pledging To Cut Us Emissions In Half By 2030

ABC News

The pledge nearly doubles that of President Obama's. (AP: Evan Vucci)

Key Points
  • The world has agreed to keep emissions from rising by more than 1.5 degrees Celsius by the year 2100
  • To achieve that, many of the world's biggest polluters need to drastically cut emissions
  • Mr Biden's announcement has sought to re-establish US leadership on climate action
US President Joe Biden has pledged to slash US greenhouse gas emissions in half by 2030, amid an American-brokered Earth Day summit featuring leaders from 40 countries across the globe.

"This is the decade we must make decisions that will avoid the worst consequences of the climate crisis," Mr Biden said at the White House.

 

The IPCC, the UN's climate science panel, has calculated the global 2030 and 2050 emissions reduction targets need to give the world a "high likelihood" of keeping the Earth from warming to 1.5 degrees Celsius above pre-industrial levels by 2100

If temperatures rise between 1.5C and 2C of warming, the IPCC predicts that coral reefs will decline from 70-90 per cent to more than 99 per cent.

Sea level rise will displace a further 10 million people by the end of the century at 2C compared with 1.5C, and animal extinctions — as well as heat related mortality in people — will be far greater at 2C.

Scott Morrison's opening remarks not heard

World leaders representing almost all of the world's continents were invited to the summit. (AP via Yonhap: Lee Jin-wook)

Mr Biden was joined by political leaders including China's Xi Jinping, Russia's Vladimir Putin, and New Zealand's Jacinda Ardern. Other leaders including Pope Francis and Microsoft founder Bill Gates, are also due to speak. 
Prime Minister Scott Morrison also made an appearance, but suffered a temporary setback after he could not be heard at the beginning of his address — something that was only corrected after the intervention of US Secretary of State, Antony Blinken. Mr Morrison did not make any new pledges, and said Australia was "on the pathway" to net-zero emissions through new technologies.

Unlike other countries, Australia has not set a concrete deadline to achieve net-zero emissions, which has fuelled long-standing perceptions from abroad that the country has been a laggard on climate change action

At the summit, French President Emmanuel Macron said the world couldn't afford to dawdle.

Mr Macron broadcast his address from the Elysee Palace. (AP: Ian Langsdon, pool)

"There is only one goal for the coming weeks and months: to move more quickly," Mr Macron said.

"We need to move more quickly to implement the commitments for 2030. A plan of action that is clear, measurable and verifiable.
"Basically, 2030 is the new 2050."
Mr Macron's sense of urgency was heeded by two other countries at the summit: Canada and Japan.

Prime Minister Yoshihide Suga raised Japan's target for cutting emissions to 46 per cent by 2030, up from 26 per cent.

Environmentalists wanted a pledge of at least 50 per cent while Japan's powerful business lobby has pushed for national policies that favour coal.

Meanwhile, Canada's Prime Minster Justin Trudeau raised his country's goal to a cut of 40-to-45 per cent by 2030 below 2005 levels, up from 30 per cent.

'The US is back'

The Biden Administration has come under heavy pressure from environmental groups, some corporate leaders, the UN secretary general and foreign governments to set a target to cut emissions by at least 50 per cent this decade to encourage other countries to set their own ambitious emissions goals.

The US climate goal also marks an important milestone in Mr Biden's broader plan to decarbonise the US economy entirely by 2050 — an agenda he says can create millions of good-paying jobs but which many Republicans say they fear will damage the economy.

Mr Biden's recently introduced $US2.3 trillion infrastructure plan ($2.98 trillion) contains numerous measures that could deliver some of the emissions cuts needed this decade, including a clean energy standard to achieve net zero emissions in the power sector by 2035 and moves to electrify the US Federal Government's vehicle fleet.

The US emissions cuts are expected to come from power plants, vehicles, and other sectors across the economy, but the White House did not set individual targets for those industries.

The target nearly doubles former President Barack Obama's pledge of an emissions cut of 26-to-28 per cent below 2005 levels by 2025. Sector-specific goals will be laid out later this year.

The American Petroleum Institute, a large US oil and gas lobbying group, cautiously welcomed Mr Biden's pledge but said it must come with policies including a price on carbon, which is a tough sell among some politicians.

A Biden Administration official said with the new US target, enhanced commitments from Japan and Canada, and prior targets from the European Union and Britain, countries accounting for more than half the world's economy were now committed to reductions to keep global temperatures from rising above 1.5 degrees.

"When we close this summit on Friday, we will unmistakably communicate … the US is back," he said.

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