11/10/2021

(AU The Guardian) Climate 200 Raises $2m In Six Weeks To Help Independents But Expects Liberal Party ‘Interference’

The Guardian -  

Convenor Simon Holmes à Court says more than 2,000 donors kicked in funds for looming election campaigns against Coalition incumbents

Climate 200 was formed to support the political campaigns of independents focused on climate change who will challenge Liberal MPs. Photograph: Lukas Coch/AAP

An organisation supporting independent candidates focused on climate change to challenge Liberal incumbents in urban heartland seats says it has raised $2m in six weeks.

Simon Holmes à Court, the convenor of Climate 200, told Guardian Australia more than 2,000 donors had kicked in funds for looming political campaigns by independents – including some high net worth individuals.

But Holmes à Court said the Atlassian co-founder Mike Cannon-Brookes – who was involved in some political campaigns during the 2019 election – had not yet made a pledge.

A number of metropolitan Liberals feel under political pressure because of the federal Coalition’s climate policy record.

The Liberal senator Andrew Bragg has written to the Australian Electoral Commission asking for a probe of the “voices” movements that are organising independent campaigns in blue-ribbon Liberal-held seats.

Holmes à Court said he expected heavy public scrutiny and “endless interference” from the Liberal party ahead of the federal election “so we are absolutely scrupulous in our disclosure obligations”.

But he said Climate 200 did not feel compelled to declare the source of donations below the current disclosure threshold, which is $14,500.

He said close to 1,700 donors giving contributions below the threshold had consented to be named, and they would be disclosed shortly on the organisation’s website. But he added: “We are not going to tie our hands behind our backs and we don’t want to discourage donors.”

Holmes à Court noted the Australian Greens disclosed donations at a lower threshold “and as a result there are a lot of people who would like to donate to them but don’t”.

“I don’t see that’s a winning strategy from the Greens’ perspective,” he said.

Holmes à Court said while he personally favoured more transparency, including real-time disclosure of contributions, many Australians were very reluctant to be identified as supporting various political causes.

“It’s pretty sad that a lot of people are terrified about disclosing in Australia,” he said.

“It’s one way we push people away from the democratic system with this culture that it is somehow dirty to donate to politics – that means lots of good people don’t engage with the political system when the fossil fuel industry is loud and proud and happy to pay $20,000 to sit next to the prime minister for an evening.”

He said one of his objectives with Climate 200 was to “make it more palatable for people to support politics in Australia”.

Holmes à Court said his objective was to amass a war chest of around $3m. “We are really focused on growing the breadth of donations.”

The technology entrepreneur Simon Hackett and the climate investor Simon Monk have pursued a strategy with Climate 200 of matching donations, where the individual makes a donation on the basis the contribution will be matched by a bunch of small contributions.

“The matching works really well because it doesn’t crowd out smaller investors,” Holmes à Court said. “This is much more powerful if it is broad-based.”

Simon Holmes à Court with former independent MP Kerryn Phelps on the day her Medevac bill was passed with a full page advertisement giving doctors a voice.

Climate 200 is a company not a charity.

Holmes à Court said it does not select candidates, but it is a fundraising vehicle to bankroll campaigns by independents.

Holmes à Court is the convenor, Damien Hodgkinson – who worked with Kerry Phelps during her campaign to win the Sydney seat of Wentworth – is a director of the company and Byron Fay is the group’s executive director.

With independent insurgencies popping up in metropolitan seats, many Liberals have been vocal during the Morrison government’s internal debate about climate commitments ahead of the Cop26 summit in Glasgow.

In late September, the Liberal party’s federal director, Andrew Hirst, also appealed for donations to build a fighting fund to respond to the fundraising drive of Climate 200 and other groups.

In his email to supporters, Hirst declared: “We can’t risk more left-leaning independents tipping Labor (and the Greens) into power.”

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(AU ABC) 'Another Nail In The Coffin': Indian-Owned Australian Coal Mine Suffers Big Legal Reverse

ABC Rural - Daniel Mercer

Griffin Coal in Collie, Western Australia, has been beset by financial woes for 10 years. (ABC News: Hugh Sando)

Key Points
  • The Federal Court has ordered Griffin Coal to pay Carna Group $5.1 million in damages
  • Carna managed the Griffin mine in 2014 but sued over claims of repeated non-payment
  • Griffin is owned by Indian interests and has reportedly lost more than $1 billion in 10 years
An Indian-owned Australian coal miner believed to be more than $1 billion in the red is teetering after a Federal Court judge ordered the company to pay an aggrieved creditor more than $5 million in costs.

Griffin Coal Mining, which runs a mine at Collie, about 300km south of Perth, has been left reeling after losing a case that was brought by its former mine manager, Carna Civil and Engineering.

Carna ran the mine for about nine months until December 2014 when it terminated the contract over claims that Griffin had repeatedly failed to pay its debts on time.

It subsequently went into liquidation and sued Griffin for damages.

In a decision handed down in Perth on Friday, Justice Neil McKerracher upheld Carna's claim, saying Griffin's failure to pay had been "consistent and debilitating" for the contractor.

