13/10/2021

(AU SMH) News Corp’s Climate Campaign Is A Political Development With Impact

Sydney Morning Herald -  David Crowe

Rupert Murdoch’s many critics were savage on Monday after his Australian newspapers staged a spectacular backflip and embraced the need for faster action on climate change.

Newspapers that once warned of a $600 billion cost from cutting emissions now claimed a $2 trillion benefit from doing the same thing.

Rupert Murdoch’s company, News Corp Australia, has repositioned on the issue of climate change action. Credit: AP

It was a brazen move to reposition Murdoch’s company, News Corp Australia, on an issue where its strongest voices have warned against action for years. And it came just as Prime Minister Scott Morrison tries to reposition as well.

“Greenwash,” fumed Kevin Rudd. The former Labor prime minister saw the campaign as cover for Morrison and the Liberals to finally adopt a net zero emissions target for 2050. He called it hypocrisy, too, for suddenly celebrating what the papers had railed against when Labor was in charge.

These aren’t the only somersaults ahead of the United Nations summit on climate change in Glasgow next month. The Business Council of Australia just called for a cut to greenhouse gas emissions of at least 45 per cent by 2030 – the same target it said would wreck the economy when Labor suggested it at the 2019 election.

Climate policy
No wonder this ignites fury. Australia lost more than a decade on climate change after the Coalition and the Greens combined to block an emissions trading scheme in the Senate in 2009. The country needed a steady policy on a long-term problem and got deadlocks and turmoil instead.

But this is why the shift at News Corp is so significant. It is not a provocation – it is a vindication. One of the most experienced people in the Australian debate, John Connor of the Carbon Market Institute, calls it a tectonic shift. The sceptics have woken up to reality. Connor does not say it, but he and others have won. They have forced that awakening.

News had to change. So did Morrison. So did the BCA.

First, the financial markets expect governments and companies to act on climate change, as Treasurer Josh Frydenberg noted in a speech two weeks ago. Costs can be higher for those who do not act.

Climate policy
Second, consumers also expect action. A Resolve Political Monitor survey last month found 60 per cent of voters support net zero by 2050. Only a foolhardy media company would turn a deaf ear to that sentiment.

A third factor is people in business can see society changing. They know many young people will not work for companies that block action on climate change.

There was no edict at News Corp to tell its strongest voices what to write. Andrew Bolt isn’t changing. In fact, he made a point on Monday of sticking to his guns. The Australian is not part of the campaign, although it endorsed the target of net zero by 2050 in an editorial on Monday.

Barnaby Joyce preparing to back net zero, with conditions
But the News coverage will be a real force in politics. Morrison can cajole Nationals leader Barnaby Joyce into accepting net zero by 2050 in the knowledge the country’s biggest newspaper publisher will not campaign against the target.

Whether this issue wins votes for Morrison is another matter. Voters with strong views on climate change can see Morrison is a reluctant convert, so they may prefer Labor and the Greens. Morrison may at best neutralise the issue for others.

So the new dynamic is much more than fodder for the media business. It is a political development. It will have a political impact.

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(Washington Post) At Least 85 Percent Of The World’s Population Has Been Affected By Human-Induced Climate Change, New Study Shows

Washington Post - Annabelle Timsit | Sarah Kaplan

Researchers used machine learning to analyze more than 100,000 studies of weather events and found four-fifths of the world’s land area has suffered impacts linked to global warming

People ride in a cart pulled by zebus near Amboasary Atsimo in Madagascar, an area that is suffering a food crisis because of intense drought. (Rijasolo/AFP/Getty Images)

At least 85 percent of the global population has experienced weather events made worse by climate change, according to research published Monday in the journal Nature Climate Change.

After using machine learning to analyze and map more than 100,000 studies of events that could be linked to global warming, researchers paired the analysis with a well-established data set of temperature and precipitation shifts caused by fossil fuel use and other sources of carbon emissions.

These combined findings — which focused on events such as crop failures, floods and heat waves — allowed scientists to make a solid link between escalating extremes and human activities. They concluded that global warming has affected 80 percent of the world’s land area.

“We have a huge evidence base now that documents how climate change is affecting our societies and our ecosystems,” said lead author Max Callaghan, a researcher at the Mercator Research Institute on Global Commons and Climate Change in Germany.