"There is no doubt that throughout the period of the contract … Griffin was under a chronic disability with respect to its capacity to pay its debts," Justice McKerracher found.

"As is patently clear from the documentary record, in late 2013 and 2014 Griffin could not pay all its debts as and when they fell due without parent company support.

"Crucially, the parent support consistently failed to materialise at the time it was needed and in the amounts required to pay Griffin's debts."

Griffin in 'dire' financial health

According to the judgement, financial accounts show Griffin burnt through almost $70 million in cash in the 2017 financial year and almost $50 million in the nine months to the end of March 2018.

Justice McKerracher ruled Griffin was liable to pay Carna $5.1 million in damages plus costs although he set aside a decision over how much interest the miner would be required to pay.

Steve Thomas, a state Liberal MP, said the decision was a devastating setback for Griffin, which had been hit by a rolling series of crises since being taken over by Indian interests in 2011.

Most recently, Griffin invoked a so-called Act of God clause to cut deliveries to its customers, blaming a relatively wet winter.

Dr Thomas put Griffin's overall losses in the past decade at more than $1 billion and said that while $5.1 million might not sound like much "it's another nail in Griffin's coffin".

He said Griffin's troubles were casting uncertainty over the town of Collie, the heart of WA's coal industry, producing almost half the power for the state's main grid.

"It all indicates a company that simply is unable to manage its financial affairs," Dr Thomas said.
"And it's dire, both for the company and the community of Collie.
"Ultimately, Collie is so important to the South West."

Ruling 'vindication' for lawsuit

Griffin's customers include Bluewaters, the 400MW power station whose value was last year written down to zero by its Japanese owners amid the crumbling economics of coal-fired electricity generation.

Workers at Griffin Coal have long endured uncertainty over the mine's viability. (ABC News: Anthony Pancia)

Unlike the eastern states, WA does not export its coal, which is used domestically for electricity generation and industrial purposes.

FTI Consulting, which is acting as liquidator for Carna, said it welcomed the Federal Court decision which vindicated its decision to press its legal case against Griffin.

"(The decision) upholds our claim which centred on warranties and representations made by Griffin Coal about its financial health prior to Carna signing a mining services contract with Griffin in early 2014," a spokesman for FTI said.

"Before entering this contract, Carna Group had a substantial successful operational history that was impacted significantly by a single contract.

"It had successfully operated since being founded in 1992, delivering more than 250 projects on behalf of customers.

"Initiating these proceedings on behalf of Carna Group followed a carefully considered strategy to maximise recoveries for creditors."

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(USA Salon) Solving The Climate Crisis Requires The End Of Capitalism

Salon - Jeremy Lent

Overcoming the climate crisis will require a shift away from our growth-based, corporate-dominated global system


General view during the Global Climate Strike March on October 02, 2020 in Durban, South Africa. According to media reports, the group demanded that individuals and governments must take stronger action against the effects of climate change and the emittance of the greenhouse gas. (Darren Stewart/Gallo Images via Getty Images)

Author
Jeremy Lent is an author and speaker whose work investigates the underlying causes of our civilization’s existential crisis, and explores pathways toward a life-affirming future.
His recently published book is The Web of Meaning: Integrating Science and Traditional Wisdom to Find Our Place in the Universe.
website: jeremylent.com.
The global conversation regarding climate change has, for the most part, ignored the elephant in the room. That's strange, because this particular elephant is so large, obvious, and all-encompassing that politicians and executives must contort themselves to avoid naming it publicly. That elephant is called capitalism, and it is high time to face the fact that, as long as capitalism remains the dominant economic system of our globalized world, the climate crisis won't be resolved.

As the crucial UN climate talks known as COP26 (short for "Conference of the Parties") approach in early November, the public has grown increasingly aware that the stakes have never been higher. What were once ominous warnings of future climate shocks wrought by wildfires, floods, and droughts have now become a staple of the daily news. Yet governments are failing to meet their own emissions pledges from the Paris agreement six years ago, which were themselves acknowledged to be inadequate. Increasingly, respected Earth scientists are warning, not just about the devastating effects of climate breakdown on our daily lives, but about the potential collapse of civilization itself unless we drastically change direction.

The elephant in the room

And yet, even as humanity faces perhaps the greatest existential crisis in our species' history, the public debate on climate barely mentions the underlying economic system that brought us to this point and which continues to drive us toward the precipice. Ever since its emergence in the seventeenth century, with the creation of the first limited liability shareholder-owned corporations, capitalism has been premised on viewing the planet as a resource to exploit — its overriding objective to maximize profits from that exploitation as rapidly and extensively as possible. Current mainstream strategies to resolve our twin crises of climate breakdown and ecological overshoot without changing the underlying system of growth-based global capitalism are structurally inadequate.

The idea of "green growth" is promulgated by many development consultants, and is even incorporated in the UN's official plan for "sustainable development," but has been shown to be an illusion. Ecomodernists, and others who stand to profit from growth in the short-term, frequently make the argument that, through technological innovation, aggregate global economic output can become "absolutely decoupled" from resource use and carbon emissions — permitting limitless growth on a finite planet. Careful rigorous analysis, though, shows that this hasn't happened so far, and even the most wildly aggressive assumptions for greater efficiency would still lead to unsustainable consumption of global resources.

The primary reason for this derives ultimately from the nature of capitalism itself. Under capitalism — which has now become the default global economic context for virtually all human enterprise — efficiency improvements intended to reduce resource usage inevitably become launchpads for further exploitation, leading paradoxically to an increase, rather than decrease, in consumption.

This dynamic, known as the Jevons paradox, was first recognized back in the nineteenth century by economist William Stanley Jevons, who demonstrated how James Watts' steam engine, which greatly improved the efficiency of coal-powered engines, paradoxically caused a dramatic increase in coal consumption even while it decreased the amount of coal required for any particular application. The Jevons paradox has since been shown to be true in an endless variety of domains, from the invention in the nineteenth century of the cotton gin which led to an increase rather than decrease in the practice of slavery in the American South, to improved automobile fuel efficiency which encourages people to drive longer distances.

When the Jevons paradox is generalized to the global marketplace, we begin to see that it's not really a paradox at all, but rather an inbuilt defining characteristic of capitalism. Shareholder-owned corporations, as the primary agents of global capitalism, are legally structured by the overarching imperative to maximize shareholder returns above all else. Although they are given the legal rights of "personhood" in many jurisdictions, if they were actually humans they would be diagnosed as psychopaths, ruthlessly pursuing their goal without regard to any collateral damage they might cause. Of the hundred largest economies today, sixty-nine are transnational corporations, which collectively represent a relentless force with one overriding objective: to turn humanity and the rest of life into fodder for endlessly increasing profit at the fastest possible rate.

Under global capitalism, this dynamic holds true even without the involvement of transnational corporations. Take bitcoin as an example. Originally designed after the global financial meltdown of 2008 to wrest monetary power from the domination of central banks, it relies on building trust through "mining," a process that allows anyone to verify a transaction by solving increasingly complex mathematical equations and earn new bitcoins as compensation. A great idea — in theory. In practice, the unfettered marketplace for bitcoin mining has led to frenzied competition to solve ever more complex equations, with vast warehouses holding "rigs" of advanced computers consuming massive amounts of electricity, with the result that the carbon emissions from bitcoin processing are now equivalent to that of a mid-size country such as Sweden or Argentina.

An economy based on perpetual growth

The relentless pursuit of profit growth above all other considerations is reflected in the world's stock markets, where corporations are valued not by their benefit to society, but by investors' expectations of their growth in future earnings. Similarly, when aggregated to national accounts, the main proxy used to measure the performance of politicians is growth in Gross Domestic Product (GDP). Although it is commonly assumed that GDP correlates with social welfare, this is not the case once basic material requirements have been met. GDP merely measures the rate at which society transforms nature and human activity into the monetary economy, regardless of the ensuing quality of life. Anything that causes economic activity of any kind, whether good or bad, adds to GDP. When researchers developed a benchmark called the Genuine Progress Indicator (GPI), which incorporates qualitative components of well-being, they discovered a dramatic divergence between the two measures. GPI peaked in 1978 and has been steadily falling ever since, even while GDP continues to accelerate.

In spite of this, the possibility of shifting our economy away from perpetual growth is barely even considered in mainstream discourse. In preparation for COP26, the UN's Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) modeled five scenarios exploring potential pathways that would lead to different global heating outcomes this century, ranging from an optimistic 1.5°C pathway to a likely catastrophic 4.5°C track. One of their most critical variables is the amount of carbon reduction accomplished through negative emissions, relying on massive implementation of unproven technologies. According to the IPCC, staying under 2°C of global heating — consistent with the minimum target set by the 2015 Paris agreement — involves a heroic assumption that we will suck 730 billion metric tonnes of carbon out of the atmosphere this century. This stupendous amount is equivalent to roughly twenty times the total current annual emissions from all fossil fuel usage. Such an assumption is closer to science fiction than any rigorous analysis worthy of a model on which our civilization is basing its entire future. Yet, even as the IPCC appears willing to model humanity's fate on a pipe dream, not one of their scenarios explores what is possible from a graduated annual reduction in global GDP. Such a scenario was considered by the IPCC community to be too implausible to consider.

This represents a serious lapse on the part of the IPCC. Climate scientists who have modeled planned reductions in GDP show that keeping global heating below 1.5°C this century is potentially within reach under this scenario, with greatly reduced reliance on speculative carbon reduction technologies. Prominent economists have shown that a carefully managed "post-growth" plan could lead to enhanced quality of life, reduced inequality, and a healthier environment. It would, however, undermine the foundational activity of capitalism — the pursuit of endless growth that has led to our current state of obscene inequality, impending ecological collapse, and climate breakdown.

The profit-based path to catastrophe

As long as this elephant in the room remains unspoken, our world will continue to careen toward catastrophe, even as politicians and technocrats shift from one savior narrative to another. Along with the myth of "green growth," we are told that a solution lies in putting monetary valuations on "ecosystem services" and incorporating them into business decisions — even though this approach has been shown to be deeply flawed, frequently counterproductive, and ultimately self-defeating. A wetlands, for example, might have value in protecting a city from flooding. However, if it were drained and a swanky new resort built on the reclaimed land, this could be more lucrative. Case closed.