The study provides hard numbers to back up the lived experiences of people from New York City to South Sudan. “Climate change,” Callaghan said, “is visible and noticeable almost everywhere in the world.”

The findings come amid a major push to get countries to commit to more ambitious climate goals ahead of a United Nations summit in Glasgow, Scotland, next month. Research shows that existing pledges will put the planet on track to heat up about 2.7 degrees Celsius (4.9 degrees Fahrenheit) by the end of the century — a level of warming that would lead to drastic food and water shortages, deadly weather disasters, and catastrophic ecosystem collapse.

Some of the world’s top emitters, including China and India, have yet to formally commit to a new 2030 emissions reduction target. Activists worry that an emerging energy crisis, which has raised prices and triggered blackouts, could imperil efforts to get developing economies to phase out polluting fuels.

In the United States, climate disasters have already caused at least 388 deaths and more than $100 billion in damage this year, according to analyses from The Washington Post and the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration.

Yet despite a pledge to halve emissions by the end of the decade, congressional Democrats are struggling to pass a pair of bills that would provide hundreds of billions of dollars for renewable energy, electric vehicles and programs that would help communities adapt to a changing climate.

The contrast between the scope of climate disasters and the scale of global ambition is top of mind for hundreds of protesters who have descended on Washington this week to demand an end to fossil fuel use.

“How can you say that we are in this climate emergency and be going around and saying we’re at this red point … and at the same time be giving away land for additional oil and gas infrastructure?” said Joye Braun, a community organizer with the Indigenous Environmental Network and a member of the Cheyenne River Sioux Tribe who rallied in Washington this week.

The activists, many of them from Indigenous communities that have been harmed by global warming, risked arrest as they remained on the sidewalk outside the White House after police ordered them to clear the area.

A U.S. Park Police officer looks on as people take part in a climate change protest outside the White House on Oct. 11. (Evelyn Hockstein/Reuters)

The new research in Nature adds to a growing body of evidence that climate change is already disrupting human life on a global scale.

Scientists are increasingly able to attribute events like heat waves and hurricanes to human actions. In August, the U.N. Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change devoted an entire chapter to the extreme weather consequences of a warming world.

The study’s conclusion that 85 percent of humanity is experiencing climate impacts may sound high. But it’s “probably an underestimation,” said Friederike Otto, a senior lecturer at the Grantham Institute for Climate Change and the Environment at Imperial College London, who was not involved in the study.

The study looked at average temperature and precipitation changes, rather than the most extreme impacts, for which Otto says there is even more evidence of climate change’s role.

“It is likely that nearly everyone in the world now experiences changes in extreme weather as a result of human greenhouse gas emissions,” she said.

The human toll of these events has become impossible to ignore. This summer, hundreds of people in the Pacific Northwest died after unprecedented heat baked the usually temperate region. More than 1 million people in Madagascar are at risk of starvation as a historic drought morphs into a climate-induced famine. Catastrophic flooding caused New Yorkers to drown in their own homes, while flash flooding has inundated refugee camps in South Sudan.

In a letter released Monday, some 450 organizations representing 45 million health-care workers called attention to the way rising temperatures have increased the risk of many health issues, including breathing problems, mental illness and insect-borne diseases. One of the papers analyzed for the Nature study, for example, found that deaths from heart disease had risen in areas experiencing hotter conditions.

“The climate crisis is the single biggest health threat facing humanity,” the health organizations’ letter said.

Yet in many of the places that stand to suffer most from climate change, Callaghan and his colleagues found a deficit of research on what temperature and precipitation shifts could mean for people’s daily lives.

The researchers identified fewer than 10,000 studies looking at climate change’s effect on Africa, and about half as many focused on South America. By contrast, roughly 30,000 published papers examined climate impacts in North America.

In poorer countries, the researchers say, roughly a quarter of people live in areas where there have been few impact studies, despite strong evidence that they are experiencing changes in temperature and precipitation patterns. In wealthier countries, that figure stands at only 3 percent.

“But it indicates that we’re not studying enough,” Callaghan said, “not that there isn’t anything happening.”