The new moniker arising from the corporate titans at the World Economic Forum is "stakeholder capitalism": an inviting term that seems to imply that stakeholders other than investors will play a role in setting corporate priorities, but actually refers to a profoundly anti-democratic process whereby corporations assume increasingly large roles in global governance. This month, the UN Food Systems Summit was essentially taken over by the same giant corporations, including Nestlé and Bayer, that are largely responsible for the very problems the summit was intended to grapple with — which led to a widespread boycott by hundreds of civil society and Indigenous groups.

As net-zero targets decades away are formally announced at COP26, built implicitly on a combination of corporate procrastination and speculative technologies, we can only expect the climate crisis to continue to worsen. Ultimately, as negative emissions technologies fail to meet their grandiose expectations, the same voices that currently promote reliance on them will lend support to the techno-dystopian idea of geoengineering — vast, planet-altering engineering projects designed to temporarily manipulate the climate to defer a climate apocalypse. A leading geoengineering candidate, financed by Bill Gates, involves spraying particles into the stratosphere to cool the Earth by reflecting the Sun's rays back into space. The risks are enormous, including the likelihood of causing extreme shifts in precipitation around the world. Additionally, once begun, it could never be stopped without immediate catastrophic rebound heating; it would not prevent the oceans from further acidifying; and may turn the blue sky into a perpetual dull haze. In spite of these concerns, geoengineering is beginning to get discussed at UN meetings, with publications such as The Economist predicting that, since it wouldn't disrupt continued economic growth, it's more likely to be implemented than the drastic, binding cuts in emissions that would head off climate disaster.

There is an alternative

Why is the elephant in the room so rarely mentioned in mainstream discourse? One reason is that, since the collapse of communism and the parallel rise of neoliberalism beginning in the 1980s, it is assumed that "there is no alternative," as Margaret Thatcher famously declared. Even committed green advocates, such as the Business Green group, are quick to dismiss criticism of our growth-based economic system as "knee-jerk anti-capitalist agitprop." But the conventional dichotomy between capitalism and socialism, to which such conversations inevitably devolve, is no longer helpful. Old-fashioned socialism was just as poised to consume the Earth as capitalism, differing primarily in how the pie should be carved up. 

There is, however, an alternative. A wide range of progressive thinkers are exploring the possibilities of replacing our destructive global economic system with one that offers potential for sustainability, greater fairness, and human flourishing. Proponents of degrowth show that it is possible to implement a planned reduction of energy and resource use while reducing inequality and improving human well-being. Economic models, such as Kate Raworth's "doughnut economics" offer coherent substitutes for the classical outdated framework that ignores fundamental principles of human nature and humanity's role within the Earth system. Meanwhile, large-scale cooperatives, such as Mondragon in Spain, demonstrate that it's possible for companies to provide effectively for human needs without utilizing a shareholder-based profit model.

Another reason people give for ignoring the elephant in the room, even when they know it's there, is that we don't have time for structural change. The climate emergency is already upon us, and we need to focus on actions that can occur right now. This is true, and nothing in this article should be taken as a reason to avoid the drastic and immediate changes required in business and consumer practices. Indeed, they are necessary — but insufficient. Ultimately, our global civilization must begin a transformation to one that is based not on building wealth through extraction, but on foundational principles that could create the conditions for long-term flourishing on a regenerated Earth — an ecological civilization.

Even in the short term, there are innumerable steps that can be taken to steer our civilization toward a life-affirming trajectory. Around the world Indigenous people on the frontline of the climate emergency desperately need support in defending the biodiverse ecosystems in which they are embedded against assaults from extractive corporations. A growing campaign is under way to make the wholesale destruction of natural living systems a criminal act by establishing a law of ecocide—prosecutable like genocide under the International Criminal Court. The powers of transnational corporations themselves need to be addressed, ultimately by requiring their charters to be converted to a triple bottom line of people, planet, and profits, and subject to rigorous enforcement powers.

The transformation we need may take decades, but the process must begin now with the clear and explicit recognition that capitalism itself needs to be supplanted by a system based on life-affirming values. Don't expect to see any discussion of these issues in the formal proceedings of COP26. But, turn your attention outside the hallowed halls and you'll hear the voices of those who are standing up for life's continued flourishing on Earth. It's only when their ideas are discussed seriously in the main chambers of a future COP that we can begin to hold authentic hope that our civilization may finally be turning away from the precipice toward which it is currently accelerating.

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10/10/2021

(AU The Guardian) Angus Taylor Advised By Department That IPCC Climate Report Was ‘Balanced’, Documents Show

The Guardian - 

Emissions reduction minister told to expect more vigorous calls for ambitious targets before Barnaby Joyce declined to endorse findings

Australia’s emissions reduction minister, Angus Taylor, received a four-page briefing from his department just before the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change released its new report. Photograph: Lukas Coch/AAP

Australian government officials privately advised Angus Taylor that the latest international report on climate science was “balanced and transparent” before Barnaby Joyce later refused to endorse some of the key findings.

Amid government divisions on climate policy in the lead-up to the Glasgow Cop26 conference, Guardian Australia can reveal Taylor’s department also told him to expect intensified calls “for more ambitious climate targets, such as net zero emissions by 2050 or earlier”.

Taylor, the emissions reduction minister, received a four-page briefing from his department just before the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) released its new report in August.

The industry department also provided Taylor with “updated talking points” and a “media handling strategy” – although those attachments were not included in the document released to Guardian Australia under freedom of information laws (FoI).

“It is the department’s view that the report provides a detailed, balanced and transparent assessment that addresses Australia’s comments submitted during the final government review,” stated the ministerial submission sent on 9 August.

Taylor and the Liberals largely accepted the IPCC report, with Taylor saying on its release that “Australia is committed to achieving net zero emissions as soon as possible, and preferably by 2050”.

However, three weeks after its release, Joyce, who as the leader of the Nationals will be crucial to the outcome of the government’s climate policy negotiations, declined to endorse specific IPCC findings.

At a National Press Club event on 3 September, the deputy prime minister likened questions from the Guardian about whether he agreed with several key findings from the report to a baptism where parents were required to “denounce Satan and all his works and deeds”.

Joyce said he was “not going to stand here and sort of be berated into complying” with such statements.

When presented with several statements from the 40-page summary for policymakers, Joyce said he would not “participate in some sort of kangaroo court of now you will agree to every statement I say because the IPCC said it”.

He said only that he believed “humans have an influence on climate”, without specifying how much of an influence.

But the department’s briefing to Taylor on the IPCC report noted that the summary for policymakers “was approved line by line in an IPCC member government approval session from 26 July to 6 August 2021” and represented a balanced outcome.

“The report is expected to attract significant media attention and intensify calls for more ambitious climate targets, such as net zero emissions by 2050 or earlier,” the department told Taylor.

Download original document

The department said the key messages from the report included that it was “unequivocal that human influence has warmed the atmosphere, ocean and land”.

The briefing said this was the IPCC’s strongest statement on human influence to date “and builds on a similar finding in its Fifth Assessment Report in 2013 which found that human influence was ‘clear’”.

The briefing also noted that “limiting human-induced global warming to a specific level requires reaching at least net zero CO2 emissions, along with strong reductions in other greenhouse gas emissions”.

“Stakeholders might use the report’s release as an opportunity to amplify calls for near term action to reduce methane emissions, noting its greater warming impact compared to carbon dioxide on a tonne for tonne basis, over a 100-year time horizon,” it stated.

Three paragraphs in the briefing were blacked out in the version released to Guardian Australia apparently because of a potential impact on foreign relations.

The briefing was prepared for Taylor and there is no indication Joyce received it.

Pressure builds on Australia

Australia is facing sustained diplomatic pressure, including from the US and the UK, to strengthen its climate policies, including its 2030 target, which remains at the Abbott-era level of a 26% to 28% cut compared with 2005.

The FoI decision-maker said of the redactions: “I am satisfied this material contains opinions and confidential information about issues of sensitivity between Australia and various foreign countries and the release of this material would inhibit or prejudice future negotiations between the Australian government and the government of these countries.”

The prime minister, Scott Morrison, pushed back at diplomatic pressure on Thursday, saying he would not “make any suggestions as to what other countries should be doing”.

Addressing reporters outside the Lodge in Canberra, Morrison said the government would be “working through” the details of its climate plan “over the next few weeks”, arguing it had been “a very good faith process” to date.

Morrison did not rule out accepting a controversial proposal to create a $250bn loan facility for the resources sector in return for National party backing for a net zero emissions target.

The resources minister, Keith Pitt, has proposed that taxpayers underwrite fossil fuel financing and insurance, but the idea has been met with scorn by metropolitan Liberals.

 The Australia Institute, a progressive thinktank, plans to launch a new television advertising campaign that accuses the government of “trying to cheat on climate action again”.

“Their plan for net zero emissions by 2050 is a fraud if gas and coal are allowed to expand,” the narrator says in a 30-second ad expected to air from Monday.

Richie Merzian, the climate and energy program director at the Australia Institute, said actions spoke louder than words.

“While the prime minister is poised to announce a net zero by 2050 target, we can see from this government’s actions that it has little intention of meeting such a target, let alone beating it,” Merzian said.

With the Asian Development Bank preparing to decide on a new energy policy that is likely to include an end to financing coal projects, a Treasury spokesperson said on Thursday the Australian government was “currently considering its position”.

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(AU AFR) Australia’s Business Leaders Tell PM How To Hit Net Zero By 2050

AFR - Phillip Coorey | Jacob Greber

More than 130 of Australia’s biggest companies have told the federal government a strategy to reach net zero by 2050 not only makes environmental sense but could grow jobs and the economy in the process.

As the Prime Minister enters a critical 10 days trying to negotiate a deal with the Nationals ahead of the COP26 climate talks in Glasgow, the Business Council of Australia has provided ammunition for his case with its own technology road map detailing how to hit the target and achieve far deeper cuts by 2030 than are currently targeted.

Business Council of Australia president Tim Reed says climate change needs solutions, not more endless debate. Alex Ellinghausen

The plan, underpinned by modelling by Deloitte Access Economics, estimates that if every sector of the economy plays a role, the economy could grow $890 billion bigger than otherwise in today’s dollars in the 50 years to 2070.