Otto attributes this discrepancy, known as an “attribution gap,” to a lack of capacity and funding for research in poor countries, as well as researchers’ tendency to reflect the priorities of wealthy nations.

A protective wall is erected with reclaimed sand in Guraidhoo, Maldives, on Oct. 10. The Maldives is one of the world's lowest-lying countries, making it extremely vulnerable to climate change. (Allison Joyce/Getty Images)

In South Sudan, for example, efforts to understand flooding have been stymied by conflict and the difficulty of collecting weather data in the world’s youngest country.

Liz Stephens, an associate professor in climate risks and resilience at the University of Reading, wrote in an email that the Global Flood Awareness System from the Copernicus Emergency Management Service is “notoriously bad” at forecasting flooding in the White Nile and Blue Nile river basins.

Without good data, scientists can’t easily say what places are likely to be deluged or warn when a disaster is about to hit. Officials may be caught off guard by weather events. Vulnerable people are less able to get out of harm’s way.

South Sudanese officials say half a million people — about 4 percent of the country’s population — have been displaced by the floods.

But the “attribution gap” makes machine-learning-based analyses like Callaghan’s all the more valuable, Otto said. These programs can help identify climate impacts even in places where there are not enough scientists studying them.

“It seems a very useful way … to understand better what climate change is costing us today in a global way that is more bottom-up,” Otto said.

Here in the nation’s capital, policymakers are still debating the costs of moving away from fossil fuels.

While members of both parties back a nearly $1 trillion infrastructure bill that has passed the Senate and would provide $7.5 billion to build out a national network of electric-vehicle charging stations and several other measures to cut carbon emissions, the White House is struggling to muster enough support for a $3.5 trillion bill that would provide incentives for utilities that get an increasing share of their power from solar, wind and other carbon-free sources and penalize those that don’t move swiftly enough.

According to a recent analysis by the Rhodium Group, an independent research firm, the larger spending bill would curb U.S. greenhouse gas emissions by as much as a gigaton — but would probably get the country only halfway to its 2030 goals.

A September study in Nature found that 60 percent of Earth’s oil and fossil methane gas and 90 percent of coal must remain in the ground for the world to have a chance of limiting warming to 1.5 degrees Celsius (2.7 degrees Fahrenheit) — a threshold that scientists say would spare humanity the most disastrous climate impacts.

Increasingly, groups are calling on President Biden to restrict fossil fuel production outright.

On Wednesday, a coalition of more than 380 groups filed a legal petition demanding that the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers stop issuing permits for new fossil fuel infrastructure projects. Two days later, hundreds of scientists submitted an open letter asking Biden to do the same.

“The reality of our situation is now so dire that only a rapid phase-out of fossil fuel extraction and combustion can fend off the worst consequences of the climate crisis,” they wrote.

In response to Monday’s protests, however, American Petroleum Institute spokeswoman Megan Bloomgren said curbing the country’s energy options would harm the economy and national security. “American energy is produced under some of the highest environmental standards in the world,” she said.

Pledging to reduce greenhouse gas emissions without cutting back on fossil fuel extraction, activists say, is like a person promising to lose weight while continuing to consume french fries and doughnuts.

“It’s the only way the pledges make sense,” said Dharini Parthasarathy, senior communications officer for policy at the Climate Action Network. “Otherwise, they’re just promises.”

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(AU The Conversation) We Can’t Stabilise The Climate Without Carbon Offsets – So How Do We Make Them Work?

The Conversation - 

Shutterstock

Author
 is Deputy Program Director, Energy and Climate Change, Grattan Institute     
Carbon offsetting has been in the news lately after a report raised concerns about the integrity of the federal government’s offsetting scheme, the emissions reduction fund.

Offsetting refers to reducing emissions or removing carbon dioxide from the atmosphere in one place to make up for emissions in another. Done well, it lowers the costs of reducing emissions. Done badly, it increases costs and gives us false confidence about our progress towards net zero emissions.

It’s a difficult part of the climate change conversation worldwide and, because of past problems, there’s understandable cynicism about its potential.

The Grattan Institute has just released a new report on the role of offsetting in achieving net zero targets. In it, we show even with strong policies to reduce emissions wherever possible, Australia is going to need offsetting — potentially lots of it — to reach a target of net zero emissions.

What is offsetting?