Rather than jobs being destroyed, the modelling says a modest 195,000 net jobs would also be created over the next 50 years

BCA president Tim Reed said the bulk of the economic dividend would be realised in the regions.

Before the last election, the BCA described Labor’s 2030 target of a 45 per cent emissions cut over 2005 levels as “economy wrecking”.

But its modelling shows that, based on current available technology, it is both “pragmatic and ambitious” to reduce emissions by between 46 per cent and 50 per cent over 2005 levels by 2030.

While the 2030 targets are optimal, the BCA setting an early ambitious target will speed up investment in new technology and make the task easier over the longer term.


BCA chief executive Jennifer Westacott said the exercise was to show net zero could be done, even if the requisite technologies had not all been developed.

“The fundamental question is how do we get to net zero by 2050, that’s what we tried to do,” she said.

The BCA modelling, which the organisation says is supported by its membership, is led by business investment which would be driven by an expanded and enhanced safeguard mechanism requiring more of Australia’s biggest polluters to pay for their emissions by removing a technical exemption.

This would be done by reducing the eligibility threshold for emitters from 100,000 tonnes of carbon dioxide a year to 25,000 tonnes. There would be support for internationally exposed, emissions-intensive sectors, just as was originally proposed more than a decade ago when Labor tried to tackle climate change.

Technology-based reductions

Fledgling technologies including hydrogen and carbon capture and storage would be needed for the plan to work.

Scott Morrison is currently negotiating with Nationals leader Barnaby Joyce a technology-based deal to achieve net zero by 2050, to be announced before next month’s Glasgow climate change summit.

It is also likely the government, based on current projections, will unveil a 2030 emissions reduction target higher than the current 26 per cent to 28 per cent. The new target is expected to be in the mid-30s.

The BCA strategy says the electricity sector would have to make the biggest contribution to its 2030 target with 61 per cent of emissions reductions. This would require a four-fold increase in the uptake of renewable energy this decade, enough to generate an extra 30 gigawatts at an investment cost of $50 billion.

This would result in clean energy constituting 85 per cent of the mix by 2030, and 99 per cent by 2040 and 2050.

Industry, transport and agriculture

The next biggest contribution would be made by the industry sector, which would account for 24 per cent of the overall emissions reductions. These reductions would be achieved through such measures as moving from diesel to gas and renewables, and adopting carbon capture and storage.

Transport would contribute a 10 per cent reduction in nationwide emissions through heavy investment in electric vehicles.

The BCA plan calls for 22 per cent of cars to be electric by 2030, up from the government’s current target of 7 per cent. As well, 10 per cent of trucks would be hydrogen-fuelled by 2030.

The agriculture and land sectors, which the Nationals have demanded be exempt from the net zero plan, would contribute 5 per cent of reductions, but largely through offset measures. Some measures, such a methane supplements and fertiliser management, would be highly dependent on the commercial viability of technologies still in their infancy.

As for the BCA’s membership, “overwhelmingly they see this as an opportunity”.

Global rules for risk disclosures

Separately, as pressure builds on government over climate change, a group representing more than two-thirds of Australia’s investment industry and over $100 trillion in assets under management globally is pressing Treasurer Josh Frydenberg and Reserve Bank of Australia governor Philip Lowe to work with their most powerful counterparts on creating consistent global rules for climate risk disclosures.

To avoid a mishmash of national rules and standards, the investors group wants Mr Frydenberg and Dr Lowe to use next week’s Group of 20 central bankers and finance ministers meeting, hosted by Italy, to join global efforts for common transparency rules.

Australia should phase in by 2024 economy-wide rules set out by the global Task Force for Climate-Related Financial Disclosure.

“Without an international approach and commitments from nations to integrate and build on international baseline standards in domestic legal frameworks, we risk market fragmentation that could impede the flow of global capital,” said Erwin Jackson, director of policy at the Investor Group on Climate Change.

A letter penned by the group was sent to the government and central bank two weeks after Mr Frydenberg backed the push to net zero by 2050 with a warning that “markets are moving” towards a lower-emissions future.

“It’s a long-term shift, not a short-term shock” he said at the time. “Trillions of dollars are being mobilised globally in support of the transition.”

Australia’s official debt agency, the Australian Office of Financial Management, says around a third of its recent meetings with domestic and offshore investors have included discussions about Australia’s environmental and climate-related promises.

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(AU SMH) How Australia Got Blindsided In The Great Pacific Climate Coup

Sydney Morning Herald - Nick O'Malley

As the Glasgow climate talks loomed closer this week Fiji’s Prime Minister Frank Bainimarama addressed an international forum hosted by the former US vice president Al Gore, with slightly more than customary bluntness.

A little greyer and a touch softer than when he led a coup to take power for his first term in 2006, there was still a whiff of the hard man about him.

Strong words: Fiji Prime Minister Frank Bainimarama at COP23 climate change conference in Bonn, Germany in 2017. Credit: AP

Pacific leaders, he said, were tired of commending the resilience of their people in confronting a warming world and the rising seas.