Offsetting is often done through a system of credits or offsets — units that represent one tonne of emissions reductions achieved, or one tonne of carbon dioxide removed from the atmosphere.

For example, a mining company with a net-zero target might be able to partially reduce its emissions through adjusting its operations, but could find it still has emissions that are too expensive or technically impossible to reduce.

In this case, it might buy an “offset” to cover these emissions. The offset could come from another company with plenty of options to reduce emissions (such as a landfill owner), or it might come from an activity like tree-planting.

The federal government’s offsetting scheme is the ‘emissions reduction fund’. AAP Image/Mick Tsikas

Why carbon offsetting is a touchy subject

Offsetting raises strong views. Some see it as an excuse for polluting companies to delay reducing emissions. Others say it destroys the fabric of rural communities because it encourages farmers to turn farming land into places for tree-planting and other carbon-storage activities.

Some international schemes have been criticised for crediting offsetting activities that aren’t “additional”. This refers to activity that would have happened anyway, such as rewarding a landholder for maintaining vegetation that was never going to be cleared, or rewarding a manufacturer for investing in low-emissions technology when that would have occurred regardless.

Australia’s emissions reduction fund has also been criticised on these grounds.

It has also been criticised for the baselines against which offsets are measured and projects receiving credit for activity that hasn’t yet occurred and may never.

All public policy that relies on incentives must grapple with the question of whether an activity is “additional”. It is a hard problem, and it may never be fully solved.

But when it comes to offsetting, it matters, because one of the roles of offsetting is to lower the cost of reducing emissions. In other words, if you can reduce your emissions more cheaply than I can using current technology, it makes sense for me to pay you to do so while I wait for technology costs to come down.

As the chart below shows, if there are too many emissions reduction or removal activities that are credited but didn’t actually happen (“hollow” offsets), then we get a false sense of progress towards net zero. Someone ends up overpaying, so the progress we do make costs more.


Poor integrity makes the cost of reducing emissions higher.
 Grattan Institute


This limits the market’s effectiveness. If buyers aren’t sure they’re getting what they pay for, they won’t pay as much. This pushes prices down, which limits the number of producers willing to do offsetting, because they won’t be paid as much.

More profoundly, these hollow credits give a dangerous false sense of security that emissions are reducing at a particular rate, when in fact they aren’t.

Still, we will need more carbon offsets Most offsetting in Australia is done by reducing emissions. But as we get closer to net zero, these offsetting options will disappear. There will literally be fewer emissions to reduce, and those that remain will be more difficult and more expensive to eliminate.

Even with strong policies to reach net-zero emissions in time, Australia will need offsets for hard-to-abate emissions sources, such as aviation, cement and beef cattle. The only option to deal with these emissions will be to offset them by deliberately removing carbon dioxide from the atmosphere.

Australia has plenty of land for planting trees to draw down carbon dioxide from the atmosphere, but we don’t have plenty of water or productive soil, and we’ll have even less as the climate warms.

Governments should invest in research and development and early-stage technology development, such as direct-air carbon capture and storage. While these technologies are very expensive and might not work at scale, it would be better to find that out now than in 2050.

Most importantly: governments should put in place stronger policies to reduce emissions. The earlier reports in the Grattan Institute’s Towards Net Zero series have recommendations for cutting emissions from transport, industry, and agriculture.

Every tonne of greenhouse gas going into the atmosphere is contributing to global warming and climate change. The tonne we don’t emit is the tonne we don’t have to offset.

Cattle is a major source of emissions in Australia. Shutterstock

Offsetting needs integrity

Clearly, we need offsetting to reduce emissions — but only if it’s done with integrity. In our latest report, we explain how to make this happen.

We recommend the federal government returns to its original commitment made in 2014 to review every method for creating offsetting units in the emissions reduction fund, every four years. It should allocate additional resources to do this, with independent experts.

International rules to underpin integrity and trade in offsetting units should be settled at the next month’s international conference on climate change (COP26) in Glasgow.

If negotiations drag on, we recommend the federal government put in place rules around the export of Australian offsetting units anyway, to stop potential integrity issues emerging.

Both these actions will show the government is serious about maintaining integrity in its offsetting units. Regular reviews may find problems are minimal – that would be a good outcome.

But if there’s widespread perception that offsetting is some sort of dodgy cheat, then the government will find it even more difficult to use it as a policy tool. So being transparent about problems and moving to fix them quickly is the best solution.

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12/10/2021

(AU ABC) Queensland Will Soon Be Home To The World's Largest Hydrogen Manufacturing Facility. Here's What That Means

ABC News - Phoebe Hosier

The superpower hub is set to build green energy infrastructure and equipment, such as cabling and wind turbines. (Getty: onurgonel)

Mining billionaire Andrew 'Twiggy' Forrest yesterday announced that Central Queensland would soon be home to the world's largest hydrogen manufacturing facility.

It is expected to make this state a "renewable energy superpower".

The facility has been heralded as a "breakthrough" for Australia's green energy market, with predictions the plant will double green hydrogen production capacity across the globe.

So what actually is green hydrogen? How does it work? And what on Earth is an electrolyser?

Let's go back to basics. Here's a quick breakdown of all your science questions:

How does green hydrogen work?

Electrolysers split hydrogen from water, producing emission-free energy. (ABC News)

To understand green hydrogen we first need to first get our heads around what it is. 

Hydrogen is an element that can be found in oceans, rivers, lakes and the atmosphere.

It has long been described as the fuel of the future, the energy source that could bring the world to net-zero emissions.

It's cheap and clean-burning. It's also the universe's most abundant element.

However, on Earth, hydrogen doesn't appear pure in nature and requires energy to separate it.

The most common way to separate it is to extract hydrogen from water, which contains two molecules of hydrogen to every one of oxygen.

That's where electrolysers come in.

So what's an electrolyser?

An electrolyser is the device used to extract hydrogen from water.

This happens when an electrical current is passed through a tank of water, separating hydrogen from oxygen in a process known as electrolysis.

If the electricity is generated from renewable sources, such as solar or wind, the hydrogen emits zero greenhouse gasses and, therefore, has no carbon footprint.

At this stage, it's unclear whether Mr Forrest's company, Fortescue Future Industries (FFI), will use solar or wind to renewably power the electrolysers.

So, to recap, green hydrogen is essentially hydrogen made without fossil fuels.

Once that green hydrogen is produced, it can then be burnt to produce heat or fed into a fuel cell to make electricity.

What will this hydrogen manufacturing facility produce?

Map showing FFI's master plan. (Supplied)

Mr Forrest said the first stage of the project will be a hub that will build green energy infrastructure and equipment, such as cabling and wind turbines.

More importantly, it will manufacture electrolysers.

The facility is destined to be built on Queensland government-owned land near Gladstone in Central Queensland and is the first stage of a six-step, $1 billion-plus operation.

Deputy Premier Steven Miles said the facility, built by FFI, will double the world's hydrogen capacity.

An artist's impression of FFI's green energy hydrogen manufacturing facility in Gladstone in Central Queensland. (Supplied)

"FFI will construct a facility with an initial capacity to manufacture up to two gigawatts of electrolysers annually," he said.

That renewable hydrogen energy will then be exported from Queensland to countries around the world.

How much will the facility cost? Mr Forrest described the overall operation as a "$1 billion-plus" investment.

The first stage of the six-step project is to build the facility near Gladstone. That will cost about $115 million.

According to Queensland Premier Annastacia Palaszczuk, this major investment also has the potential to create thousands of skilled jobs in regional areas.

Ms Palaszczuk said the plant was initially expected to generate more than 300 local jobs for the Central Queensland region and "thousands of jobs" into the future.

The Palaszczuk government last year announced a $10 million fund towards hydrogen investment, in addition to an earlier $15 million pledge.

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(AU The Guardian) The Frenetic Fan Dance Of The Fools Tells Us The Coalition Has Reached Crunch Time On Climate

The Guardian - 

The Coalition has spent years warning of the costs of action. Now the Liberals are presenting net zero as an opportunity

‘This much is certain: if a mid-century target gets vetoed by the junior Coalition partner, the Nationals will be running the government’s climate policy, and everyone will know that.’ Photograph: Mick Tsikas/AAP

Keith Pitt, the resources minister, made headlines this week when he opened the boondoggle bidding on net zero.