They would no longer accept the role of “canary in the world’s coal mines”, they would not be the world’s “helpless songbirds”.

And then as current chair of the Pacific Islands Forum he listed priorities.

“Fiji and the Pacific’s demands are clear,” he said. “The developed world must deliver on the $100 billion dollars promised in climate finance.” He mentioned Australia and New Zealand specifically.


This language might have surprised international onlookers used to the climate debate focussing on emission reductions. And who is Fiji and its 13 Pacific partners to be issuing demands to the world?

Those with an eye on the history of high-stakes climate negotiations knew better.

The 1.5 degree drive-by

You need to know a little climate politics to understand the flex.

The Paris Agreement today commits each nation to do their utmost to reduce greenhouse gas emissions in keeping with holding global warming beneath 2 degrees and as close to 1.5 degrees as possible.

Today that lower target, 1.5 degrees, has become the focus of the world’s discussion.

But leading up to the Paris climate talks in 2015, 1.5 degrees was barely even a consideration, even though climate scientists agreed it was the point at which we stood a better chance of avoiding potentially cataclysmic climate tipping points.

The target only exists in the Paris Agreement because of a diplomatic ambush set by one of the world’s smallest nations - the Marshall Islands, population about 60,000.

That was then: Foreign Minister Julie Bishop hugs then Marshall Islands minister Tony de Brum at the Paris climate summit. Credit: Andrew McLeish
Then Marshallese foreign minister Tony deBrum recognised that while 2 degrees warming might be tolerable to other parts of the world, it would obliterate many Pacific communities and nations.

Under the slogan “1.5 to stay alive” deBrum began gathering support for an international coalition that would later become known as the High Ambition Coalition (HAC).

When the Paris talks began no one outside the group knew of its existence, but deBrum had already managed to secure the support firstly of Pacific island nations and then other small island countries in the Caribbean and Indian Ocean.

Some African nations came on board later. The EU also backed the grouping, and when the negotiations started to bite, the group managed to pull the United States on board.

Finally, more than a week into Paris negotiations, the HAC “broke cover” as Dr Wesley Morgan, researcher at the Climate Council and research fellow at Griffith Asia Institute, put it in a recent essay in the Australian journal Foreign Affairs.

The moment was dramatic. DeBrum walked towards the final session of the Paris talks flanked by the Spanish politician serving as European energy commissioner, Miguel Arias Cañete, and the US chief climate negotiator Todd Stern.

The three had palm fronds woven into their lapels to symbolise their common purpose. The Marshallese statesman also had the votes of 90 nations in his pocket.


World leaders, diplomats and staffers suddenly realised they’d been wrong-footed.

Australia, the Pacific big brother that used to boast of punching above its diplomatic weight did not even know the bloc existed before this moment.

“We could not have gotten a Paris Agreement without the incredible efforts and hard work of the island nations,” said then US President Barack Obama the following year of the efforts of deBrum and the group he corralled.

Australia’s then foreign minister Julie Bishop announced that we too would join the HAC. The problem was Australia was short on entry requirements.

“We are delighted to learn of Australia’s interest and look forward to hearing what more they may be able to do to join our coalition,” said deBrum.

The $100 billion compromise

So when laying out the demands of the Pacific Island Forum this week Bainimarama was not speaking, entirely, as a minnow in an ocean of whales. And the $100 billion in climate finance he demanded was not a figure plucked from the sky.

He was referring to a commitment made by wealthy nations in previous climate talks that began to take shape in 2009, and that has never been met.

The agreement is based on a fairly obvious inequity.

Industrialised nations have been dumping greenhouse gases into the atmosphere since the industrial revolution, and have made themselves rich doing so. Poorer nations are only now going through that process.

The urgency of the climate crisis dictates that all nations must rapidly reduce their emissions, including - especially - emerging economies now reliant on heavy, dirty industry.

Recognising that greening the planet meant that poorer countries could not burn carbon as the richer world had, a payoff was agreed to during UN talks in Copenhagen in 2009.

Rich nations would “mobilise” $100 billion in finance each year by 2020 to help developing nations go greener faster.

A so-called Green Climate Fund would manage the effort.

The problem was, says one of Australia’s former chief climate diplomats, Professor Howard Bamsey, the language built into the agreement to ensure it won support, was loose enough to be almost meaningless.

Mobilise, he says, “is one of those UN verbs, so you have to parse it very carefully”.

It was never made clear, he explains, if “mobilising finance” meant giving grants or facilitating cheap loans or creating policies to help funnel private money.

Whatever it means, no matter how hard you “parse it”, you never get anywhere near $100 billion a year on a ledger.

It is hard today to work out how much money was ever secured. By some counts the most funding achieved in a year was $20 billion. By a recent OECD analysis it is closer to $80 billion, if you count finance channelled directly between nations rather than through the Green Climate Fund.

But Bamsey says the purpose of the fund was more than a practical climate response. It served to bind nations in common effort, and its failure to date is a blow to the global climate accord.

Australia once placed itself at the heart of the project, recognising it as an effective way to channel global support for the Pacific. Bamsey himself was appointed executive director of the GFC in 2016.