Pitt told Phil Coorey at the Australian Financial Review if Scott Morrison wanted agreement from the Nationals on a net zero target ahead of the Glasgow climate conference, he should put $250bn on the table.

Yes, that’s “b” for billion.

According to Pitt, if this transition was actually on, Australians taxpayers should bear the risks.

Pitt floated a cartoonishly bad idea where taxpayers would underwrite the financing and insurance of fossil fuels – including for overseas-owned companies – all because naughty Australian banks weren’t inclined to make bad bets.

If you’ve missed Pitt’s parable of the bad banks, let’s recap that quickly: bad banks are now more interested in virtue signalling to their obnoxiously woke inner-city clientele than backing salt-of-the-earth fossil fuel projects in the regions.

While opportunistic and often egregious corporate greenwashing is certainly at large across the lands – Pitt is dead right about that – commercial lending practices have nothing to do with slick marketing or social media hashtags.

Banks – hard-headed institutions that they are – are merely heeding the requirements of regulators, both local and international, to manage their exposure to carbon risk.

But according to the Pitt Declaration, safeguarding the interests of shareholders and customers through prudent lending practices (like not sprinting to bankroll planet cooking industries in inexorable decline) is … unAustralian.

But before anyone could say Venezuela, Pitt’s Queensland Nationals colleague Matt Canavan – a former Productivity Commission economist now apparently estranged from capitalism – was out and about with a different parable.

Canavan told a mildly startled Kieran Gilbert on Sky News that Australians should be prepared to pay higher interest rates in order to stare down international financiers managing carbon risk in global markets. Canavan’s Big Idea™ was actually wilder than Pitt’s, but it attracted significantly less attention.

Before we get there, some necessary context.

The precursor chemical for the Canavan Declaration was Josh Frydenberg stating the bleeding obvious a fortnight ago. In a speech outlining the economic case for net zero, the treasurer noted Australia is a net importer of capital to fund investment and growth, and global capital had already placed its bets on decarbonisation (given decarbonisation over the next three decades is the avowed policy of most governments – including Australia’s).

Frydenberg’s point was Australia can’t be King Canute.

Actually, that’s not quite right. His point was Australia can resist implementing the decarbonisation policy the Abbott/Turnbull/Morrison government signed up to voluntarily when it signed and ratified the Paris agreement five years ago – but self-defeating behaviour carries a measurable cost.

The cost of borrowing will likely increase for governments and for highly leveraged aspirational families servicing their mortgages. Gilbert put these arguments to Canavan.

Canavan had a feeling this probably wouldn’t happen. But if it did happen, then we should tell international banks to “bugger off”.

“Some things are worth paying for,” the Queensland National declared.

“If we are asked to pay just a bit more on our mortgage, I think we should probably do that.”

Now there’s an election-winning slogan if I’ve ever heard one. A sure-fire winner in the southern states of Australia.

The point of starting here is to note the following: over the next week, or two, Scott Morrison is going to attempt to reach agreement with the Nationals on a net zero commitment.

The frenetic fan dance of the fools tells us we’ve finally reached crunch point.

Morrison has been setting this pivot up since Joe Biden won the presidential election in the United States.

Over the last 12 months, Morrison has moved, increment by increment, to reframe a climate policy debate the Coalition has been weaponising to win elections for more than a decade.

The Coalition has spent years telling the Australian people climate change ambition would impose unmanageable costs on the community.

This was always absolute bullshit (sorry, I’d be polite, but the government’s unconscionable policy record does not warrant mercy).

Now, Morrison is presenting the transition as opportunity.

Rather than Whyalla wipe-out, we have the new energy economy.

As well as that prime ministerial shape shift – which is an important starting point if the climate curse is ever to be lifted in Australia – there are conversations happening right across the government that would not have happened only a couple of years ago.

Liberals and Nationals are starting to tell the truth: we need this transition to happen because the driest continent on earth has a significant stake in reducing the risks of runaway global heating, and because a carbon intensive economy like Australia’s is completely stuffed if we don’t adapt to the new reality.

It might not feel like it, but from where I sit, I can see progress. Genuinely.

Sadly, this level of progress needs to be kept in perspective.

If Morrison can emerge from his discussions with the Nationals with a net zero commitment, viewed substantively, this “advance” is who cares on a number of levels.

While the Coalition has been busy building its bullshit complex on climate action to win domestic elections, much of the rest of the world has moved on from weighing mid-century commitments (that were actually agreed to in-principle when Paris was signed) to the imperative of driving urgent action this decade. Action now. That’s what the science tells us needs to happen.

Any net zero commitment Morrison emerges with will be rhetorical. There are no plans to legislate it.

The price of landing an in-principle agreement with the Nationals, on current indications, will likely be excluding agriculture from heavy lifting on abatement (but not from the income streams associated with carbon sequestration), and a bucket of sweet something or other for the resources sector – hopefully some distance south of Pitt’s coal bank of mum and dad.

The price will also be a rigid political narrative that technology (rather than caps on emissions and sensible market-based mechanisms to actually reduce them) is what delivers the decarbonisation by mid-century.

The same Nationals who told their constituents in 2019 that they were all the way with fossil fuels and nothing needed to change can’t go back home three years later and say they were lying.

They have to be able to say that technology is now the magic fairy dust that solves everything – you can have your fossil fuels, and decarbonisation too.

As well as all this lead in Morrison’s saddlebags necessitated by the demands of the junior Coalition partner – the requirement to negotiate with a factionalised, combustible party room that, like a bunch of lovelorn adolescents, either loves or hates Barnaby Joyce, as if this was a faultline that actually mattered – there is also the obvious contradictions in the Coalition’s positions.

Voters are absolutely entitled to ask just how real any mid-century decarbonisation commitment is, when the same government prepared to (sort of) promise net zero by 2050 is very obviously leaving all the heavy lifting on abatement to the states while presiding over new gasfields and new coalmines.

As well as Morrison’s net zero objective, there has been persistent talk that the government will use new projections predicting overachievement on the current 2030 emissions reduction target as cover to formally increase ambition over the medium term. I’m not sure the talk is right, but it’s certainly persistent.

Right now, wrestling the Nationals on net zero looks hard enough. Nobody is entirely certain what will happen once the real negotiation starts.

People around Morrison say Joyce is an enabler not a saboteur, but fact is he returned to the Nationals leadership on a platform of blocking the Liberals and their climate policy pivot.

That was a core part of Joyce’s pitch: that Morrison would roll right over Michael McCormack, so you’d best restore me to the top job.

Shortly after he vanquished McCormack, Joyce discovered what to do about climate policy was actually a contested issue within his own ranks. The resurrected leader was told by a number of colleagues, forcefully, to pull his head in, and ever since, Joyce has fronted, by and large, as a humble if persistently incoherent vessel of the Nationals party room. Man for others. Living to serve.

So the trajectory of the next couple of weeks is genuinely hard to predict.

But this much is certain: if Morrison can’t land his proposition, if the mid-century target gets vetoed by the junior Coalition partner, the Nationals will be running the government’s climate policy, and everyone will know that.

That will weaken Morrison’s prime ministership, if not kill it – and that fact gives the prime minister every incentive to do whatever it takes.

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(The Guardian) Clean Environment Is A Human Right, UN Council Agrees

The Guardian - Associated Press

Human rights council also appoints special rapporteur to monitor impact of climate crisis on rights

The human rights council passed the clean-environment resolution, which also calls on countries to boost their abilities to improve the environment, by 43-0. Photograph: Jerome Gilles/NurPhoto/REX/Shutterstock

Geneva - The UN’s main human rights body has overwhelmingly voted to recognise the right to a safe, clean, healthy and sustainable environment as a human right, and to appoint an expert to monitor human rights in the context of the climate emergency.

The human rights council passed the clean-environment resolution, which also calls on countries to boost their abilities to improve the environment, by 43-0 while four member states – China, India, Japan and Russia – abstained.

Lucy McKernan, deputy director for UN advocacy at Human Rights Watch, called the clean-environment measure a “significant advance” to help address the global environmental crisis.

“Global recognition of this right will help empower local communities to defend their livelihoods, health, and culture against environmental destruction, and help governments develop stronger and more coherent environmental protection laws and policies,” she said.

Another resolution creates a three-year post of a “special rapporteur” who will – among other things – monitor “how the adverse effects of climate change, including sudden and slow onset disasters, affect the full and effective enjoyment of human rights.”