In an early round of funding Australia committed $200 million to the effort but in 2018 Prime Minister Scott Morrison said during a radio interview with Alan Jones that kicked off with a discussion of their mutual support for a horse racing advertisement to be projected onto the sails of the Opera House that Australia would no longer be contributing to “that big climate fund”.

Prime Minister Scott Morrison and Fiji’s Frank Bainimarama during his official visit to Parliament House in Canberra in 2019. Credit: Alex Ellinghausen
Later in Senate estimates hearings foreign affairs staff confirmed that this comment constituted the announcement that Australia would no longer be part of the Green Climate Fund, though the nation’s foreign aid to the Pacific continued.

So what next?

DeBrum died in 2017. He’d perhaps be surprised to see how much the world has changed since then.

Carbon emissions are still trending up rather than down, but there is now a consensus that clean energy is cheaper than dirty alternatives. Around 70 per cent of the global economy exists in jurisdictions that are committed to reducing emissions to net-zero by 2050.

Both the United States, the world’s largest historical emitter of greenhouse gases, and China, the current one, back rapid decarbonisation.

We don’t know if another bloc like the High Ambition Coalition is being quietly built as Glasgow approaches, or what the HAC itself has planned.

We know that Italy has become a crossroads for international officials this month as it prepares to hold G20 talks and act as co-host to the COP26 conference in Glasgow in November.

And, due to a Twitter post by Grenada’s environment minister Simon Stiell, we know that in Milan this week US President Joe Biden’s infamously indefatigable climate envoy John Kerry made time to meet with another negotiator, the Marshall Islands climate envoy Tina Stege.

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09/10/2021

(AU SMH) Pacific Nations Refuse To Be The Canary In The Climate Coal Mine

Sydney Morning Herald - Nick O'Malley

Pacific Island nations are tired of reiterating their people’s suffering and applauding their resilience in the face of climate change and will demand real action from developed nations at upcoming climate talks, Fiji’s Prime Minister Frank Bainimarama has warned.

Fijian Prime Minister Frank Bainimarama addressing the United Nations in 2018. Credit: AP

“We refuse to be the proverbial canaries in the world’s coal mine, as we are so often called,” said Mr Bainimarama in an angry but poised speech at the forum hosted by Al Gore’s Climate Reality Project to discuss the November COP26 climate talks in Glasgow.

“We want more of ourselves than to be helpless songbirds whose demand serves as a warning to others.”
“We refuse to be the proverbial canaries in the world’s coal mine.”
Fijian Prime Minister Frank Bainimarama
He called on Pacific nations not to allow world leaders to “sneak in and out of Glasgow without making a single serious commitment.”

Paris Agreement
Strong climate targets make strong friendships, Fiji tells Australia
Mr Bainimarama said Pacific Island nations will demand that, at Glasgow, wealthier countries make good on the commitment they made during the Paris talks to extend to developing nations $US100 billion in finance annually for climate adaptation and mitigation; and to commit to emission cuts that keep the 1.5-degree warming target within reach.

“That is our expectation for every nation, Australia and New Zealand included,” said Mr Bainimarama, adding that the difference between 1.5 degrees and 2 degrees was the difference between life and death for millions.

“Our actions will decide whether islands exist or are lost to the rising seas.”

Addressing the forum, the former United States vice-president Al Gore called on all nations, but specifically Australia, the US and New Zealand, to cut their emissions in half by 2030.

“The science tells us that the only way to keep the 1.5 degree target ... is if we cut global emissions in half by 2030,” he said.

Australia has committed to cuts of 26 to 28 per cent by 2030, the US to 50 per cent and New Zealand to 30 per cent.

Pacific Island nations have proved to be formidable negotiators at United Nations climate talks.

Their lobbying saw the world adopt the 1.5-degree target at the Paris talks after they formed a voting bloc with smaller nations of the Caribbean and Africa before winning the support of the European Union and eventually the United States.

Since the UN’s August report showing the accelerating pace of climate change, Mr Bainimarama’s language on the issue has become stronger.

“This crisis is ours to own and ours to solve,” he said after the report was published.

“By the time leaders come to Glasgow at COP26, it has to be with immediate and transformative action ... Come with commitments for serious cuts in emissions by 2030 – 50 per cent or more. Come with commitments to become net-zero before 2050. Do not come with excuses. That time is past.”

Fiji’s Prime Minister Frank Bainimarama calls on world leaders to adopt real action at November's Climate Change Conference in Glasgow. 2min 21sec

Samoan Prime Minister Fiamē Naomi Mataʻafa described the Glasgow talks as the world’s “point of no return” on climate, and also called for concrete commitments on reductions and finance in line with the Paris accord during a second forum hosted by the Australia Institute on Wednesday.

In Australia, the cost of natural disasters is expected to climb from $38 billion on average each year to $73 billion per year by 2060 due to climate change, even if the world manages to rein in emissions, according to a new report by Deloitte Access Economics.

Under a high emissions scenario, in which the world would warm by 3 degrees above pre-industrial levels, that figure would climb to $94 billion.

Warming has already reached 1.1 degrees, and even if existing pledges were met the world is on track for around 2.7 degrees warming.

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