That measure passed 42-1. Russia objected, and China, Eritrea, India and Japan abstained.

The votes came on the second-last day of the 47-member council’s autumn session, which among other things approved a special rapporteur to monitor rights in Afghanistan – a vote opposed by Pakistan – and ended an effort to monitor rights in war-torn Yemen.

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11/10/2021

(AU The Guardian) Climate 200 Raises $2m In Six Weeks To Help Independents But Expects Liberal Party ‘Interference’

The Guardian -  

Convenor Simon Holmes à Court says more than 2,000 donors kicked in funds for looming election campaigns against Coalition incumbents

Climate 200 was formed to support the political campaigns of independents focused on climate change who will challenge Liberal MPs. Photograph: Lukas Coch/AAP

An organisation supporting independent candidates focused on climate change to challenge Liberal incumbents in urban heartland seats says it has raised $2m in six weeks.

Simon Holmes à Court, the convenor of Climate 200, told Guardian Australia more than 2,000 donors had kicked in funds for looming political campaigns by independents – including some high net worth individuals.

But Holmes à Court said the Atlassian co-founder Mike Cannon-Brookes – who was involved in some political campaigns during the 2019 election – had not yet made a pledge.

A number of metropolitan Liberals feel under political pressure because of the federal Coalition’s climate policy record.

The Liberal senator Andrew Bragg has written to the Australian Electoral Commission asking for a probe of the “voices” movements that are organising independent campaigns in blue-ribbon Liberal-held seats.

Holmes à Court said he expected heavy public scrutiny and “endless interference” from the Liberal party ahead of the federal election “so we are absolutely scrupulous in our disclosure obligations”.

But he said Climate 200 did not feel compelled to declare the source of donations below the current disclosure threshold, which is $14,500.

He said close to 1,700 donors giving contributions below the threshold had consented to be named, and they would be disclosed shortly on the organisation’s website. But he added: “We are not going to tie our hands behind our backs and we don’t want to discourage donors.”

Holmes à Court noted the Australian Greens disclosed donations at a lower threshold “and as a result there are a lot of people who would like to donate to them but don’t”.

“I don’t see that’s a winning strategy from the Greens’ perspective,” he said.

Holmes à Court said while he personally favoured more transparency, including real-time disclosure of contributions, many Australians were very reluctant to be identified as supporting various political causes.

“It’s pretty sad that a lot of people are terrified about disclosing in Australia,” he said.

“It’s one way we push people away from the democratic system with this culture that it is somehow dirty to donate to politics – that means lots of good people don’t engage with the political system when the fossil fuel industry is loud and proud and happy to pay $20,000 to sit next to the prime minister for an evening.”

He said one of his objectives with Climate 200 was to “make it more palatable for people to support politics in Australia”.

Holmes à Court said his objective was to amass a war chest of around $3m. “We are really focused on growing the breadth of donations.”

The technology entrepreneur Simon Hackett and the climate investor Simon Monk have pursued a strategy with Climate 200 of matching donations, where the individual makes a donation on the basis the contribution will be matched by a bunch of small contributions.

“The matching works really well because it doesn’t crowd out smaller investors,” Holmes à Court said. “This is much more powerful if it is broad-based.”

Simon Holmes à Court with former independent MP Kerryn Phelps on the day her Medevac bill was passed with a full page advertisement giving doctors a voice.

Climate 200 is a company not a charity.

Holmes à Court said it does not select candidates, but it is a fundraising vehicle to bankroll campaigns by independents.

Holmes à Court is the convenor, Damien Hodgkinson – who worked with Kerry Phelps during her campaign to win the Sydney seat of Wentworth – is a director of the company and Byron Fay is the group’s executive director.

With independent insurgencies popping up in metropolitan seats, many Liberals have been vocal during the Morrison government’s internal debate about climate commitments ahead of the Cop26 summit in Glasgow.

In late September, the Liberal party’s federal director, Andrew Hirst, also appealed for donations to build a fighting fund to respond to the fundraising drive of Climate 200 and other groups.

In his email to supporters, Hirst declared: “We can’t risk more left-leaning independents tipping Labor (and the Greens) into power.”

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